 Proste, možete da se postaviti, da se je zelo vzelo. Vzelo, da sem tudi izgledal vse konferenci, in da sem tudi, da sem tudi tudi izgledal vse konferenci. Tako, da sem tudi izgledal in izgledal vse konferenci, titul, da se je zelo vse konferenci, zelo vse konferenci, da je tudi zelo vse konferenci. highest priority title for a new joined paper with the Francesco Fazzani valeda Leonisha Blatze in vascomulini so we. Ah, what we do in this paper is essentially try to understand a bit more the effects of covid pandemic in Libya so the our topic is trying to understand a bit more the effect of this pandemic in a country which has already a lot of other issues going on, and in particular we try to learn something more on how the iz naredne redizuje, da je uročnje tog da, vzniknje tako razkričenih skupna, od pomečenih 2011. Ken si24bo, in zdaj smo je izgledali datori in hodnjeh vših rana do krajovicic, ko izgledajo prioritetnih pomečianih. Z vsem sebe vse državamo danes konfl electorje in zvršenje ob鐵vih med politična apartje, da se bolj čustvenje But they can anticipate you the result with very, I'd say, straightforward analysis now. We have two main results. The first one is that in our data, IDPs do not report higher incidence of COVID-19. So this is the first results that we have, essentially we try to learn more about the IDPs and the reporting of COVID and there is no difference with the host population. But at the same time they report larger negative economic in evočnewomanie. Tako sito je paž, da popsim, da pripravimo, da so vzout�� impe, zato sem zapoblednja, po enim možetih, če je to kot zelo. Prvo se lahko je, že je srečen na avинойnele drugih in fredicjno in lukosti, pa čistite v roku in pripraviti po bore stod, da so pačnega in atrevece in nedoklajne vse pome o sprošenju. Ame 하면ine, nekaj sem jih v začeljenju So at the beginning of the conflict, in which we had more or less ten percent of the population displaced in the country, but also the second phase of the conflict which started in 2014 also had a huge effect on people moving from their hometown to other parts of the country. So this is the situation in which the covid pandemic exploded us in ljibija In še da vedno zelo steril delaj zamej. Načo je, da jeellesno zelo sezirati zelo jazeben, jezlo sezirala, da ne cable bo povedal, da pridi usteva tudi kožem. Avo toho toga je, da je ta telefonja prezvatno sezirala. Zelo sezirala. Zelo sezirala, da ne sezirala delabil na privci prizupim tekst. in še nekaj odčen, je še je tem, da je bilo realitiv. Dajje je izpronovati, naredite sem, da je v 2007. In vseh je način je še ne zelo zelo zelo z 2011. Vseh ne je informacija na pljeni, začinu delovati, neč v tomi še začinu o ekonomiji zelo. In se prišli srtičen, da je predstavil način, ki so nekaj, nekaj način. Data on IDPs have been recently collected by IOM and REACH, and I will tell you something more about this in a moment, but essentially the situation was one in which we really had to fight with data missing. So what we did was to help the World Bank, WFP and the Libyan Bureau of Statistics to design a survey to be conducted in the country, and so it was in April, May 2021, and we included in this survey that was designed to collect information for security. We introduced a question about migration history, displacement and exposure to conflict. It was obviously phone-based, and it was done with a randomized selection of numbers, and actually we said that we are quite happy with the results in terms of the response rate. Remember that we don't know the population, so we have almost no idea what is going on in the country, but what we know is more or less the estimates of the population, so this is the first column, and then you have the proportion for each mantika, these are the provinces of the country, and the last column is more or less the percentage in our sample of the respondents to the call, which is remarkably similar, so we were quite surprised. We cannot check that apart from another check that I will show you in a second, but this is just to say that given what the starting point was, the sample proportion at least is remarkably similar to what we know, and we have also a response from all the mantika in Libya, just to give you an idea of the country, sorry, this one. So this is Libya, considered that the lower part is completely desert, so most of the population lives in the part where there is the Mediterranean Sea up there, and so these are the numbers of the respondents to our salary, which is, as you can see, as we expected, because three polyphorist and Bengazi and Misurata have the higher share of respondents, as we know that these are the most populated regions in the country. So we added to these survey information on conflict events using AACLID and also some proxy for economic activity using nightlights because there are no other sources of information about what's the economic activity of the country. So at the end of the story we have a sample of 2,257 respondents, 30% are women, and 42% have a secondary education, which is not very surprising even in the context of Libya and in general North African countries where education is usually very high, and we also find that 9% of the people reporting the COVID case in the household, and also we collected some information on the economic situation, so like 55% of the household experienced lack of food and we had a high share of families that had a new debt in the three months before the interviews. So, what are our IDPs? So we found among these randomly households that we call the telephone, we find that 7% of them declare to be IDPs. What is important for us that we also discovered that these are not different from the non-displaced in terms of gender, age and education, which is already defined in the context of Libya because we don't know almost nothing on this, and we also find that the socioeconomic status is weak. This is not very surprising, but we, as we said, since the beginning we had the impression that there was no difference in the incidence of COVID, but we report a much higher negative economic and health impact, almost double percentage. And also we check that they are living in localities with do not have lower economic activity, which is what we expect, but they are also significantly less exposed to conflict, which, again, is in line with expectation. I mean, we believe that IDPs tend to move where at least conflict is less violent. So we run a very simple, say, correlation analyzing, in which we regress the outcome that I will tell you in a second about COVID, about the impact on this place variable and controlling for conflict events in the place where the individual is living and on the night lights as a proxy of economic activity controlling for the mantika fixer fat, which is the province. So IDPs are not more likely to get infected by COVID, and this is the table that show the results. So the first three columns are COVID as an outcome. As you can see, this place is never significant, but also are not significant in the economic proxy and conflict events. We also check for the other outcomes. We only find that chronic diseases significantly other for this place, but the other two mental diseases and other infectious diseases are not significant. So we can safely say that there is no big difference in terms of COVID or other things that can be associated with COVID like other infectious diseases. But at the same time as I was anticipating you, there is a strong and very clear negative effect on economic outcomes and health. So again, the specification is the same. So we have the one with only fixed effects and then we just control for economic and conflict. And then we have some other control for the presence in the family of someone who had COVID and things do not change. So we always find that this place people are reporting more negative economic impact and also health negative impact. As you can see in this part with the economic story, we also find that conflict as expected is correlated negatively with economic activity, which is negative impact, and economic activity is negatively related with having a bad economic impact of COVID. So these are all comforting results, even the fact that we started from knowing nothing about our data, every time we find something that is in line with expectation we were comforted by this. Sorry, but it was a bit strange to work with no reference with other checks on the data. Anyway, so we have these results that maybe are somehow puzzling in some sense, because essentially we are seeing that we have the same probability to get COVID, but much worse impact reported. And so we try to understand two possible stories explaining this. The first one was about economic fragility. So as in the other country in the world, COVID had a very bad impact on the economy for different reasons, prices increased, there was a slowing down of the economy in general. And so what we can show is that because IDPs have as a starting point a weaker economic status than non-displaced, these had a larger impact on them because we show that when we look at the probability that they incur in a new debt in the last three months, this is very, very strong and very persistent across the different specification. So just to give you the second story, which is a bit more surprising, we show that we have information on the decision to seek care and where to go when they seek care. And we find that IDPs are less likely to seek care in places where they know in their province that there is other people that have been denied care for the status of being IDP. So it's like an effect saying, I'm living in a place where I know that IDPs are not very welcome and so this details need to go to search for seek when I need. Given the fact that, as we said, the probability to get infected is the same but they go less likely to be cured, this may explain why the report has a larger negative impact of COVID in terms of health. So just to have the last slide, so we document, these are the first time that there are data on IDPs in Libya and in general one of the few paper that looks at the impact of COVID on a marginalized group in conflict affected countries in what we show that it's not only an issue of the direct effect of COVID which should be taken care of in the design of policies but also the fact that there may be presisting characteristics of the IDPs that should guide us to design the policy. So in this case, for instance, in the Libyan case, the issues about the economic fragility which characterize the IDPs and also the relationship between the IDPs and the local population terms so of acceptance of them as people living in the same place in the same time. Okay, thank you so much.