 Hello, and welcome to the first discussion series of Buddha Nights. I am Onira Hashemi, playwright, actor, and director. In 2005, I co-founded Simor Film Association of Culture and Art in Herat, West of Afghanistan. March 11, 2013, I co-founded a night with Buddha Festival to commemorate the destruction of world cultural heritage, the Buddha statues of Bamiyan. The destruction of Buddha statues in 2001, which carried out in the continuation of decades of ethnic cleansing, with the aim of destroying the history of Hazara people, was beyond massacre. It was a cultural genocide. Twenty years later, after the destruction, even the remains, the empty niche of Buddha statues, are again in danger in Bamiyan. This year, we at Theatredoose, with collaboration of Safe Heaven, Freedom Talks, arranged a series of discussions to understand the different aspects of destruction of cultural heritage, destroying history, forced forgetting, social discrimination, and genocide against Hazara people. Unfortunately, we miss one of our guests, Sajad Asgari, and I hope that we can have him with us in the next session. But today, with us, we have Dr. Humeira Rezaie. She is the executive operation lead at MIRSIM and the chair of the Hazara Committee in the UK. Dr. Humeira advocates for the rights of Hazares in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Through her work, she has written several reports and parliamentary briefs on the Hazares, providing accurate information on what is really happening on the ground. Humeira was one of the organizers who called it the hashtag stop Hazara genocide campaign, which has increased the conversation on the persecution of Hazares in Afghanistan. This hashtag was trend many times, including yesterday in Twitter. This session, which will be moderated by Asad Buddha. Asad Buddha is a freelance writer. He studied sociology and Islamic theology, and he has worked as researcher and university lecturer in Kabul. He is the former icon guest writer in Karlstad. Det Otel Vendan de Ogat, a chapter of his personal memoir, was published in Varmeland Writers' Anthology. He has worked with Ritz Theater and Theater Deuce on a project called Little History, resulting in publishing a book under the title of Hoppet's Territorium. Southern Stars and Homo Saker and Foglana Polina Gatan are his last published texts in Ud Okbild and Govet Brevster Art Gallery. He is also involved in visual art, focusing on the demonization of political enemies and aesthetic aspect of extremist and religious violence. Thank you, dear Humaira, for being with us, and now I leave the platform for you and Asad. Thank you. Thank you, Amunira and Wilhelm, and Friedemtox, Theater Deuce, and Safehemen. Thank you, Humaira, for joining us in this meeting. Unfortunately, Ness Sajat, I hope he can join us during the meeting. So the title we are going to talk today is Unjust Narrative and the absent of a thousand people in the public discussion. So the idea is the discrimination, the social discrimination has a language aspect and it's come from the order of speech. And so first the discriminations started from a kind of narrative and then implemented into the people. So if we go back to the little background of this topic for a thousand people, so it started here at the end of 19th century. So it was the first time that the hazard people classified. So as a hazard, they reduced to the Shia because hazard are Shia, Sunni, Somali, so they are come from different region. But at the first time at the end of 19th century, during the Abdulrahman time, hazard people categorized and classified and reduced to Shia. So and then to create a kind of symbol to humiliate the hazard people and to justify the discrimination. They dehumanized hazard if we go back to the history during the Abdulrahman time. So when they are talking about the hazard people, they are talking as Yagi people, as a rebel, as an infidel people. And then best of this discussion, so on that time, the Abdulrahman government created a narrative to justify the killing of hazard people and pluralize the society. And then it's a very big genocide between 1892 and 1893. 62% of hazard people has been killed and 64% of hazard people are occupied and they miss their land, they first displaced and then so this discrimination continues. But what's happened after genocide? So and then this biggest genocide in the human history denied by government and by other people who committed the genocide. So no, we are going to talk about how this kind of narrative influenced the hazard people and how it's the kind of injustice and unjust narrative it influenced even hazard people life in today. So today's ago happened in one of dangerous suicide attacks in Kabul, in Dashti Bashti, but there is no discussion about that. So there is no media to cover that. So we are invited to talk about this topic. I'm welcoming Humaira. Thank you so much, Asad. Thank you for the organizing parties for this very timely and very important conversation they were having, especially what's happened this week, this targeted attacks against the Hazaras. As you rightly said, the unjust narrative is something not only led to the genocide of Hazaras, but actually led to the continuation of these genocides discrimination and oppression. And as we can see that evidence, especially the increase of violence that we see against the hazard community under the Taliban regime. And I think most often we undermine the power of unjust narrative. Because the unjust narrative not only is within the perpetrators community, but also it infiltrates into, in this case, the Hazara community. And a lot of times you mentioned that the Hazaras were divided and categorized as sheers and sheers and is used to justify their killing. And unfortunately, this narrative has infiltrated even the Hazara community in which they believe that the reason they're getting killed is because of their religious sect. We often forget that the campaign that the state of Afghanistan back in the 1700s had against the Hazaras was a lot of this. And I think it wasn't successful until when they said that Hazaras are sheers and sheers are infidels. And therefore, if you commit just jihad against the Hazaras or against the sheers, then it's all right and they allowed that. And this was something that led not only to not only the soldiers at that time, the trained soldiers who went on to fight against the Hazaras, but also normal people because of this narrative to say that Hazaras are infidels, Hazaras are kaffir that let normal people, normal civilians, taking up arms and fighting against the Hazaras. Yeah, so if we go back a little, so at the end of 19th century, the Afghanistan divided in three spaces. One is the Doral Islam, which was the the Treaty of Amir Abdul Rahman control, and the other was the Doral Ah, the Treaty of Contract, those who collaborate with Abdul Rahman and the third one was the Treaty of Infidels or Doral Kruful, which was defined. The Hazara people defined as infidel as the Treaty of Infidels, so and then on that time, the Hazara people reduced to the Shia to mobilize the other people to create a kind of religious discussion and it's continued years and years, more than one century. So still, when we think about that, do you think is it a change in this narrative or still we are at the same unjust narrative in Afghanistan about Hazara people? Unfortunately, we're still in the same unjust narrative, you know, and this narrative back in the days in 1800s, they used religious scholars to be able to portray this kind of messages. But with the advancement in technology now, they are using social media, they're using madrasas and to be able to continue with this unjust narrative to be able to continue with these propagandist against the Hazaras, so they can justify the killing of the Hazaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan. And of course, there has been many other ways in which this unjust narrative have been able to continue and one of the, I guess, very effective ways that they've done that is through academics, historians have used their rights as they've in their books, for example, they have the way in which they describe the Hazaras is absolutely wrong and this is done even to this day. The way that they describe Hazaras, the way that the dehumanized Hazaras in their books is why the continuation of these genocide is happening. Yeah, so the hate drive and ways to the Hazara people still continue very strongly, so so today also we have the same categorization for Hazara people, the same level, so if we go, for example, into the Afghan narratives, so categorizing Hazara as Afghan is also unjust because it is established in 1942, so before it was Hazara and Pashtim people and Tajik and other ethnicities and then so the Afghan imposed to Hazara people and other ethnicity in Afghanistan. So, and also when they are talking about Hazara people, they are dehumanized them, they dehumanized them. As a person, you are the person who engage a lot with Hazara issues, so how we can find this kind of narratives or this kind of image of Hazara nationally and internationally. Yeah, absolutely right. I think the word Afghan is very interchangeable with Pashtim, right, and and this identity was forced on the entire population of Afghanistan, but it is more painful for the Hazaras because this is the identity of the perpetrators, the identity of the people who committed genocide against the Hazaras who killed 62% of the Hazaras massacred people who enslaved the Hazaras for decades and continued the persecution of Hazaras and now we have to go with that identity, we have to call ourselves Afghan, if not then you are a traitor to the national unity and all of this again is, you know, this is one thing that for example in the past 20 years is the fact that many Hazaras then want to be identified by their own identity as a Hazara, which of course everything has the right to do that. There was a huge campaign against the Hazaras that there are traitors to Afghanistan because they don't want to be called Afghan, right, this itself is a narrative that was used against the Hazaras. And of course for the Hazaras, especially in the past 20 years we've seen how different they are to the rest of the Afghan population. And if you want to look back, I think it's important to give a bit of context here is that if you for example look back at how Hazaras used to live before the genocide, it is very different to how it is now. And there's specific book that I usually reference is Captain John Woods, in which a book that he published in the 1960s, he described the Hazaras very very different to how they are now. One of the things that he said was that gender equality was very much present within the Hazara society. He was saying that there are no difference between men and women in the Hazara society, and that women are no shy of strangers. And of course that is something that you don't see in the modern day Afghanistan because even within the Hazara community, because the colonization and this oppression and this genocide has led the entire Hazara society to completely change and during that time and after that time to adapt into this new culture, this new colonized way of living. And now when we look at the Afghanistan, we don't see gender equality, whereas 20 years before the Hazara genocide, we saw gender equality within the Hazara society. And now if you want to look at back in the past 20 years, we have seen Hazaras how they have gone back into those values that we've promoted education, we've promoted liberty. And now Hazaras are one of the most progressive ethnic group in Afghanistan, we prioritize education, we promote human rights, women's rights and we have social liberal values in which the extremist people in Afghanistan, these values are something that they stand against. And that is another factor in which we are being targeted in Afghanistan. And this is the most marginalized community there. And I think, you know, there's another aspect that I'd also like to touch on and I think you might be able to discuss this a little further is the use of Hazara women to demonize and dehumanize the Hazaras. If we, for example, speak to a lot of women who worked in Afghanistan in the past 20 years, you speak to them, the one thing they say is that the Hazara women are considered as loose women, right? And this is the image that they have given the Hazara woman, which puts the Hazara woman, which in a much higher risk of sexual violence, sexual harassment being discriminated against in work, not only in private sector, but also in government positions. And this is something that we unfortunately see and you asked earlier, you asked the question whether it has changed and unfortunately it hasn't. It may have even gone worse because now that you see a lot of women, Hazara women in society and taking up positions. It has led to more discrimination against the Hazaras because in a very conservative society in Afghanistan, the men doesn't believe that women to have this position and Hazara women spearheaded this change, spearheaded the civil development in Afghanistan. And it's something that puts Hazaras even at more risk of persecution in Afghanistan because these are the values in which, for example, Taliban stand against. And so, yeah. So, when this unjust narrative created, so Amir Abdu Rahman used the word of Roy Halli Nihayee, it is the exact translation of final solution which Nazism used for Jewish people. So, and then they created this kind of unjust narrative to justify the killing of Hazara people. So do you think in today, for example, when they are developing the hate speech against the Hazara people and use the same terms to, for example, Tajik, Tajikistan was back to Uzbekistan and Hazara to Pakistan. So is it, is it this same objective in today also for this kind of narrative? Oh, absolutely. I think, you know, the people back in the 90s when they slogan that they used to shout, Tajik, Tajikistan was back to Uzbekistan, Hazaras to Pakistan, which means graveyards. And also there are the other slogan was that Hazaras either convert to Sunnis or they die. So there was no other option for Hazaras. And even today with the current Taliban regime, one thing that we see is the use of extremist Sunni ideology being implemented in Afghanistan. Right. And they are saying that if you don't identify yourself as a Sunni Afghan, then you don't belong in Afghanistan. And this is the type of language that they use in Afghanistan. And of course, Hazaras, one majority of the Hazaras are not Sunni extremists. Most of us, we don't identify ourselves as Afghan because we're Hazaras. And that is something that, of course, that doesn't in sync with their ideology, with their narrative, and it just puts us in a huge risk. And this is very, very similar to what we saw back in the 1890s when the final solution for all the Hazaras and which has led to 62% of the Hazaras being massacred. And unfortunately, this is something that the international community have failed to recognize. And this is something that even in the past 20 years when the international community were present in Afghanistan is something that they did not recognize something that they did not work on, something that's one of the biggest mistakes with the international community was that they only dealt with the dominant group in Afghanistan, which are majority Pashtuns. And of course, we all know that the way in which the Pashtuns have always treated the Hazaras were, well, of course it's very evident. But of course, the other thing that happened in Afghanistan in the past 130 years is the suffering of Hazaras people were always hidden. The way in which the international community, even in the past 130 years, saw the Hazaras was from the very narrow narrative of Pashtuns. And Pashtun, of course, are the perpetrators who committed the genocide of committing the genocide right now and the oppressions and persecution of Hazaras. And so even with the presence of the international community in Afghanistan, the way in which the international or the rest of the world viewed the Hazaras was through this very narrative, very narrow narrative of Pashtuns. And even today, that's the same, we don't see any Hazara representation in international dialogue, international conversation in media or in the governments. And of course, even in the past 20 years, a lot of Hazaras that did occupy some of the positions, especially within the government were mainly a symbolic with no real power. And there is a report that was published by the US State Department in 2017 that actually looks into the situation of Hazaras in Afghanistan and they do say that there are things such as extortion, forced labor, which is a sign of slavery in Afghanistan and within the Hazara community still exists. And they also reiterate that a lot of position within the governments that are occupied by the Hazaras are mainly symbolic with no real power within Afghanistan. So even the people who work within the government with no real power were not able to be able to represent the Hazaras when they have no voice and no real power to be able to implement any changes. And therefore this narrative or the way in which the Hazara people were portrayed to the international community was again through this very narrow and very controlled narrative of the dominant group in Afghanistan. So I was still then so I had a research about forms of narratives in Afghanistan. So I, I read almost more maybe 1000 document and research about that so. So I couldn't find anything about Hazara people so they mostly from dominant perspective, or from minorities perspective, but there is also something about Hazara. There's some short report about Hazara people but in this report they tried in the narrative so they demonized the Hazara people and tried to draw as a kind of negative aspect of society. So, or negative aspect of narrative so they, so in today when we when we go to the social media when we maybe if we go back before Taliban to this 20 year which international community come to Afghanistan. So the narrative was the same. So the Afghan government classified Dashti Barchi as a kind of dangerous area, which was not really, because Dashti Barchi and West of Kabul was the only place for young people in Afghanistan. They go there to read poem to how literature activity, art activity and it was a very democratic space in compare of other. So how we, how we follow this in different form of narrative is it this kind of narrative influence in traditional narrative also. So, for example, do the, is it possible that for example international media or researcher from other countries to see to the other people from other perspective. Again, when, you know, going again going back 130 years, especially 20 years like I said, because the international community were dealing with the dominant group in Afghanistan. As you said, they were portraying the hazardous as specific image, and they had specific control narrative about the hazardous example you gave was that she was class classified as a dangerous place where in fact it was the most peaceful place with no internal conflict within the community where the most progressive people they produce the highest educated students with the highest number of students being able to attend university scholars right they have the best schools in Kabul is in Dashti Barchi and West of Kabul district. And these are the narrative in which the international community including journalists have access to. And yes, the use of social media in the past 20 years have been a huge, huge factor in these narratives that the international community have of the hazardous. But another thing that of course in the field of academic that a lot of academic national academics have access to and they know about the hazardous is through the academic books and the passions published in Afghanistan. We also have to remember that hazardous weren't allowed to be published any books for a very long time. And in which that the even any historians that published books about hazardous were also very, very controlled by the Afghan states. And there's for example Hassan Khokhar which is an Afghan historian. Still to this day publishes book in one of his book he, of course in most of his book he there's a lot of lies about hazardous and there's a lot of ways in which he was in this through this life is able to demonize and demonize hazardous. There's one specific example in which there has been to this day very shocking to me personally because I'm from. And in his book he describes there's specific ceremony in jahudi that is called Kubas ceremony in which the hasara in he claims that has our men are offered their woman to guests in this, in this district. And of course I'm from there I've been living there for three generations and this is something that is completely untrue and lie. And to say something like this and and and and relate this type of information to an extremist and conservative society. It is the most demonizing thing you can do to say that there is a society in Afghanistan there's a community in Afghanistan that offers their woman to their guests, right. And this is on academic level. This is the level of the humanization that happens on academic level in which then the international scholars scholars from around the world will then read this book and would think it's true. Right. And more importantly, this book is then distributed within the communities in Afghanistan. And this is the sort of image that they will have of jahudi when it's completely untrue. Again, because I have been from different three generations, and another lie that he says in his book is that the reason why there are some variety in hasara features of hasara who have bigger eyes or bigger nose is because those women have slept with Pashtun or again, another lie and something that if you are again this is something that then justifies the sexual violence against the hasara woman in Afghanistan because it's something that they can then justify and say oh you're used to it because this is how what you do and this is how you are right. And so if this is on academic level, the narrative and the image and the propaganda in which they portray not only to the hasara to the Afghan society, but also the international level. So imagine that the negative aspects of it imagine the influence they will have on people's minds. And of course if you go back to social media, they have utilized social media, very, very effectively in the way in which they are able to portray the hasara as an image to say how they are such for example yourself saying that Dashti Barchi is a dangerous place not to go. For example, another narrative that they pushed in which the international community believed was that when Alipur in Behesu took up arms and he wanted to defend the hasara people in Afghanistan from Kuchis and Taliban. He was an anti-Taliban. He was a resistant against the Taliban. The Afghan government then labeled him as a terrorist just so they can take dismantle his arm and leave hasara as completely armless and defenseless against the Taliban. And so again, the fact that the Afghan state for 130 years had access and control in which the certain information can be related and portrayed to the international community has had a huge role in which the hasara community, how has our community were portrayed not only within the Afghan society but also in the international community. Again, the Taliban are using utilising social media as well to portray their narrative against the hasaras to the international community. And of course the fact that the international community fails to engage with the hasaras also is a factor in which this effectiveness of these narratives are being implemented in people's minds plays a huge role. Thank you. One aspect of this unjust narrative is to limit hasara religiously to Shia and also to limit the hasara geographically in the centre of Afghanistan. So the aims of this narrative is to reduce hasara to religiously to Shia and to the centre of Afghanistan. What hasara people are a huge, a big society with different religious and in different part of Afghanistan in Badakhshan, Takhar, Badaqis, Hazarajat and also the historical base wasn't in Maidani war that it was in Nangarhar so it's best of historical document. So today I think it's the same narrative is continue to reduce the hasara people in the Shia people and ignore them and also to reduce the hasara people geographically in the centre of Afghanistan. So how we, for example, how we maybe demajoritise this kind of narrative and from which kind of perspective we can create a kind of justice narrative. Yeah, I absolutely right. I think one of the other aspect that of this minorising hasara we saw was when Rani, regarding the ID card then he produced or divided the hasara ethnic group in different, in at least 11 different sub ethnic groups within the hasara and the fact that there is no real census has been done in Afghanistan is a way to be able to control this because if they're able to conduct an actual census and be able to get accurate information and the population of Afghanistan, they will see that the hasaras are not a 9% that they claim to be, hasaras are estimated to be at least 30 to 35% of Afghanistan's population, and the fact that they are portraying or they are they have this narrative that hasara is a minority group is in a way subconsciously is trying to take this power away from the hasara community because if you're telling, if you continue to keep telling people that you're only a minority, you're a small percentage in Afghanistan, you'll start to believe that you actually have no power. And one of the reasons in which they have actively stopped census being conducted in Afghanistan is so they are able to ensure that hasaras will never be able to defend their confidence and the power to be able to defend themselves. And the reason in which they divided the hasaras into the ethnic hasaras into sub ethnic groups, again, is part of this division to be able to then categorize the hasaras as Sheikh Ali, even though Sheikh Ali or hasaras they after this division they published a statement to say that they are not a specific ethnic group they are hasaras from Sheikh Ali, Sheikh Ali is not, is not an ethnic group is a name of place right. So they have gone to that extent to be able to ensure that hasaras are seen as a minority is to be able to control the number of hasaras to be able to minoritize hasaras in Afghanistan. And I think one of the ways that we can try and at least start a just narrative is to ensure that hasaras are present in dialogues and conversations in all aspects in all policies within different governments is for the hasaras to engage the governments in these policies. I think it's been a little bit way too long for the hasaras to go unnoticed and their sufferings to go unnoticed, right, if they're able to kill hundreds of people within days, 250 hasaras died just within within three days in different attacks in Azar Sharif and out of this 126 were school children. And these are all acts of genocide in Afghanistan. And I think this is the time that the hasaras themselves are able to engage with the governments engage in the international community to be able to relay actual information of what is happening in the ground actual information of who the hasaras are. We have helped we supported the international community and their presence in Afghanistan in the past 20 years. You don't see a single shot being fired in against international community from a hasara populated area. We supported their value democracy value we were the ones who gave up our arms and we said we are with you and we supported them and therefore is their duty to be able to engage with the hasaras to be able to go unnoticed of their sufferings to be able to recognize the hasaras as a vulnerable and vulnerable group in Afghanistan is to recognize the hasara genocide in 1890s, 1990s, and to recognize that there's ongoing genocide against the hasaras in Afghanistan. And another way that I think is incredibly important is through media and social media. And of course in the past two days you've had the social media campaign south as our genocide. And this, you know, we saw actual changes being brought in this when we saw certain politicians who firstly denied that this was a targeted attacks against the hasaras and often engaging with them talking with them and raising awareness about the situation then they of course were then educated and they realized that actually this is not just a target or an attack on education but actually this was a target against the hasara community. And I think raising awareness being able to engage in different dialogues at different levels is incredibly important for the hasaras to to be able to to change this narrative. The demonization or the dehumanization of hasara people is very very powerful narrative even the school children and the hasara student they demonize so we remember that during the Ashraf Ghani and Hamid Karzai government it means the the student of hasara people demonized and they tried even to find a way that to create some obstacles and don't allow them to go to the university and then they started the experience hasara people experienced a huge suicide attack in their educational center in Afghanistan. If we if we think about genocide as a kind of circumstance as a kind of situation which which comes from unjust narrative what do you think is it are we in the same circumstance or is the situation is a genocide situation or not. It is a genocide situation and of course the unjust narrative has allowed this genocide to continue crime against humanity to continue its atrocities to continue against the hasaras. You mentioned that demonization of hasara students during Ghani government he put a quota on the number of students from hasaras that can attend universities because he saw that the majority of students for example in Kabul University were hasaras and he didn't like that if he then put a quota on the number of students to limit the number of hasara students are able to access higher education. And I think to this day is so I forgot your question. The question is, if we think about genocide as a kind of situation a process that's created kind of genocide situation. So it's of course it's come from a kind of narrative so first it should be started from a kind of justification and creating a kind of unjust narrative do you think the question is, are we still in the circumstance of genocide or is the hasara situation is a genocide situation. So and if it is a genocide situation and how we can advocate in for the hasara people and nationally and internationally. So what is the best way to maybe to stay against this kind of genocide process? It is a genocide taking place in Afghanistan if we look at the definition of genocide by you know it does fall on the genocide it is a target against the community for their ethnic identity. To be able to have a just narrative to be able to portray the actual information to be able to portray and relay true information of the situation of hasaras enough understand I think the international community can play a huge role. So one of the reasons in which the suffering of hasaras went unnoticed up until 2001 for examples because there was a huge control over how hasaras were able to interact with international community. Today we have a large hasara diaspora around the world who are scholars, researchers, expertise in different fields especially human rights law who have access to the international community and of course the international community it is their responsibility to be able to to stop this ongoing genocide against the hasaras and and I can't emphasize enough on the international community having a conversation with the hasaras themselves right. The, when the attack against the Abdul Rahim Shahid school happened the international community international media went on to say this was an attack against education. They did not recognize that this was an attack against the hasaras this is the first step is to ensure that will recognize these systematic attacks are against the hasaras is a clear evidence of genocide in Afghanistan. They then went on to speak with perpetrators who are anti hasaras from news interviews to the politicians and people who have real power. And then going and speaking with the actual perpetrators in Afghanistan with the dominant group was then to second their condolences to this those people who committed the crimes the people who had a huge role into the continuation and the oppression of hasaras in Afghanistan. This is, it's for me it's absolutely unbelievable for them to for these people with real powers who have access to the entire hasara diaspora community was to sit down, whether it's the politician whether it's the news anchors whether it's the media to sit down with perpetrators and talk about these attacks, it's absolutely disgusting and it is not acceptable at all right, it is real damaging for them not to be able to have the hasara voices in these platforms. It is incredibly important to ensure that hasara experience and hasara voices are represented in all platforms. They when they talk about issues regarding Afghanistan because hasara have specific problems in Afghanistan we have specific narratives we have specific experience that if they allow the hasaras to sit in these platforms to ensure that they are able to raise their voice we would be able to reduce these atrocities and a lot quicker and much more. Yeah, so you mean still hasara people are the target king and they are still in the situation of genocide and the unjust narrative is continuing very strongly. Absolutely, I think when we look at some of the press releases statements that was published about the attack against the say the Abdul Rahim Shahid school or the attack in Missouri Sherry this week and from UN to human rights watch to many other governments when we read their statement when we read their press releases, we don't see a single mention of the hasaras right and the fact that they don't recognize these these are systematic against against the hasaras is one of the main factors for the commission of this genocide and I think the only organization which I saw that they deliberately mentioned the hasaras was amnesty international and I think it's human rights watch UN's responsibility to recognize that this is systematic attack against the hasaras. I mean the UN when they first published their press release, they said that there's in this attacks in Kabul during the three attacks in Kabul they said that there was only six dead and 11 injured when in fact we know the number of dead has reached as much as 126 right and this is the same narrative in which the passions portrayed and that this is the exact figures that Pashtun had given to their press release to say that the number of casualties in these attacks was six dead and 11 injured. And so we can clearly see that the international community, especially the UN human rights watch are not conversing with the hasaras they're not recognizing this is these are systematic attacks or at least they're not publicly stating that these are systematic attacks against the hasaras and the moment you then hide that and the moment you sense the identity of the hasaras it empowers the perpetrators to continue to commit their atrocities against the hasaras because they know it is going unnoticed they know that all they see it as just a violence in Afghanistan and attack against education attack against most when it's clearly an attack against the hasara the hasara themselves. So they nearly cognize the hasara as a kind of target of genocide. So the genocide of hasara people nearly cognize and it's always refused and so they want to understand the evidence and not accept that they are living in this situation if I summarize this discussion so the unjust narrative in Afghanistan started from the end of 19th century with the biggest genocide of hasara people 62% of hasara people has been killed between 8092 and 8093 and this kind of discrimination continue in the form of unjust narrative or unjust narrative in different level during the afghan history so afghan history in itself is a kind of unjust narrative because it's reduced the identity of the multi-identity of people who are living in Afghanistan into one tribe into the other and then this kind of unjust narrative has a very different negative aspect and influence the life of people especially the hasara people so now when we talk about hasara people at the international level so there is not talking about them so it's just afghan history if there is talking they are just dehumanize and demonize and draw as a negative aspect of afghan history and it's also influenced very deeply the international narrative also because they are the official resource for researcher, for journalist, for those people who are working about Afghanistan so we can see this kind of unjust narrative in BBC very clearly in radio azadi in afghan national media very clearly and also in school text book in afghanistan so there is no talking about hasara people and also in in university text also so it has a huge and this kind of unjust narrative create a kind of situation that hasara people become the target killing in a situation of genocide and never recognize what's happening to them so still those people who have the control of narrative so they are refusing the hasara genocide do you have something to add? Thank you, thank you Asad. Yes, the last point I wanted to add is the importance of monitoring and documenting this situation, the trust has been committed and these attacks have been committed against the hasaras the human rights watch, human rights organization, they have a responsibility to document and report on these atrocities especially with the takeover of Afghanistan, the collapse of the civil society, lack of freedom of expression and the fact that the journalists are not allowed to report on any of these incidents I think the international community has a responsibility to be able to monitor the situation of hasaras in Afghanistan to document and report on these atrocities being committed and I think it's time that they recognize the genocide of hasaras in 1890s 1990s and to recognize that the ongoing hasara genocide is happening right now and last point I wanted to add is that there is a hasara inquiry which has been launched by British parliamentarians at the moment where we are looking into the situation of hasaras in Afghanistan and one of the main aim of this inquiry is to engage the UK government as well as the international actors on what they can do to safeguard the hasaras in Afghanistan and Pakistan and also the last message that I have is that the hasara genocide is still taking place in the shadow of the unjust narrative on a national and international level and I believe that freedom talks provide this opportunity to see Afghanistan from the perspective of the people who are subject to genocide for more than one century so I do from the bottom of my heart really thank you for everyone and individuals as well as the organizing party for this really wonderful and important program that you have organized so I think it's time to rethink about alternative narrative because if you want to stay against genocide first we need a kind of narrative, a multi-perspective narrative, focus on diversity and to accept different people in this society Thank you very much Hamaira for joining us into this meeting, unfortunately we miss Sajat Asgari so I hope we can have a discussion with him maybe in the future Thank you for Teotirdus, Freedom Talk and Safe Heaven and thank you for Munira Hoshimi for very good introduction So I hope that we as the diaspora find a connection with the country where we live to create a kind of alternative narrative and to stay against the unjust narrative Thank you very much Hamaira