 Sections of the Great Events by Famous Historians Vol. 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. The Great Events by Famous Historians Vol. 2, edited by Charles F. Horn, Rosita Johnson, and John Rodd. When the Rear Guide was come up, he called together the generals and captains and spoke to them as follows. The enemy, as you see, is in possession of the pass over the mountains, and it is proper for us to consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. It is my opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their dinner and that we ourselves should hold the council in the meantime whether it is advisable to cross the mountain today or tomorrow. It seems best to me, exclaimed Cleaner, to march at once as soon as we have died and resumed our arms against the enemy for if we waste the present day in inaction the enemy who are now looking down upon us will grow bolder and it is likely that as their confidence is increased, others will join them in greater numbers. After him, Xenophon said, I am of opinion that if it be necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangement so as to fight with the greatest advantage, but that if we propose to bast the mountains as easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest wounds and lose the fewest men. The range of fields, as far as we see, extends more than 60 stadia in lengths, but the people nowhere seem to be watching us except along the line of road, and it is therefore better, I think, to endeavor to try to seize unobserved. Some parts of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can beforehand, then to attack a strong post, and men prepare to resist us, for it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without fighting them a longer level road with enemies on each side and in the night if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before them than by day if engaged with enemies. While a rough road is easier to defeat, to those who are marching without molestation, then a smooth one to those who are pelted on the head with missiles. Nor do I think it at all impracticable for us to steal away for ourselves as we can march by night so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We seem likely to, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still escarded, for the enemy will so much the more probably stay where they are, but why should I speak doubtfully about stealing? For I hear that you, as a dominions, Ocresophus, such of you at least as are of the better class, practice stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a disgrace but an honor to steal whatever the law does not forbid. While in order that you may steal with the utmost dexterity in strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by law that if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes. But I hear that you, Athenians, also, with Joan Ocresophus, are very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens him that it steals it, and that your best men steal it most if indeed your best men are thought worthy to be your magistrates, so that it is time for you likewise to give proof of your education. I am then ready, exclaimed Xenophon, to march with the rear guard as soon as we have supped to take position of the heels. I have guides too for our light-armed men captured some of the Moroders, following us by lying in ambush, and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also. I expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground when they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now come down to be upon a level with us. Xenophon then said, But why should you go and leave the charge of the rear, rather say, and others, unless some volunteers present themselves? Upon this, Aristonomus of Methodria came forward with his heavy-armed men and Resteas of Chios and Nicomachus of Oetia with their light-armed. And they made an arrangement that as soon as they should reach the top, they should light a number of fires. Having settled these points, they went to dinner and after dinner, Cresophus led forward the whole army, tennis-study, out towards the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved, to march against them on that quarter. When they had taken their supper and night came on, those appointed for the service went forward and got position of the hills. The other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the heights equipped, kept watching birds and number of fires all night. As soon as it was day, Cresophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched forward the long road, while those who had gained a height advanced by their age. Most of the enemy meanwhile stayed at the pass, but the parts went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies came together, those on their reach closed with one another, and the Greeks had the advantage and put the enemy to flight. At the same time, the Grecian Pilthus ran up from the plain to attack the enemy, drawn up to receive them, and Cresophus followed at a quick pace with the heavy-armed men. The enemy at the pass however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of them were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the Greeks by hacking them with their swords rendered useless. As soon as they had gained the ascent and had sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain before them and arrived at the number of villagers stored with abundance of excellent provisions. From hence they marched five days journey 30 parasangs to the country of the Toki, where provisions begun to fail them, for the Toki inhabited the strong fastnesses, in which they had laid up all their supplies. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great number of cattle were assembled, Cresophus as soon as he came before it made it the object of an attack. And when the first division that had sailed it began to be tired, another succeeded and then another, for it was not possible for them to surround it in a body, as there was a river about it. When Xenophon came up with his rearguard pultists and heavy armed men, Cresophus exclaimed, you come seasonably, for we must take this place as there are no provisions for the army unless we take it. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered them from taking the place, Cresophus replied, the only approach to it is the one which you see, but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy rolled down stones over yonder in pending rock, and whoever is struck is treated as you behold, and he pointed at the same moment to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken. But if they expand all their stones, Rijong Xenophon, is there anything else to prevent us from advancing? For we see in front of us only a few men, and but two or three of them aren't. The space too through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones is as you see only about 150 feet in length, and of this about 100 feet is covered with large pine trees in groups against which if the men place themselves, what would they suffer either from the flying stones or the rolling ones? The remaining part of the space is not above 50 feet over which when the stone sees we must pass at the running pace. But said Cresophus, the instant we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers. That, cried Xenophon, would be the very thing we want, for thus they will exhaust our stones the sooner. Let us then advance if we can to the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we may, if we please, easily retreat. Cresophus and Xenophon, with Calimechus of Parahesia, one of the captains who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the rearguard, then went forward. All the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about 70 of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. Agagias of Stimphilis and Aristonimus of Methodria, who were also captains of the rearguard, with some others were at the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for more than one company to stand under them. Calimechus then adopted the following strategy. He ran forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be held, hastily drew back, and at each of his sallies, more than 10 cartloads of stones were spent. Agagias, observing what Calimechus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army were upon him, and fearing that he himself might not be the first to enter the place, began to advance alone, neither calling to Aristonimus, who was next team, nor to Orillicus of Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any other person and passed by all the rest. Calimechus, seeing him rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that moment Aristonimus of Methodria ran past them both, and after him Orillicus of Lusia. For all these saw distinction for valor, and were rivals to one another, and thus. In mutual emulation, they got position of the place for when they had once rushed in, another stone was held from above. But the dreadful spectacle was then to be seen, for the women flinging their children over the precipices, threw themselves after them, and the men followed their example. Agneas of Stimpholus, a captain, seeing one of them who had on a rich garment running to throw himself over, caught hold of it with intent to stop him, but the men dragged him forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, and were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but a great number of oxen, assos, and sheep. Hence they advanced seven days, journeying a distance of fifty pelsanks, through the country of the Calabes. These were the most warlike people of all that they passed through, and came to close combat with them. They had linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and instead of a skirt, thick cords twisted. They had also greaves and helmets, and at their girdles a short falchion. As large as a Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of all whom they could master, and then cutting off their heads, carried them away with them. They sang and danced when the enemy were likely to see them. They carried also a spear of about fifteen cubits in length. Having one spike, they stayed in their villages till the Greeks had passed by, when they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but lived upon the cattle, which they had taken from the Taoki. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasses, the breadth of which was four plethora. Hence they proceeded through the territory of the Sithini, for this journey making twenty parasangs over a level tract, until they came to some villages in which they halted three days and collected provisions. From this place they advanced four days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich and popular city called Gimnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a guide to conduct them through a region at war with his own people. The guide, when he came, said that he would take them in five days to a place when they should see the sea. If not, he would consent to be put to death. When, as he proceeded, he entered the country of their enemy, he exhorted them to burn and lay west the land, whence it was evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from any good will to the Greeks. On the fifth day they came to the mountain, and the name of it was Taikis. When the man who were in the front had mounted the height, and looked down upon the sea, a great shell proceeded from them, and Xenophon and their earguard, and hearing it thought that some new enemies were sailing the front, for in their ear, to the people from the country that they had burnt, were following them. And their earguard, by placing an ambush cage, had killed some, and taken other prisoners, and had captured about twenty shields made of raw ox hides with the hair on. But the noises still increased, and drew nearer, as those who came up from time to time kept running, at full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the cries becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it appeared to Xenophon that it must be something of very great moment. Mounting his horse therefore, and taking with him Lysius and the cavalry, he hastened for what to give aid. When presently they heard the soldiers shouting the sea, the sea, and cheering on one another, they then all began to run. The earguard as well as the rest, and the baggage cattle, and horses were put to their speed, and when they had all arrived at the top, the men embraced one another, and their generals and captains with tears in their eyes, suddenly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought a stone and raised a large mound, on which they laid a number of raw ox hides, staves and shields taken from the enemy. The shields the guide himself hacked in pieces, and exhorted the rest to do the same, soon after the Greeks sent away the guide, giving him presents from the common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a Persian robe, and then, and ten derricks, but he showed most desire for the rings on their fingers and obtained many of them from the soldiers, having then pointed out to them a village where they might take up their quarters, and a road by which they were to proceed to the macrons, when the evening came on the departed, pursuing his way during the night, hence the Greeks advanced three days journey, a distance of ten parasanks, through the country of the macrons. On the first day they came to a river which devised the territories of the macaroni from those of the Sithini, on their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, and on their left another river, into which the boundary river which they had to cross empties itself. This stream was thicker, this stream was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, by growing closely together, these the Greeks as soon as they came to the spot cut down, being in haste to get out of the country as soon as possible. The macaroni however equipped with weaker shields and spears and hair tunics were drawn up on the opposite side of the crossing place, they were animating one another and throwing stones into the river, they did not hit our men or cause them any inconvenience. At this juncture one of the pultists came up to Xenophon saying that he had been a slave of Athens, and adding that he knew the language of these men. I think indeed, said he, that this is my country and if there is nothing to prevent I should wish to speak to the people. There is nothing to prevent, replies Xenophon, so speak to them and first to certain what people they are. When he asked them, they said that they were the macaronis. Inquire them, said Xenophon, why they are drawn up to oppose us and wish to be our enemies. They replied, because you come against our country. They generals then told him to acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do the injury, but that we were returning to Greece after having been engaged in war with the king, and that we were desirous to reach the sea. They asked if the Greeks would give pledges to this effect, and the Greeks replied that they were willing both to give and receive them. The macaronis accordingly presented the Greeks with a barbarian lance, and the Greeks gave them a gracious one, for they said that such were their usual pledges. Both parties called the gods to witness. After these mutual assurances, the macaronis immediately assisted them in cutting away the trees and made a passage for them, as if to bring them over, mingling freely among the Greeks. They also gave such facilities as they could for buying provisions, and conducted them through their country for three days until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. Here was a range of hills, high but accessible, and upon them the Colchians were drawn up in a ray. The Greeks at first drew up against them in a line, with the intention of marching up the hill in this disposition, but afterward the generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they might engage with the best effect. Xenophon then said it appeared to him that they ought to relinquish the arrangement in line, and to dispose the troops in column. For a line pursuit he will be broken at once, as we shall find the hills in some parts impassable, though in others easy of excess. And this disruption would immediately produce despondency in the man, when after being ranged in a regular line, they funded dispersed. Again, if we advance drawn up very many deep, the enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will employ the past that outreach us in any way they may think proper. And if we advance only a few deep, it would not be at all surprising if our line be broken through by showers of missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. If this happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the line. I think then, that having formed our companies in columns, we should keep them so far apart from each other, as that the last companies on each side may be beyond the enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies will both outflank the line of the enemy, and as we march in fight, the bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and wherever the assent is easiest, there each division will direct its course, nor will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate into the intervening spaces when there are companies on each side, nor will it be easy to break through a column as it advances. While if any one of the companies be hard pressed, the neighboring one will support it, and if but one of the companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will no longer stand their ground. This plan was approved and they threw the companies into columns. Xenophon riding along from the right wing to the left said, soldiers, the enemy whom you see before you is now the only obstacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive. When the men were all in their places and they had formed the companies into columns, there were about 80 companies of heavy armed men, and each company consisted of about 80 men, the peltasts and archers they divided into three bodies, each about 600 men, one of which they placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and the third in the center. The generals then desired the soldiers to make their wows to the gods, and having made them and sung the peon, they moved forward, Chrysophus and Xenophon and the peltasts, that they had with them, who were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on, and the enemy, observing their motions and hurrying forward to receive them, ran off, summed to the right and others to the left, and left a great void in the center of the line, when the peltasts in the Archedian division, whom Aschen is the Archeranian, commanded, seeing the Kulcians separate, ran forward in all haste thinking that they were taking to flight, and these were the first that reached the summit, the Archedian heavy armed troop, of which Klerner, the Archemenian was captain, followed them. But the enemy, when once the Greeks began to run, no longer stood its ground, but went off in flight, some one way and some another. Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a number of villages, containing abundance of provisions, as did other things here, there was nothing at which they were surprised, but the number of beehives was extraordinary, and all the soldiers that ate off the kums lost their senses, vomited, and were affected with purging. And not any of them was able to stand upright, such as had eaten a little were like men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were like madmen, and some like persons at the point of death. They lay upon the ground in consequence in great numbers, as if there had been a defeat. And there was general dejection, the next day no one of them was found dead. And they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had lost them on the preceding day. And on the third and fourth days, they got up as if after having taken physics. From hence they proceeded two days march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Terapizond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Oaksine Sea, a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. Here they stayed about 30 days encamping in the villages of the Colchians, whence they made excursions and plundered the country of Colchis. The people of Terapizond provided a market for the Greeks in the camp, and intertained them in the city and made them presence of Oaksine, barley, meal and wine. They negotiated with them also on behalf of the neighboring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain and from them too were brought presence of Oaksine. Soon after they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had vowed. Oaksine enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the preserver and to Hercules for their safe conduct, and whatever they had vowed to the other gods, they also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where they were encamped and chose Drakontius as Spartan who had become an exile from his country when quite a boy for having involuntarily killed the child while striking him with a dagger to prepare the course and preside the contests. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the highs to Drakontius and desired him to conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Drakontius pointing to the place where they were standing said this hill is an excellent place for running in whatever direction the man may wish. But how will they be able, said they, to wrestle on ground so rough and bushy? He that falls, said he, will suffer the more. Both most of them from among the prisoners contented in the short course and in the long course above 60 cretins ran while others were matched in wrestling boxing and to pancreatium. It was a fine sight for many interdalists and as their friends were spectators there was great emulation. Horses also ran and they had to gallop down the steep and turning round in the sea to come up against the altar. In the descent many rolled down but in the ascent against exceeding the steep ground the horses could scarcely get up at the walking pace. There was consequently great shouting and laughter and cheering from the people. End of Section 8 Please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Mike Botez The Great Events by Famous Historians Volume 2 Edited by Charles F. Horn Rosseter Johnson and John Rudd The Condemnation and Death of Socrates B.C. 399 by Plato Part 1 The Death of Socrates was brought about under the restored democracy by three of his enemies Lycon, Melitus and Anitus the last a man of high rank and reputation in the state. Socrates was accused by them of despising the ancient gods of the state introducing new divinities and corrupting the youth of Athens. He was charged with having taught his followers, young men of the first Athenian families to despise the established government, to be turbulent and seditious and his accusers pointed to Alcibiades and Cretias notorious for their lawlessness as examples of the fruits of his teaching. It is quite certain that Socrates disliked the Athenian government and considered democracy as tyrannical, as despotism but there was no law at Athens by which he could be put to death for his words and actions and the vague charge could never have been made unless the whole trial of the philosopher had been a party movement headed by men like Lycon and Anitus whose support of the unjust measure made the condemnation of Socrates a foregone conclusion. Xenophon, the pupil and admirer of the philosopher expresses in his memorabilia of Socrates his surprise that the Athenians should have condemned to death a man of such exalted character and transparent innocence but the influence of the teacher with his pupils most of them sons of the wealthiest citizens might well have been dreaded by those in office and engaged in the conduct of public business by them the common politicians of the day Socrates with his keen and witty criticism of political corruption and demagogism must have been considered a formidable adversary accordingly by the decision of the Athenian court the philosopher was sentenced to death by drinking a cup of hemlock although it was usual for criminals to be executed the day following their condemnation he enjoyed a respite of 30 days during which time his friends had access to his prison cell it was a time when the ceremonial galley was crowned and sent on her pilgrimage to the Holy Isle of Delos and no criminal could be executed until her return Socrates exhibited heroic constancy and cheerfulness during this interval and repudiated the offers of his friends to aid in his escape though they had chartered the ship to carry him to Thessaly with calm composure he reasoned on the immortality of the soul and cheered his visitors with words of hope the literary portraits of Socrates furnished by himself and the writings of Plato are among the most precious monuments of antiquity and the life and death of such a man form a memorable era in the moral and intellectual history of mankind Plato in his Phaedo or the immortality of the soul gives the following dialogue between Achaecrates and Phaedo to friends and disciples of the late philosopher evidently with no other purpose in view then to lend to the account of the great teachers last hours and the last words his followers were to hear from his lips the additional force and dramatic value of personal narrative in the mouth of a loving pupil and an actual eyewitness of his death Achaecrates were he personally present Phaedo with Socrates on that day when he drunk the poison in prison or did you hear an account of it from someone else Phaedo I was there myself Achaecrates Achaecrates what then did he say before his death and how did he die for I should be glad to hear for scarcely any citizen of Fluis ever visits Athens now nor has any stranger for a long time come from thence who was able to give us a clear account of the particulars except that he died from drinking poison but he was unable to tell us anything more Phaedo and did you not hear about the trial how it went off Achaecrates yes someone told me this and I wondered that it took place so long ago he appears to have died long afterward what was the reason of this Phaedo Phaedo an accidental circumstance happened in his favor Achaecrates for the poop of the ship which the Athenian sent to Delos chance to be crowned on the day before the trial Achaecrates but what is this ship Phaedo it is the ship as the Athenians say in which theses formerly conveyed the 14 boys and girls to Crete and saved both them and himself they therefore made a vow to Apollo on that occasion as it is said that if they were saved they would every year dispatch a solemn embassy to Delos which from that time to the present they send yearly to the god when they begin the preparations for this solemn embassy they have a law that the city shall be purified during this period and that no public executions shall take place until the ship has reached Delos and returned to Athens and this occasionally takes a long time when the winds happen to impede their passage the commencement of the embassy is when the priest of Apollo has crowned the poop of the ship and this was done as I said on the day before the trial on this account Socrates had a long interval in prison between the trial and his death Achaecrates and what Phaedo were the circumstances of his death what was said and done and who of his friends were with him or would not the magistrates allow them to be present but did he die destitute of friends Phaedo by no means but some indeed several were present Achaecrates take the trouble then to relate to me all the particulars as clearly as you can unless you have any pressing business Phaedo I am at leisure and will endeavor to give you a full account for to call Socrates to mind whether speaking myself or listening to someone else is always most delightful to me Achaecrates and indeed Phaedo you have others to listen to you who are of the same mind however endeavor to relate everything as accurately as you can Phaedo I was indeed wonderfully affected by being present for I was not impressed with the feeling of pity like one present at the death of a friend for the man appeared to me to be happy Achaecrates both from his manner and discourse so fearlessly and nobly did he meet his death so much so that it occurred to me that in going to Hades he was not going without a divine destiny but that when he arrived there he would be happy if anyone ever was for this reason I was entirely uninfluenced by any feeling of pity as would seem likely to be the case with one present on so mournful an occasion nor was I affected by pleasure from being engaged in philosophical discussions as was our custom for our conversation was of that kind but an altogether unaccountable feeling possessed me a kind of unusual mixture compounded of pleasure and pain together when I considered that he was immediately about to die and all of us who were present were affected in much the same manner but one time laughing but another weeping one of us especially Apollodorus for you know the man and his manner Achaecrates how should I not? Phaedo he then was entirely overcome by these emotions and I too was troubled as well as the others Achaecrates but who were present Phaedo Phaedo of his fellow countrymen this Apollodorus was present and Cretobulus and his father Cretol moreover Hermogenes Epigenes Eskenes and Antisthenes Ctesipus the Pianian Menexenus and some other of his countrymen were also there Phaedo I think was sick Achaecrates were any strangers present Phaedo Yes, Simeas the Theban Sebes and Fadondes and from Megara, Euclides and Terpsion Achaecrates but what were not Aristipus and Cleombratus present? Phaedo know for they were said to be at Aegina Achaecrates was anyone else there? Phaedo I think that these were nearly all who were present Achaecrates well now what do you say was the subject of conversation? Phaedo I will endeavor to relate the whole to you from the beginning on the preceding days I and the others were constantly in the habit of visiting Socrates meeting early in the morning at the courthouse where the trial took place for it was near the prison here then we waited every day till the prison was opened conversing with each other for it was not opened very early but as soon as it was opened we went in to Socrates and usually spent a day with him on that occasion however we met earlier than usual for on the preceding day when we left the prison in the evening we heard that the ship had arrived from Delos we therefore urged each other to come as early as possible to the accustomed place accordingly we came and the porter who used to admit us coming out told us to wait and not to enter until he called us for he said the eleven are now free in Socrates from his bonds and announcing to him that he must die today but in no long time he returned and made us enter when we entered we found Socrates just freed from his bonds and Santipe you know her holding his little boy and sitting by him as soon as Santipe saw us she wept aloud and said such things as women usually do on such occasions as Socrates your friends will now converse with you for the last time and you with them but Socrates looking toward Crito said Crito let someone take her home upon which some of Crito's attendants led her away wailing and beating herself but Socrates sitting up in bed drew up his leg and rubbed it with his hand and as he rubbed it said what an unaccountable thing my friends that seems to be which men call pleasure and how wonderfully is it related toward that which appears to be its contrary pain in that they will not both be present to a man at the same time yet if anyone pursues and attains the one he is almost always compelled to receive the other as if they were both united together from one head and it seems to me he said that if Essop had observed this he would have made a fable from it how the deity bearing principles when he could not do so united their heads together and from hence whomesoever the one visits the other attends immediately after as appears to be the case with me since I suffered pain in my leg before from the chain but now pleasure seems to have succeeded hereupon Sebes interrupting him said by Jupiter Socrates you have done well in reminding me with respect to the poems which you made by putting into meter those fables of Essop and him to Apollo several other persons asked me and especially Avinas recently with what design you made them after you came here whereas before you had never made any if therefore you care at all that I should be able to answer Avinas when he asks me again for I am sure he will do so tell me what I must say to him tell him the truth then Sebes he replied that I did not make them from a wish to compete with him or his poems for I knew that this would be no easy matter but that I might discover the meaning of certain dreams and discharge my conscience if this should happen to be the music which they have often ordered me to apply myself to for they were to the following purport often in my past life the same dream visited me appearing at different times in different forms yet always saying the same thing Socrates it said apply yourself to and practice music and I formerly supposed that it exhorted and encouraged me to continue the pursuit I was engaged in as those who cheer on racers so that the dream encouraged me to continue the pursuit I was engaged in namely to apply myself to music since philosophy is the highest music and I was devoted to it but now since my trial took place and the festival of God retarded my death it appeared to me that if by any chance the dream so frequently enjoined me to apply myself to popular music I ought not to disobey it but do so for that it would be safer for me to depart hence before I had discharged my conscience by making some poems in obedience to the dream thus then I first of all composed him to the God whose festival was present and after the God considering that a poet if he means to be a poet ought to make fables and not discourses and knowing that I was not skilled in making fables I therefore put into verse those fables of Essop which were at hand and were known to me and which first occurred to me tell this then to Avinus, Sebes and bid him farewell and if he is wise to follow me as soon as he can but I depart as it seems today for so the Athenians order to this Simea said what is this socrates which you exhort Avinus to do for I often meet with him and from what I know of him I am pretty certain that he will not at all be willing to comply with your advice what then said he is not Avinus a philosopher to me he seems to be so Simeas then he will be willing rejoin socrates and so will everyone who worthily engages in this study perhaps indeed he will not commit violence on himself for that they say is not allowable and as he said this he let down his leg from the bed on the ground and in this posture continued during the remainder of the discussion Sebes then asked him what do you mean socrates by saying that it is not lawful to commit violence on oneself but that a philosopher should be willing to follow one who is dying what Sebes have not you and Simeas who have conversed familiarly with Philolaus on the subject heard nothing very clearly socrates I however speak only from hearsay what then I have heard I have no scruple in telling and perhaps it is most becoming for one who is about to travel there to inquire and speculate about the journey either what kind we think it is what else can one do in the interval before sunset why then socrates do they say that it is not allowable to kill oneself for I as you are just now have heard both Philolaus when he lived with us and several others say that it was not right to do this but I never heard anything clear upon the subject from anyone then you should consider it attentively said socrates for perhaps you may hear probably however it will appear wonderful to you if this alone of all other things is an universal truth and it never happens to a man as is the case in all other things that at some times and to some persons only it is better to die than to live yet that these men for whom it is better to die this probably will appear wonderful to you may not without impiety do this good to themselves but must await another benefactor then sabus gently smiling said speaking in his own dialect jove be witness and indeed it would appear to be unreasonable yet still perhaps it has some reason on its side the maxim indeed given on this subject in the mystical doctrines that we men are in a kind of prison and that we ought not to free ourselves from it and escape appears to me difficult to be understood and not easy to penetrate this however it seems to me sabus to be well said that the gods take care of us and that we men are one of their possessions does it not seem so to you it does replied sabus therefore said he if one of your slaves were to kill himself without your having intimated that you wished him to die should you not be angry with him and should you not punish him if you could certainly he replied perhaps then in this point of view it is not unreasonable to assert that a man ought not to kill himself before the deity lays him under a necessity of doing so such as that now laid on me this indeed said sabus appears to be probable but what you said just now socrates that philosophers should be very willing to die appears to be an absurdity if what we said just now is agreeable to reason that it is God who takes care of us and that we are his property for that the wisest man should not be grieved at leaving that service in which they govern them who are the best of all masters namely the gods is not consistent with reason for surely he cannot think that he will take better care of himself when he has become free but a foolish man might perhaps think thus that he should fly from his master and would not reflect that he ought not to fly from a good one but should cling to him as much as possible therefore he would fly against all reason but a man of sense would desire to be constantly with one better than himself thus socrates the contrary of what we just now said is likely to be the case for it becomes the wise to be grieved at dying but a foolish to rejoice Socrates on hearing this appeared to me to be pleased with the pertinacity of Sebes and looking toward us said Sebes you see always searches out arguments and is not at all willing to admit at once anything one has said whereupon Simeas replied but indeed Socrates Sebes appears to me now to say something to the purpose for with what design should men really wise fly from masters who are better than themselves and so readily leave them and Sebes appears to me to direct his argument against you because you so easily endure to abandon both us and those good rulers as you yourself confess the gods you speak justly said Socrates for I think you mean that I ought to make my defense to this charge as if I were in a court of justice certainly replied Simeas come then said he I will endeavor to defend myself more successfully before you then before the judges for he proceeded Simeas and Sebes if I did not think that I should go first of all among other deities who are both wise and good and next among men who have departed this life better than any here I should be wrong you're not grieving a death but now be assured I hope to go among good men though I would not positively assert it that however I shall go among gods who are perfectly good masters be assured I can positively assert this if I can anything of this kind so that on this account I am not so much troubled but I entertain a good hope that something awaits those who die and that as was said long since it will be far better for the good than the evil what then Socrates said Simeas would you go away keeping this persuasion to yourself or would you impart it with us for this good appears to me to be also common to us and at the same time it will be an apology for you if you can persuade us to believe what you say I will endeavor to do so he said but first let us attend to Crito here and see what it is he seems to have for some time wish to say what else Socrates said Crito but what he who is to give you the poison told me some time ago to tell you to speak as little as possible for he says that men become too much heated by speaking and that nothing of this kind ought to interfere with the poison and that otherwise those who did so were sometimes compelled to drink two or three times to which Socrates replied let him alone and let him attend to his own business and prepare to give it to me twice or if occasion requires even thrice I was almost certain what you would say answered Crito but he has been some time pestering me never mind him he rejoined but now I wish to render an account to you my judges of the reason why a man who has really devoted his life to philosophy when he is about to die appears to me on good grounds to have confidence and to entertain a firm hope that the greatest good will befall him in the other world when he has departed this life how then this comes to pass Simeas and Sebes I will endeavor to explain for as many as rightly apply themselves to philosophy seem to have left all others in ignorance that they aim at nothing else than to die and be dead if this then is true it would surely be absurd to be anxious about nothing else than this during their whole life but when it arrives to be grieved at and long anxious about and aimed at end of section 9 recording by Mike Botez section 10 of the great events by famous historians volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Mike Botez the great events by famous historians volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn Rossiter Johnson and John Rudd the condemnation and death of Socrates B.C. 399 by Plato part 2 upon this Simeas smiling said by Jupiter Socrates though I am not now a tolling client you have made me do so for I think that the multitude if they heard this would think it was very well said in reference to philosophers and that our countrymen particularly would agree with you that true philosophers do desire death and that they are by no means ignorant that they deserve to suffer it and indeed Simeas they would speak the truth except in asserting that they are not ignorant for they are ignorant of the sense in which true philosophers desire to die and in what sense they deserve death and what kind of death but he said let us take leave of them and speak to one another do we think that death is anything certainly replied Simeas is it anything else than the separation of the soul from the body and is not this to die for the body to be a part by itself separated from the soul and for the soul to subsist a part by itself separated from the body is death anything else than this no but this he replied consider then my good friend whether you are of the same opinion as me for thus I think we shall understand better the subject we are considering does it appear to you to be becoming in a philosopher to be anxious about pleasures as they are called such as meats and drinks by no means socrates said Simeas but what about the pleasure of love not at all what then does such a man appear to you to think other bodily indulgences of value for instance does he seem to you to value or despise the possession of magnificent garments and sandals and other ornaments of the body except so far as necessity compels him to use them the true philosopher he answered appears to me to despise them does not then he continued the whole employment of such a man appeared to you to be not about the body but to separate himself from it as much as possible and be occupied about his soul it does first of all then in such matters does not the philosopher above all other men evidently free his soul as much as he can from communion with the body it appears so and it appears Simeas to the generality of man that he who takes no pleasure in such things and who does not use them does not deserve to live but that he nearly approaches to death who cares nothing for the pleasures that subsist through the body you speak very truly but what would respect to the acquisition of wisdom is the body an impediment or not if anyone takes it with him as a partner in the search what I mean is this do sight and hearing convey any truth in men or are they such as the poets who say that we neither hear nor see anything with accuracy if however these bodily senses are neither accurate nor clear much less can the others be so for they are all far inferior to these do they not seem so to you certainly he replied when then he does the soul light on the truth for when it attempts to consider anything in conjunction with the body it is plain that it is then led astray by it you say truly must it not then be by reasoning if at all that any of the things that really are become known to it yes and surely the soul then reasons best when none of these things disturbs it neither hearing nor sight nor pain nor pleasure of any kind but it retires as much as possible within itself taking leave of the body and as far as it can not communicating or being in contact with it it aims the discovery of that which is such is the case does not then the soul of the philosopher in these cases despise the body and flee from it and seek to retire within itself it appears so but what as to such things as this seems do we say that justice itself is something or nothing we say it is something by Jupiter and that beauty and goodness are something how not now then have you ever seen anything of this kind with your eyes by no means he replied did you ever lay hold of them by any other bodily sense by speak generally as of magnitude health strength and in a word of the essence of everything that is to say what each is is then the exact truth of these perceived by means of the body or is it thus whoever among us habituates himself to reflect most deeply and accurately on each several things about which he is considering he will make the nearest approach to the knowledge of it certainly would not he then do this with the utmost purity who should in the highest degree approach each subject by means of the mere mental faculties neither employing the sight in conjunction with reflective faculty nor introducing any other sense together with reasoning but who using pure reflection by itself should attempt to search out each essence purely by itself freed as much as possible from the eyes and ears and in a word from the whole body as disturbing the soul and not suffering it to acquire truth and wisdom when it is in communion with it is not he the person if anyone can who will arrive at the knowledge of that which is you speak with wonderful truth socrates replied Simeas wherefore he said it necessarily follows from all this that some such opinion as this should be entertained by genuine philosophers so that they should speak among themselves as follows a by-path as it were seems to lead us on in our research is undertaken by reason because as long as we are encumbered with the body and our soul is contaminated with such an evil we can never fully attain to what we desire and this we say is truth for the body subjects us to innumerable hindrances on account of its necessary support and moreover if any diseases befall us they impede us in our search after that which is and it fills us with longings desires all kinds of fancies and a multitude of absurdities so that as it is said in real truth by reason of the body it is never possible for us to make any advances in wisdom for nothing else but the body and its desires occasions, wars seditions and contests for all wars among us arise on account of our desire to acquire wealth and we are compelled to acquire wealth on account of the body being enslaved to its service and consequently on all these accounts we are hindered in the pursuit of philosophy but the worst of all is that if it leaves us any leisure and we apply ourselves to the consideration of any subject it constantly obtrudes itself in the midst of our researches and occasions, trouble and disturbance and confounds us so that we are not able by reason of it to discern the truth it has then in reality been demonstrated to us that if we are ever to know anything purely we must be separated from the body and contemplate the things themselves by the mere soul and then as it seems we shall obtain that which we desire and which we profess ourselves to be the lovers of wisdom when we are dead as reason shows but not while we are alive for if it is not possible to know anything purely in conjunction with the body one of these two things must follow either that we can never acquire knowledge or only after we are dead for then the soul will subsist apart by itself separate from the body but not before and while we live we shall thus as it seems approach nearest to knowledge if we hold no intercourse or communion at all with the body except what absolute necessity requires nor suffer ourselves to be polluted by its nature but purify ourselves from it until God himself shall release us and thus being pure and freed from the folly of body we shall in all likelihood be with others like ourselves and shall of ourselves know the whole real essence and that probably is truth for it is not allowable for the impure to attain to the pure such things I think Simeas all true lovers of wisdom must both think and say to one another does it not seem so to you most assuredly Socrates if this then said Socrates is true my friend there is great hope for one who arrives where I am going there if anywhere to acquire that perfection for the sake of which we have taken so much pains during our past life so that the journey now appointed me is set out upon with good hope and will be so by any other man who thinks that his mind has been as it were purified this earth and the whole region here are decayed and corroded as things in the sea by the saltness for nothing of any value grows in the sea in a word does it contain anything perfect but there are caverns and sand and mud in abundance and filth in whatever parts of the sea there is earth nor are they at all worthy to be compared with beautiful things with us but on the other hand those things in the upper regions of the earth for if we may tell a beautiful fable it is well worth hearing semias what kind the things are on the earth beneath the heavens indeed Socrates said semias we should be very glad to hear that fable first of all then my friend he continued this earth above is said to have the appearance of bowls covered with 12 different pieces of leather variegated and distinguished with colors of which the colors found here and which painters use are as it were copies but there the whole earth is composed of such and far more brilliant and pure than these one part of it is purple and of wonderful beauty part of a golden color and part of white more white than chalk or snow and in like manner composed of other colors and those more in number and more beautiful than any we have ever beheld and those very hollow parts of the earth though filled with water and air exhibit a certain species of color shining among the variety of other colors so that one continually variegated aspect presents itself to the view in this earth being such all things that grow grow in a manner proportion to its nature trees, flowers and fruits and again in like manner its mountains and stones possesses in the same proportion smoothness and transparency and more beautiful colors of which the well known stones here that are so highly prized are but fragments such as sardine stones jaspers and emeralds and all of that kind but there there is nothing subsists that is not of this character and even more beautiful than these but the reason of this is because the stones there are pure and not eaten up and decayed like those here by rottenness and saltiness which flow down hither together and which produce deformity and disease in the stones and the earth and in other things even animals and plants but that earth is adorned with all these and moreover with gold and silver and other things of the kind for they are naturally conspicuous being numerous and large and in all parts of the earth so that to behold it is a sight for the blessed there are also many animals and men upon it some dwelling in mid-earth others about the air as we do about the sea and others in islands which the air flows round and which are near the continent and in one word what water and the sea are to us for our necessities the air is to them and what air is to us that ether is to them but their seasons are of such a temperament that they are free from disease and live for a much longer time than those here and surpass us in sight, hearing and smelling and everything of this kind as much as air excels water and ether air impurity moreover they have abodes and temples of the gods in which gods really dwell and voices and oracles and sensible visions of the gods and such like intercourse with them the sun too and moon and stars are seen by them such as they really are and their felicity in other respects is corresponded with these things and such indeed is the nature of the whole earth and the parts about the earth but there are many places all around it throughout its cavities some deeper and more open than that in which we dwell but others that are deeper have less custom than in our region and other are shallower in depth than they are here and broader but all these are in many places perforated one into another under the earth some with narrower and some with wider channels and have passages through by which a great quantity of water flows from one into another and there are immense bulks of ever flowing rivers under the earth both of hot and cold water and a great quantity of fire and mighty rivers of fire and many of liquid mire some purer and some more mirey as in Sicily there are rivers of mud that flow before the lava and the lava itself and from these the several places are filled according as the overflow from time to time happens to come to each of them but all these move up and down as it were by a certain oscillation existing in the earth and this oscillation proceeds from such natural cause as this one of the customs of the earth is exceedingly large and perforated through the entire earth and is that which Homer speaks of very far off where is the most profound abyss beneath the earth which elsewhere both he and many other poets have called Tartarus for into this custom all rivers flow together and from it flow out again but they severally derive their character from the earth through which they flow and the reason why all streams flow out from thence and flow into it is because this liquid has neither bottom nor base therefore it oscillates and fluctuates up and down and the air and the wind around it do the same for they accompany it both when it rushes of those parts of the earth and when to these and as in respiration the flowing breath is continually breathed out and drawn in so there the wind oscillating with the liquid causes certain vehement and irresistible winds both as it enters and goes out when therefore the place which we call the lower region it flows through the earth into the streams there and fills them just as men pump up water but when again it leaves those regions and rushes hither it again fills the rivers here and these when filled flow through channels and through the earth and having severally to which they are journeying they make seas lakes rivers and fountains then sinking again from thence beneath the earth some of them having gone round longer and more numerous places and others round fewer and shorter they again discharge themselves into tartarus some much lower than they were drawn up others only a little so but all of them flow in again beneath the point at which they flowed out and some issue out directly opposite the place by which they flow in others on the same side there are also some which having gone round altogether in a circle folding themselves once or several times round the earth like serpents when they had descended as low as possible again and it is possible for them to descend on either side as far as the middle but not beyond for in each direction there is an aclivity to the streams both ways now there are many other large and various streams and among this great number there are four certain streams of which the largest and that which flows most under the earth is called ocean but directly opposite this and flowing in a country direction is acharan which flows through other desert places and moreover passing under the earth reaches the acharussian lake where the souls of most would die arrive and having remained there for certain destined periods some longer are against and forth into the generations of animals the third river issues midway between these and near its source falls into a vast region burning with abundance of fire and forms a lake larger than our sea boiling with water and mud from hence it proceeds in a circle turbulent and muddy and folding itself round it reaches both other places and the extremity of the acharussian lake but does not mingle with its water but folding itself oftentimes beneath the earth it discharges itself into the lower parts of Tartarus and this is the river which they call pyriflegeton whose burning streams emit the severed fragments in whatever part of the earth they happen to be opposite to this again the fourth river first falls into a place dreadful and savage as it is said having its whole color like cyannus this they call stygian and the lake which the river forms by its discharge sticks this river having fallen in here and received awful power and the water sinking beneath the earth proceeds folding itself round in an opposite course to pyriflegeton and meets it in the acharussian lake from a contrary direction neither does the water of this river mingle with any other but it too having gone round in a circle discharges itself into Tartarus opposite to pyriflegeton its name as the poets say is cosetus these things being thus constituted when the dead arrive at the place to which their demon leads them severally first of all they are judged as well those who have lived well and piously as those who have not and those who appear to have passed a middle kind of life and embarking in the vessels they have on these arrive at the lake and there dwell and when they are purified and have suffered punishment for the iniquities they may have committed they are set free and each receives the reward of his good deeds according to his desserts but those who appear to be incurable through the magnitude of their offenses either from having committed many and great sacralages or many unjust and lawless murders or other similar crimes these a suitable destiny hurls into Tartarus whence they never come forth but those who appear to have been guilty of curable yet great offenses such as those who have committed any violence against father or mother and have lived the remainder of their life in a state of penitence or they who have committed homicides in a similar manner these must of necessity fall into Tartarus but after they have fallen and have been there for a year the wave casts them forth the homicides into Costitus and Matricides into Pariflegathon but when being born along they arrive at the Akerusian lake there they cry out to and invoke some those whom they slew others those whom they injured and invoking them they entreat and implore them to suffer them to go out into the lake and to receive them and if they persuade them they go out and are freed from their suffering but if not they are born back to Tartarus and thence again to the rivers and they do not cease from suffering this until they have persuaded those whom they have injured for this sentence was imposed on them by the judges but those who are found to have lived an eminently holy life these are they who being freed and set at large from these regions in the earth as from a prison arrive at the pure abode above and dwell on the upper parts of the earth and among these they who have sufficiently purified themselves by philosophy shall live without bodies throughout all future time and shall arrive at habitations yet more beautiful than these which it is neither easy to describe nor at present is there sufficient time for the purpose but for the sake of these things which we have described we should use every endeavor seem us so as to acquire virtue and wisdom in this life for the reward is noble and the hope great to affirm positively indeed that these things are exactly as I have described them does not become a man of sense that however either this or something of the kind takes place with respect to our souls and their habitations since our soul is certainly immortal this appears to me most fitting to be believed and worthy the hazard for one who trusts in its reality for the hazard is noble and it is right to allure ourselves with such things as with enchantments for which reason I have prolonged my story to such a length on account of these things then a man ought to be confident about his soul who during this life has disregarded all the pleasures and ornaments of the body as foreign from his nature and who having thought that they do more harm than good has zealously applied himself to the acquirement of knowledge and who having adorned his soul not with a foreign but its own proper ornament temperance justice fortitude freedom and truth thus waits for his passage to Hades as one who is ready to depart whenever destiny shall summon him you then he continued Simeas and Sebes and the rest will each of you depart at some future time but now destiny summons me as a tragic writer would say and it is nearly time for me to be take myself to the bath for it appears to me to be better to drink the poison after I have bathed myself and not trouble the women with washing my dead body end of section 10 recording by Mike Botez section 11 of the great events by famous historians volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Mike Botez the great events by famous historians volume 2 edited by Charles F. Horn Rossiter Johnson and John Rudd the condemnation and death of Socrates B.C. 399 by Plato part 3 when he had thus spoken Crito said so be it Socrates but what commands have you to give to these or to me either respecting your children or any other matter in attending to which we can most oblige you what I always say Crito he replied nothing new that by taking care of yourselves you will oblige both me and mine and yourselves whatever you do though you should not now promise it but if you neglect yourselves and will not live as it were in the footsteps of what has been now and formerly said even though you should promise much at present and that earnestly you will do no good at all we will endeavor then so to do he said but how shall we bury you just as you please he said if only you can catch me and I do not escape from you and at the same time smiling gently and looking round on us he said I cannot persuade Crito my friends that I am that Socrates who is now conversing with you and who methodizes each part of the discourse but he thinks that I am he whom he will shortly behold dead and asks how he should bury me and that which I sometimes since argued at length that when I have drunk the poison I shall no longer remain with you but shall depart to some happy state of the blessed this I have seen to have urged to him in vain though I meant at the same time to console both you and myself be ye than my sureties to Crito he said in an obligation contrary to that which he made to the judges for he undertook that I should remain but do you be sure it is that when I die I shall not remain but shall depart that Crito may more easily bear it and when he sees my body either burnt or buried may not be afflicted for me nor say at my interment that Socrates is laid out or is carried out or is buried for be well assured he said most excellent Crito that to speak improperly is not only culpable as to the thing itself but likewise occasions some injury to our souls you must have a good courage then and say that you bury my body and bury it in such a manner that this is pleasing to you and as you think is most agreeable to our laws when he had said thus he rose and went into a chamber to bathe and Crito followed him but he directed us to wait for him we waited therefore conversing among ourselves about what had been said and considering it again and sometimes speaking about our calamity how severe it would be to us sincerely thinking that like those who are deprived of a father we should pass the rest of our life as orphans when he had bathed and his children were brought to him for he had two little sons and one grown up and the women belonging to his family were calm having conversed to them in the presence of Crito and giving them such injunctions as he wished he directed the women and children to go away and then returned to us and it was now near sunset for he spent a considerable time within but when he came from bathing he sat down and did not speak much afterward then the officer of the 11 came in and standing near him said Socrates I shall not have to find that fault with you that I do with others that they are angry with me and curse me when by order of the archons I bid them drink the poison but you on all other occasions during the time you have been here I have found to be the most noble meek and excellent man of all that ever came into this place and therefore I am now well convinced that you will not be angry with me for you know who are to blame but with them now then for you know what I came to announce to you farewell and endeavor to bear what is inevitable as easy as possible and at the same time bursting into tears he turned away and withdrew him said and though too farewell we will do as you direct at the same time turning to us he said how courteous the man is during the whole time I have been here he has visited me and conversed with me sometimes and proved the worthiest of men and now how generously he weeps for me but come Cretol let us obey him and let someone bring the poison if it is ready pounded but if not let the man pound it then Cretol said but I think socrates that the sun is still on the mountains and has not yet set besides I know that others have drunk the poison very late after it had been announced to them and have sucked and drunk freely and some even have enjoyed do not hasten then for there is yet time upon this socrates replied these men whom you mention Cretol do these things with good reason for they think they shall gain by so doing and I too with good reason shall not do so for I think I shall gain nothing by drinking a little later except to become ridiculous to myself in being so fond of life and sparing of it when none any longer remains go then he said obey and do not resist Cretol having heard this nodded to the boy that stood near and the boy having gone out and stayed for some time came bringing with him the man that was to administer the poison who brought it ready pounded in a cup and socrates on seeing the man said well my good friend as you are skilled in this matters what must I do nothing else he replied then when you have drunk it walk about until there is a heaviness in your legs then lie down thus it will do its purpose and at the same time he held out the cup to socrates and he having received it very cheerfully acacrities neither trembling nor changing at all in color or countenance but as he was warned looking instead fastly at the man said what say you of this potion with respect to making libation to anyone is it lawful or not we only pound so much socrates he said as we think sufficient to drink I understand you he said but it is certainly both lawful and right to pray to the gods that my departure hence thither may be happy which therefore I pray and so may it be and as he said this he drunk it off readily and calmly thus far most of us were with difficulty able to restrain ourselves but when we saw him drinking and having finished the draft we could do so no longer but in spite of myself the tears came in full torrent so that covering my face I wept for myself for I did not weep for him but for my own fortune in being deprived of such a friend but critto even before me when he could not restrain his tears but apolodorus even before this had not seized weeping and then bursting into an agony of grief weeping and lamenting he pierced the heart of everyone present except socrates himself but he said what are I doing my admirable friends I indeed for this reason chiefly sent away the women that they might not commit any folly of this kind for I have heard that it is right to die with good omens be quiet therefore and bear up when we have heard this we were ashamed and restrained our tears but he having walked about when he said that his legs were growing heavy laid down on his back for the man so directed him and at the same time he who gave him the poison taken hold of him after a short interval examined his feet and legs and then having pressed his foot hard he asked if he felt it he said that he did not and after this he pressed his thighs and thus going higher he showed us that he was growing cold and stiff then socrates touched himself and said that when the poison reached his heart he should then depart but now the parts around the lower belly were almost cold when uncovering himself for he had been covered over he said and they were his last words Crito we owe cock to Esculapius pay it therefore and do not neglect it it shall be done said Crito but consider whether you have anything else to say to this question he gave no reply but shortly after he gave a convulsive movement and the man covered him and his eyes were fixed and Crito perceiving it closed his mouth and eyes this ecocrates was the end of our friend as we may say the best of all his time that we have known and moreover the most wise and just end of section 11 recording by Mike Botez