 para invitar-me a fazer esta lectura. Eu irei leer, porque meu idioma não é muy fluente, e eu espero que isso se entende. O Parianic Islands were the target of military expeditions before formal occupation in 902, an expedition was undertaken in the year 707 to the islands of Mayurka and Manurka by the fleet of Ifriqía. This was the first one. At the end of the 8th century, we know that other expeditions were undertaken and in the year 848 another expedition to Majorca and Minorca was organized by the Amnist under Man, because the islanders had broken a pact, a previous pact. The chronicler Ivan Hyen mentions the breaking of a previous pact, indeed, which had probably been established during the expedition of the 707. This pact granted peace to the inhabitants of the Husul, which is the Arab term for fortifications, in exchange for the payment of a very hard tribute comprising one third of their wealth and people. There is no mention of Ibiza in any of the chronicles which describe these expeditions. Infact, there is no archaeological evidence that can be securely dated between the 8th and the 10th centuries in Ibiza. It is possible that there was a significant population decline during this period to the point that the Andalusian chronicles show no need to include Ibiza as part of the pact. Some authors are still recently underlying the fact that there is a very scant archaeological evidence from the 8th and 9th centuries and that is a common future of the three islands. Masluir, Kao and Therrea Barthosa are the latest authors pointing at these evidence. Very few finds have been recorded and it is not yet possible to describe the settlement pattern between the early 8th century and the end of the 9th century. Findings of coins of the 8th and 9th century could be explained according to Barceló and Rotamero by the existence of fiscal relationship as a result of the mentioned pact. After the events in the mid 9th century the islands were not mentioned again by Arab sources until the official conquest done by Hisa Malhaulani in 902. Although the sources only mention the island of Majorca the immigration of tribal groups from the eastern part of Andalus took place on the three islands. Since Ibiza was geographical in the closest to the Iberian Peninsula it must have also functioned as a stopover point for those travelling to Majorca and Norca. A number of governors, Wally, named by the Emir of Córdoba came after the first governor, Hisa Malhaulani. The presence of Amil, a delegate whose main function was to collect the taxes of a district on behalf of the Emir and future Caliph Adalharman shows that the islands were submitted to the Umayyad Authority. A number of individuals with this role have been documented throughout the 10th century. However, Retamero and Moll have emphasised the weak presence of the Caliphate Authority as evidenced in the numismatic record. Again, according to Retamero, the colonisation of the islands after the 902 was undertaken separately from the administrative organisation of the Caliphate as the Caliphate was not able to control the creation of new settlements from a fiscal point of view. Following the numismatic record then it seems that migration has neither administratively directed nor organised. Only in the 11th century was the type of state capable of regular fiscal intervention in the rural networks of settlements. In this context we should also note the insignificance of the development of Medina Mallorca, the main city of the islands before the 11th century. It can be suggested that the establishment and function of administrative districts in Mallorca or of the short collection of English documents in Ibiza occurred after an organised rural colonisation. We know of these administrative divisions through Catalan documents written after the Christian conquest of the Balearic Isles in the 13th century. The Repartiment, the Remembranza in Mallorca and the Memorial Division is in Ibiza. All are written records of the distribution of the newly conquered lands between the feudal lords who participated in the conquest. Written references to the administrative organisation of the islands are so scarce that it's difficult to trace how it works or who held the main responsibilities. But the tribal groups established in the islands don't seem to have been excluded since they were enough influential to give the name to the administrative districts. Barcelona has analysed the toponymy associated with these administrative regions in some of which are related to well identified Berber groups. Arta, nowadays Arta, coming from Yartan, which is the Arabisation for the name of the Berber Aetiraten, cana rosa, from cana rosa, which derives from the word cana that should be related to the Vanuarous, manacor refers to the Berber mancur. Concerning Menorca, no evidence for similar administrative divisions exists. The documents generated by the 1287 conquest divide Menorca into three major portions, Cintadella, the Castle of Santa Agedda and the Castle of Malo. It is unclear whether these terms were based on Muslim administrative divisions. The three castles, named Xum, in the Arabic sources, which we know of in Menorca were already occupied before 902. And were used by the inhabitants of Menorca as a shelter from which they could resist attack as mentioned in several other chronicles in their accounts of the great conquest expeditions and the conquest of Isam al-Haulani. Al-Sufri describes the Isam al-Arum as a large fortress where the room local in habitants hide and resisted over eight years. Ibn Khaldun mentions how Isam al-Haulani undertook the conquest by means of occupying one by one on the issue. Furthermore, the three castles of Alaró, Felanich and Valenza are mentioned by Alidici in the 12th century. And finally, all of them reappear in the narrations and documents of the Catalan conquest in the 13th century. A thorough study of this Khusum has not yet been undertaken. All of these Khusum are located on a big rock platform where there are several cisterns and walls specially where it is easier to climb. In Alaró and Felanich springs of fresh water, humans existed, though are now lost. The documents of the 13th and 14th centuries refer to works completed in the castles, but it's difficult to ascertain without a careful analysis and excavation the building phases and their chronologies. The recent deployment of the castle of Santuari discovered significant remains of Byzantine and Muslim date, specially coins, rings, bows, wightings and documents. Other small fortifications could exist at least where place names indicate their existence. Casteloxan, Castelo, Castelo, El Castellan, Castellich, Castellonion all names that are recorded in written documents. The last one, Castelion should be in Arabic Castil al-Yun, the castle of the springs and was probably located at the end of the island where several dry stones have been identified but not properly studied. The fact that these fortifications have been preserved in the place name of some rural settlements, alquirías is the Arabic name, demonstrates that they were probably peasant structures. In any case, in the 13th century they were viewed in the post-conquest written records as rural settlements as alquirías. Only a small fortified site has been recently excavated in the north west of the islands by Alberto, Garcia and others. The Butch de Naurisca in Calviá is a tallaiot prehistoric megalitic tower against which rooms were built during the medieval deadland. The excavation of the rooms has yielded a number of earths and pottery assemblages. The site has been identified as a hill where according to James, King James Chronicle the Andalusian defenders took a stand against the Catalan invaders in 1229. Most of the pottery found in the excavation has been dated to this period. Although some pieces suggest that the site might have been inhabited from as early as the 11th century. In any case, the medieval rooms are in all respects identical to other domestic structures found as they were on the islands like those excavated in Menorca by Cereth Guelph or myself. The Catalan records concerning the path of Cap de Pera signed by King James and the inhabitants of the island and also concerning the conquest of the island clearly distinguish between the castles Maó, Santágeda and Ciutadena. Ciutadena is the translation of Alcaso, an urban fortification which in the path of Cap de Pera is alluded to as Almirain de Porto Minurica the fortified palace of the port. In a brief description of Menorca mid 13th century even inside Almagribí claimed that the center of the island was dominated by a big fortress of the island of the island a big fortress hism probably referring to the castle of Santa Águela. The toponym Saint Agaín mentioned in the path of Cap de Pera has been interpreted by Rosilo Porto as one of those cases in which Saint or San is derivated of Sanat slope or hillside and Agaín in this case Agaís the plural of Agaín Catalan notaries transformate it in a same place. The castle of Santa Águela is at the summit of the third highest hill on the island the fortification is rather large approximately five hectares in size and can be divided into three enclosures with towers. Different construction phases can be appreciated but the chronology is uncertain because the castle has not been subject to archaeological excavation. A recent intervention carried out by the consen de Menorca the local government institution in order to clean and consolidate a wall a system on the channel has not given you details about the reason. Also a road was built to allow access for the equipment necessary for the walls causing damage to two sections of the wall. These walls were undertaken with no expert archaeological supervision. Quater supply depend on systems some of which are very large the remains of the walls can be appreciated in the interior of the castle and there are large quantities of tiles and pottery that suggest a permanent occupation. There are no fortifications remains in Ilytha apart from the city walls but there is mention in the memory and vision is of two quila located on the boundaries of the districts at present there is no archaeological evidence for this. Tala in singular is one of the terms used in the Arab literature sources to designate the earliest fortifications after the conquest in Alhambra and in Alhambra. So one of them Jebel Alcalá lent his name to a hamlet Caria Alcalá which indicates the loss of its original defensive form the function and location of the fortifications are uncertain. The toponym Sa Cala in Formentera is located on the top of a coastal cliff on the northeastern part of the island. The site has been recently excavated by Ramón and Colomar with the goal of investigating a prehistoric fortification. The toponym does not refer to a cove or a small beach in Catalan Cala there are no coves in this part of the coast. The fact that the site comprises a prehistoric wall and tower to which several rooms where added during the Islamic period similarly to the Namoriska site already mentioned suggests that the toponym is Islamic steaming from Alcalá and that it refers to a small fortification which produced prehistoric structures as in the case of Namoriska in Mallorca the rooms included remains of earths built with refractory clay and pottery assemblages that in this case were heavily destroyed. Again this kind of structures are also found in the 13th century excavation of domestic context in Mallorca. A new batter of settlement was organized after the conquest. The great majority of clans of tribal groups which immigrated to the islands came from Alandrax, the Iberia Peninsula and they established themselves in short shortly after the conquest of the islands by Ismail Haulani in 902 According to Barceló the possibility of colonizing the islands was not considered under the activities of the Barrión groups of sailors with tribal organization provided the necessary information on harbors, roots, naval requirements and settlement conditions. This pre-conquest assessment was essential for the effective organization of the micro groups so the bulk of the organization would have taken place from the 902 onwards. The strong homogeneity in the settlement patterns and the technology that was employed to transform the rural landscape indicates that the colonization was completed in a brief period of time. The skills and knowledge required to do the selection were to build agricultural spaces and settlements would have been acquired and in mainland Alandrax before the conquest and the beginning of the tension. So the process of colonization can be recognized in the spatial decisions made by the groups of micro groups. Irrigated ideas appear to be the access around which all other technical choices were made. The term for these rural settlements used in the documentary sources from Alandrax and in the bulk of Catalan documents is Alquería Gixar defines the Alquería as a rural hamlet of village inhabited by a human group with a common origin whether tribal or clan. This has led some researchers to identify the term as a place of rural residents. However, in Alquería is more than this. It also refers to a territory where there can be more than one residential area, more than one cultivation area including pastures and gathering areas. The boundaries of these lands are not always precise and we do not know how permeable they were. There are cases where within the boundaries of a clan territory there were many other clan settlements. We will see some examples later. The records written after the conquest of Mallorca often provide detailed descriptions of even the smallest Alquerías down to the number of houses from three to 20 houses the biggest one. A document, for instance, a document from 1281 describes three hamlets in the valley of Alru. Benaugir was made up of eight houses a vegetable garden two vineyards and two olive tree groves. Yenfan had four houses two plots of four cereals and two gardens comprising an irrigated area of less than one hectare in size. Banyons had three houses a mosquí two plots cultivated with fodder three vegetable gardens a vineyard and a plot of land which the document describes as uncultivated comprising an irrigated area of three and a half hectares in size. So, very small size settlements. Other Alquerías are somewhat bigger and are generally found in association with larger irrigation systems. Umiola, for example, must have had a maximum of 20 houses and 10 irrigated hectares while Almaró had approximately 10 houses and 15 irrigated hectares. It is more difficult to establish with any precision the function of the rows in other rows. The definition provided by Dixar refers to a private exploitation usually located on the outskirts of the towns. However, this description would only fit the rows located in the immediate surroundings of Madina, Mallorca where there are a number of them some of which belong to people with a public public role. In the rural areas in contrast, the Raghals seem to have constitute peasant workplaces that played complementary role to the Alquerías. Raghals were area areas of passión, cultivated plots farms. Some had groups of houses similar to those found in Alquerías. In the documents produced after the Catalan conquest which record the size of Alquerías and Raghals, they later are said to be comparatively smaller. There are a number of documentary examples where Alquerías are mentioned with their Raghals or Raghals. The relationship between the Alquerías and the Raghals reinforces the interpretation of Raghals as complementary areas of work linked to the Alquerías. Some of the Raghals evolved to a more stable settlement similar to the Alquerías. Some of them are called Alquerías in the Christian freedom record. For instance, the Raghals who are called Alquerías Raghals showed that Catalan coqueros didn't see a significant difference between Alachal and Alquería. Probably what originally was only a subsidiary working area had become a distinct and stable settlement by the 13th century. Alquerías and Raghals were organized in networks of settlements established around irrigated areas and in large clan territories where meadows, woodland and scrubland allowed for livestock farming, hunting and nothing. Irrigación would have enabled the people to be independent from rainwater which is especially important given the rainfall is rather scarce but at the same time irrigation would also have determined the size and the shape of cultivation areas to which the water was delivered. The largest irrigated areas could have been shared by several groups and the smaller ones were usually exploited by a single group but in general we deal with very small irrigated areas from less than one hectare of surface for the smallest ones to a one around 15 for the biggest one being the average size of one hectare as well as the central option of irrigated areas complementary strategies suggest stock breeding and dry agriculture were developed but they are less no, the peripheral groups dedicated to the breeding of livestock or the growing of crops are dependent on rain the networks therefore not format by settlements which had the same demográfico or the same opportunities as many as 31 settlements were located in the valleys of the southern slope of the main orchestra mountain range many along the primary and secondary streams some of the toponyx in these valleys refer to berber plants several of which are known to have founded a number of settlements in the islands we can see three examples of them the Banuagil, the Banuforanic and the Banuaroos are both examples of segmentation and redeplication of the place the 31 settlements exhibí a close relationship with the points where water was obtained for irrigation through the building of cannons the largest hydraulic systems were constructed along the central waterways in the valleys of this part of the Traumontan mountain range for instance the systems of Honola covered around 10 hectares those of Juanegra almost 8 hectares and the one of Amaro 15 hectares these systems had the most abundant supplies of water also the water mills were concentrated in these places these systems were often shared by several alquerias we can see the example of Juanegra and it was also here that most of the mills were concentrated situated in the small tributary valleys of the central waterways there were other settlements which were also associated with irrigated arellias but were much smaller with irrigated surfaces of less than 2 hectares and one share only in exceptional cases they had mills in other regions of Mallorca hydraulic systems are not so abundant such as in the part of Manacol studied by Sages and the Terra de Calanis studied by Perfello and myself in the southeast part of the east island where water collection did not exist and irrigation depended mainly on natural springs this means that a large number of settlements were not linked to irrigated areas but rather relied on semi-wild and domestic husbandry taking advantage of scrubland and marshland pastures non-irrigated agriculture which was principally based on cereals probably developed in the outskirts of these wet areas in the Terra de Calanis the Banforanic built an irrigated space using the most powerful spring in the region which measured around 8 hectares the Banfarer touched water for irrigation and a series of small springs situated on the southern slope of the hill where the heath of the Elaniche was located Other settlements named after tribal rules are mentioned in the written record as being associated to stop breeding and secondly to dry family As in the case of the Terra de Calanis in the area of Manacol studied by Sages was also around and irrigation depended mainly on natural springs the Manco in this case built the largest irrigated area spread over almost 7 hectares and with two water fields what is interesting of this case study is the central settlement called Cariat Assop which is the Catalan Natural Transformation of Cariat Alchique the market of Caria was probably a rural market that produced a stable that finally produced a stable settlement notice that all the road point to this place in the eastern sector on the island another network settlement was formed around the berber group of the heath Iraten the name of the juice Yarden is linked to this group which also had other alquerías in the island the alquería Almudaina of Artano Almudaina is an Arabic word for fortification fortified palace located in a hill in present day artan most have been inhabited by the Iraten and is associated with one of the largest hydraulic systems in the region approximately 8 hectares in size and two watermills the territory was settled by both berber and Arab groups including the Banuamira, Banuachen, Banuara Banuainan, Banujamila Banuatinda this region has been studied by Archimere the map of Ibiza highlights the association of settlements with the cultivated areas not the irrigated spaces, the wet and drainage areas near the madina of Ibiza the aluvial lands around the final stretch of Cuscastel stream the area of the plain of Cessalinas which is also drainage and finally the colleges of Corona and Abarca in the north which were probably used as pastures the map shows that the irrigated systems are concentrated around the basin of the Santa Blamia river the short streams which flow towards the northern coast of the England the streams of Fuiterra and Yavanera which flow into the bay of Ibiza that of Cuscastel which flows into Pornman Bay and several lesser streams on the southern coast there are extensive areas with no drainage spaces in both the western part and the northern eastern part of the island the absence of streams or courses that could be used for irrigation corresponds with a lower density of ceramic mines as well as depth of preserved, of documented and the lucid place names Special mention should be made of the area near the Madina in the Plada Vila where several groups alongside the inhabitants of the town built an orchard area surrounding an extensive area of Huetland Amongst them there were the pervers banal ager who have already seen them in Mallorca and the Sumata This orchard area was mentioned in the Memorial Edition and over the documents written after the conquest mentioned is also made in the Liber Majorikinos a chronicle of Catalan and Pison attack and the saking of the Balearic islands that occurred in Tuadxentri The humidity of the water flowing from the drainage channels would have been sufficient to guarantee the crops However water wells are mentioned in text and several wells for supplying them have been found Another good example of a network of settlements is the group of four berber settlements in the valley of Buzcastell the Banofarga the Banukarbo and the Banukawara built and managed an irrigated space two and a half hectares with four mills the channel begins in a spring and runs along the valley In Menorca settlement networks were organized around irrigated spaces built at the bottom of sea ravines in the south of the islands studied by Barcelona and Retamer These were small irrigation systems less than one hectare in size The settlement was located at the upper end of the ravines less than ten minutes walk from the irrigation systems There are also a large number of toponyms with berber roots Benifemíres Benifemíres Benifepalsits Benisegarra Some of the toponyms also refer to Arab groups such as the Yemeni I only do a short reference cites in order not to extend too much my legend. There was no continuity between Roman and Islamic cities, although the islamic Martina Mallorca reused the Roman defensive structures. In Poland several beats, a few structures, plundered stretches and assemblage of pottery demonstre following Orphila and Riera Ruina and the occupation of the following area between the 10th and the 11th centuries. The chronology for the necropolis placed over the former Polandia, obtained by radiocarbon dating, places between the 9th and the 12th centuries a series of burials that didn't follow an islamic rhythm. Following Kao and Overs, the interpretation of these burials and their chronology constitutes an unresorbed issue for the world. Iberjaldun's account of islam, if Issam Al-Hawlani's conquest includes the earliest illusion to the urban organization of the islands, probably referring to Madinuilka. According to this account, Issam Al-Hawlani ordered the construction of mosques, inns, fundos and baths. Riera Fraud thinks that during the period of the Caliphate, the city of Madinuilka does not appear to have extended beyond the Roman limits. The city wall was already built in the early 12th century as demonstrated by the accounts of the Catalan peasant expedition. The libero maioliquinos contains a detailed description of the city, which is prouled on either side of a tomb and has been constructed and was surrounded by walls. This description also mentions the channel that broke water from a canal, built extrafeso 8 km north of the city. This channel is related to us in El Amir, a term which has been interpreted as a Latinization of Ein Alamir, the Emir's String. The course of the wall has been reconstructed by Riera Fraud, who claims that the main factor in the desing of the wall was not the number of people to be sheltered, but the presence of the channel and its lateral branches. All the streets are taken account of these water branches. According the documents, right after the feudal conquest, at that time the city had around 3,500 houses, 60 mosquitos and 5 public maps. The markets, including those specializing in coal, silver, tools and pottery, were located near the gates. These urban developers did not crystallize the water until the 11th sheet. Yavisa was considered a small city by the Andalusian chronicles. Per Idrissi states that in Yavisa there is a good city which, despite its small size, has all the amenities required by civilization. Alcimiali describes it as a good small city which has all the things that one finds in a big bubble cities. The Catalan referred to this urban center as Castro, and those they appear not to have considered it a proper city. Again, Libero Majoriquinos conveys a detailed description of the city, especially the walls, which comprise it in three circuits, that are on the cars that run around the city and one that encircle a suburban area or urban. This account also mentions the moat, which is described as a channel flooded with wet water from the marshals. The excavations undertaken in Yavisa all town have discovered several of the sections of the walls and towers and a part of this suburban mansion in the Brighton sources. Very little is known about Madina Manulica. There have been some excavations, but these have only been partially published. The reconstruction of the Islamic city proposed by Retamerro Anmol chiefly depends on the documents generated after the Christian conquest in the late 13th century. According to these authors, Madina was in the late 13th century and was bigger than five hectares in size. Inside the city, written documents, mentioned houses, pipe furnaces, two corn markets, bread oens near the mosque and gardens and fodder fields, which occupied the unbuilt spaces. There was also a castle, the residence of the rise of Manulica at the moment of the conquest. The Balearics, then urban centers, were chiefly promoted by the Caliphate and especially the Tifa Kingdom. The numismatic records suggest that the fiscal structure of the island became consolidated in the Tifa-Penet portion. And it is therefore not surprising that the urban development of the three main cities did not take off until the 11th century. As I'm already concluding, as pointed out above, the initial process of colonization must have happened over a short time span and involved sufficient numbers to guarantee the success. Barceló suggests the first half of the 10th century for this process of establishing the cave features of rural settlement and the agricultural systems upon which they depended. The observed homogeneity shows that any later modifications of this type of settlement had never significantly changed the initial system and they are difficult to recognize because they still use the same technical knowledge and the same selection criteria. To date, however, it has been difficult to identify this process archaeologically. We have detected the network of settlement in the agricultural area than to say that the Catalan invaders in the 13th century when they reached the peak of their development. We have identified traces of the processes that followed the initial settlement. For instance, the conversion of rations originally subsidiary working areas into arquerias or the building of new irrigated areas next to the original ones as a way of expanding the initial agrarian space. However, our knowledge does not extend to all phases of colonization. We still lack of georchaeological studies and precise dating of these agricultural areas. Besides, there are very few excavated rural settlements in the Balallaric Isles. Only recently have the Islamic strategic context been paid attention. But most these are risk-rescue excavations or are related to projects whose goal is not to investigate the endangering settlement but rather a reused prehistoric site. There is no ongoing long-term excavation project that aims to analyze rural settlement patterns. Thus, the settlement distribution has been analyzed mainly through archaeological survey, idroric archaeology and the analysis of the place names. By enlarge archaeological surveys have not yielded material that predates the 11th century and very few excavated assemblages have been dated to the 10th century. From Mallorca, we should note the collections of the small jars found in the pre-used rehistoric of late Roman settlements. In Mallorca, no archaeological context dating to the 10th century has been found to that. In Ibiza, in contrast, the analysis of the material held by the Museum of Ibiza and for Mentera and the small pottery assemblages coming from the castle excavation has led to the identification of a local ceramic tradition and that could be under way as early as the 10th century. If there is something peculiar about these peasant groups that settled in the Balallaric Isles the technical means by which they undertook the colonizing and there from the overseas transport of people, animals, plants, seeds and tools to the selection and construction of agricultural spaces. They created a peasant-based network of settlements that was to determine the settlement pattern of to the modern age. In any case, in its initial configuration during the caliphate the state played no substantial role in the formation of agricultural spaces on which the livelihood of the peasant groups depended. Pro-search carried out over the last 30 years in the Balallaric Islands has not only allowed for an accurate description of the migration process and the technical means with which the following colonization was affected but also has shown the scale of the process. The average surface area irrigated by the hydraulic systems in the Balallaric is relatively small around one hectare in average. Expondent out by Redamero the small size of the agricultural units was not only related to the technical limitations of the hydraulic systems but also to a deliberate policy. Despite their small size these agricultural systems had a substantial ecological impact. The migration of peasant groups in the 10th century resulted in the emergence of a new agrarian landscape with no direct local precedence that may have conditioned the colonization pattern. The excavation of agrarian structures that were used before the arrival of muslim colonists for the processing of agricultural and animal products has not provided evidence for the previous land use structure. In any case, pre-islamic settlements which provide little evidence for continuity after the 7 or the 8 centuries were not usually do you get after the 10th century. The explanation for this lies in the following facts. The settlement of the Berber and Arab immigrants was heavily conditioned by the selection of appropriate spaces for cultivation and the agricultural model imported by the new arrivals was entirely novel both in technical, irrigation systems and landscape terms occupation of the valley, bottoms and some terracing slopes. The re-occupation of some Roman settlements especially Pama and the abandonment of others like Polencia or Sanicera in Menolca also resulted in the emergence of a new urban model. Even if the survival of Christian groups at least in Polencia with roads that stretch back to late antiquity after the 8th century and 9th century and even in the 10th century is finally ascertain. It do not undermine the enormous impact that Berber and Arab migration had from the 10th century onwards. And finally the new agrarian landscape that emerged from the Berber and Arab immigration was to have a crucial impact on the colonization instigated from the 13th century onwards by the feudal conquerors. The Catalan colonists led by the feudal lord encontred rigid irrigation spaces which they tried to adapt to a new production regime based on the collection of feudal rents. Thank you for your attention.