 Muna, you are from the Arab world's most populous country, I think Nabil Fahmi said today that it's 104 million people and it'll be rather more by the time you finish speaking. And of course, Egypt has lots and lots of economic problems. What's your perspective for the next few years? Six minutes, Muna? No. So, at the risk of losing one minute from my dictator friend, John Andrews, I would like to thank and to tell the WPC what a pleasure it is to be back at this meeting after this horrible two years that we stayed confined. But I must say that some things haven't changed and most notably, the seminal role of WPC as a forum for serious foreign and security policy thinking. So, I really want to hardly applaud President Thierry de Montréal for providing a much needed setting to discuss the most poignant political matters as we know. Merci Thierry, merci à toute la bande qui est avec lui. And I would like to share some thoughts on where the Middle East will be in 2030 and I will focus particularly on Egypt. Trimendi, we can give you that 90 seconds, that's very good. Okay, well deserved. Due to the shortness of time, because of my dictator friend, I will focus on three issues related to Egypt's vision 2030. One is the historic strategy for human rights, a word that was taboo until lately, that was inaugurated a month ago by President Abdul Fattah Sisi. The second is the impact of COVID-19 on Egypt. And third, the chances of Egypt becoming a regional gas hub in the Eastern Mediterranean. We've talked about how important energy is and will be. So, I think I will start by the third one in case my friend stops me. So, my last issue is on energy. What are the chances of Egypt being a regional gas hub in the Eastern Mediterranean by 2030? I would say that the access to energy resources has unquestionably long been a driver for foreign policy. Therefore, the challenge for any state is working out how to use energy as a geo-economic asset and to successfully turn it into both a source of income and of state power. And this is exactly what Egypt's leadership is doing. Now, Egypt faces many challenges, as you know, both internal and external, including soaring inflation, a current currency crash, subsidy cuts, and water more expensive. So, unemployment in Egypt and the Arab world is likely to remain high as millions more young people stream into a very strained job market. But now there is a ray of hope emerging, and it comes in the form of a windfall natural gas discovery with the potential to boost Egypt's limping economy and build a new commercial alliance with Eastern Mediterranean countries and Israel. Egypt struck the jackpot in 2015 with the discovery of a giant reservoir known as Zohra, which has developed into one of the largest single gas fields in the Middle East. In 2018, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and Israel agreed to establish an East Mediterranean gas forum whose headquarters is in Cairo. In August 2019, production on the Zohra field, the largest gas discovery ever made in Egypt and the Mediterranean, reached more than 2.7 BC FD. The discovery will allow the country to transition from being an importer of natural gas to an exporter. Now, what are Egypt's advantages? What does it have to offer? Egypt has liquefaction capacities that give it a strategic advantage. Furthermore, Egypt's geographical location, straddling Africa, the Middle East and the Eastern Mediterranean, and having access to two seas and the Suez Canal, is undeniably a good basis for becoming a gas hub, provided the country has significant gas reserves. Interestingly, Egypt's hopes of being a future gas hub are shared by the European Union, which aims to diversify its own energy supply and which considers Egypt a potential partner. The main challenge that Egypt faces is again, as was very well said, its overpopulation, which further fuels energy demands. The country's population has reached over 104 million and is expected to reach John Andrews 120 million, 28 million by 2030. The projected population growth will lead to a considerable increase in electricity demand, and thus the power sector will need more gas in the future. On the other hand, Egypt should continue its efforts to offer an appealing business climate for foreign companies to attract further investments. I have an article on this subject, if anybody is interested, in the Cairo Review of Global Affairs at American University, published by the School of Global Affairs, which is headed by our friend Minister Nabil Fahmi. Now, let me go to the second issue, if I have time, and that is the human rights development. Last month, Egypt saw the launch of the new national strategy of human rights, stipulating a set of government commitments to improve elements of socioeconomic, cultural, and political rights. As you know, Egypt has very often been criticized all over in Western press and the Western lobbies and human rights community because of its human rights. Now, what we hope this strategy will be, it would give access to job opportunities, education, healthcare, and religious freedoms. As you know, religious tolerance has been one of the mantra of President Sisi's address, solidarity and unity between Muslims and Christians. No other ruler before that has ever been to the Cathedral or assisted to the Christmas Mass, as he did, and nobody has given a chance to the Coptic community to have representatives in parliament, as well as to women who today are more than 50 or 60% of the parliament. So the document also shows a good commitment to improving political rights, and this is what is missing. However, on this issue in particular, there are different reactions as the greater part of the document emphasizes more socioeconomic and cultural rights. Human rights, as I said, traditionally have got a lot of world attention and criticism, and they're also sometimes brought up in high-level political talks, such as the latter talks with Blinken in Egypt and the criticism of the U.S. Congress. So Egyptians officials for their part, particularly the security ones, have said that the country's security bodies have to face up to militant groups and therefore they who try to provide instability. So the debate is not closed, but what counts now is the implementation of this strategy. As the state has shown its commitment, especially within the UN Human Rights Council, to honor these obligations. And credit goes to civil society for having secured the release of this new strategy and the release of a few prisoners. Of course, some critics have called the act of the strategy meaning of an act of public relation on the public, on the part of the government. However, although the references to political rights and liberties fall short of the human rights community expectation, it must be recognized that it is the first time the government has taken upon itself the task of working towards improving these rights and liberties. And me as a former member of the National Council of Human Rights and the human rights activists for more than 20 years, I agree with some of the political analysts that looking at the glass as half full rather than half empty, as I was telling my friend Dina, is what the strategy offers. And it as such it offers a precedent in the sense that it is a commitment on the part of the government to working on improving the quality of human rights, including political rights and liberties.