 My name is Hans Kopi. I'm living in Berlin a long time. Now I'm a pensionist, but I have to do a lot of things. I have no or seldom free time. I am a freelance collaborator in the Memorial for German Resistance Movement in Berlin. And then I am the leader of the Berlin organization of persecuted people in the Nazi time. Persecuted people who were arrested or survived concentration camps or jails in the Nazi time. And now I'm more organized the second or third generation and other people who are interested in history and more younger people who are interested in the actual debate against Nazism, racism, homophobia and other not so joyful parts of the society in which we live now. This is my work, what I'm doing and we're preparing exhibitions and conferences and other in the next days on Sunday we will carry out a day for remembering of the people of the victims of fascism and it's a day of action against Nazism, racism and war. And this is the heritage of the German resistance movement and this is the heritage of the people who are swerved after the liberation of the concentration camp in Buchenwald. And it's so that we are here in the topography of the terror. It was in the 30s and 40s until the end of the Nazi time. It was the headquarters of the Gestapo and Reichsicherheitshauptamt and my father was arrested here in the middle of September of 1942 until 22 December of 1942. It was the last day in his life and he came from the house, from the house arrest here. It's nearby where we are sitting, to the execution place in Plötzensee together with 12 other comrades who were sentenced by death. Sentenced to death by the highest military court three days before. My mother and my father were arrested in the middle of September and my father was pregnant and I was born in a prison here in Berlin. And my father saw me one time, I don't know if my mother had to go in this Gestapo house or my father maybe he came to the woman prison where we live. And my mother were sentenced by death too in January and she wrote a petition of grace. And this petition of grace were denied by Hitler not only for my mother, for 12 other women too and they are executed on 5th of August. And the mother of my mother, my grandmother picked up me three days before and later my grandmother died and then I came to my grandparents, the parents of my father after the war. And the history of the Red Orchester, so named by the Gestapo was every time present in my family and I remember that after the war and later came friends of my father for instance. They were friends in a circle and who knew them from the school and later in the Nazi time they were in the friend circle and the resistance circle. And so I knew step by step more about my father, more than about my mother and later as I was after the school and then I noticed that it was not only the fate of my parents, they were connected with a great group, about 120 people were arrested in autumn 42 and these people were part of the Red Orchester it named. My father was a radio operator and I thought that he every time was duty in this action. And for me he was a hero but it was not so easy to live with heroes as a child. It was the Cold War and it was so that for instance the resistance of my parents and their friends, it was so that more and more journalists or historians in western Germany said the Red Orchester didn't belong to the German resistance movement. They were part of a Soviet spinet in western Europe and they worked for the Soviet intelligence services and it was not okay and it was so that later I thought that in the 50s the name Red Orchester was a synonym for Soviet spy in the present. And it was so that the Red Orchester grew up more and more, 1000 of people took part, 100 radio operators worked in this time and it was not a view from the history, it was a view from the present anti-communist attitude and the Cold War. It was this Cold War view on the history but this silence was introduced by the Soviets. They were not interested in speaking about this Red Orchester. The Soviet ambassador gave us the order and he said that the Soviet people and the government was proud that the Germans fought together with the Soviets against the fascists. And it was able to discuss my questions with collaborators of the intelligence service, not official, but they were interested in this case of Red Orchester too and I asked it, it is possible, I was very interested to see the messages who sent my father to Moscow by radio. And then I met one man and he was in the archive and he said we didn't get any messages from Germany, from Berlin. But in the Western Germany book of a journalist by Spiegel, he wrote 500 messages were sent from Berlin to Moscow and my father was an organizer to send these messages. And so I was in an archive of the common town then in East Germany in a great book about the history of the German working movement, about the time of resistance and I read that the leaders of the Communist Party who lived in Moscow and they conducted the groups in Berlin. And I looked for evidences, but I didn't have evidences, it was a lie too, to the many lies which I found. In 1942 here in Berlin was a great anti-Soviet exhibition, the Soviet paradise in May. It was so that the essential aims were not reached in the last autumn and they had a lot of problems in the Eastern Front and the German army were condemned before Moscow, in front of Moscow and so the Goebbels decided we must do more for the inner front. And so they erected a big exhibition to the so-called Soviet paradise. One person made a proposal, we can make stickers and they made stickers, about 1000 stickers. And a permanent exhibition, the Nazi paradise, hunger, Gestapo war, how long much? And it was a small sticker and the discussion was now, it is too dangerous to do that. And it was so that the people recognized, realized that in Berlin that the opponents are in this town, they are active. It was a small view, it is an alternative, it has resistance or thinking over what I do in this time. And this is possible in this non-structure, the Gestapo made a big report, not for themselves, for Hitler, Göring and others. And they began in France, in Belgium, in Holland and in Germany and so they constructed the organization, which didn't exist in this form. But this was possible after breaking the wall, because the interest of the Communist Party and the GDR was not to take anything with which the Soviet comrades didn't understand and didn't agree it. And the history of the party was not the reality of the situation for the German Communist in the difficult situation. After breaking the wall it was possible to think over about all these questions without considering the different interests. The history of the Red Orchestra accompanied me and it's so that if I would be invited to tell about the story in schools, for instance, or younger people or older people, then I try to speak about the people and not about the history of the organization. In Germany it shows that the political resistance movement and the victims of fascism, that is only for the Germans, a small minority. In the small minority you find the people of the plot of the 20th of July. This is the most important narrative in this country. Some of the remembrance to German resistance is too concentrated to the 20th of July. And then we have a memory day of victims. We have two days, the resistance day of July, but in the speeches of politicians and the other resistance groups, they say, yes, there were other two, but in the center it's only that. And I proposed that in this time it would be good if people with other experience or who belong to other resistance groups can speak too on this occasion. I have the impression that they didn't interested in this country in which they live now, not so really. But I believe, I'm an optimist, I believe that we must prepare this better to consider their positions to that. It's not so that I condemn that they're not interested. I want to know why, yes, and what is possible. Our organization organized, for instance, activities against the NPD, the Nazi party here. It's a small party, but they have a lot of youngsters. And in the surrounding of the party they have connected to activities, to activists who are not only demonstrated against migrants and refugees. They try to beat them and hurt them or they murder them. It's a small gap. You find activists with different crimes, but the crimes, more crimes against persons who didn't like it. Not only migrants, only disabled persons and left wing persons and other persons. We appealed to the policy to not only condemn this party, that it must be possible that this party must be forbidden. And we collected science, for instance, five years ago, 170,000 science of people. We are going to the streets, yes, with our lists. And we have a good reaction from the people. And we appealed to stop this cooperation between the Fafasungschutz and the NPD. And the Ministry of Energy said, oh, not, we need that. And it was so, you record, the so-called National Socialist Underground, they killed in the last 10 years, 10 people, maybe more. And it was so that the policy and Fafasungschutz and so they had information about these people. But they thought that these people are not responsible for this. They thought that the migrants and in the surrounding, the migrants' crime activities of Turks, Greeks and so on, yes. We have problems with Nazis, yes, a real problem. In the years from the 90s to today, about 180 persons were killed by right wing reasons. And right wing peoples. And it was so long years that we are a democracy and all is good. And we learned all of the history, yes, and okay, there are different people, different guys, but it's not the mainstream, the mainstream is good, yes. And then we have the right things and the left things, yes, extremists, yes. But when we demonstrated against the Nazis and we are often on the streets, then we say, yes, the streets and the places didn't belong to the Nazis and the Nazis, yes. And we can't tolerate it, yes, as a normal situation. It's not normal when these people with their speeches and their thoughts in this society made propaganda. The attitude in this society changed in the last years. Thank our strength and influence too, I believe. They accept the Nazi ideology, yes, and it's a continuation of what they do, what they think and what they celebrate, yes. So such a racist, a forking racist, yes, for Germans, yes, we are Germans and we are the best of the world. And the foreigners had to go, yes, the migrants and refugees, we didn't meet them and these are our enemies, yes. It would be better, like in the Nazi time, they have the slavery, the foreigners, yes, and here in racist you have the connections until to the mid of the society, yes. There you have anti-Semiticism and you have racism, yes, against foreigners and migrants and refugees. I can't well live in a country if I know that there are living people who you have the same aims like the National Socialists in the Nazi time. And that didn't belong in the 21st century.