 Daj bomo dobrati tega poslednjanja. Zdaj, različno je zvojno, da je plenskej, vsakom plenskej, z tvojim početem poslednjem poslednjem, ale ja ne moram pošli soveni počet. Sve, da je zdaj. Na tvoj zelo milenijom BC je način karakterizovati, prezens in ideologičnih in motivativnih in traktivnih netorov, ko je spravil na Evropa in včasnih. Tudi te netorov skupili materijali z kompleks arkelogičnih asemdečnih, v kateri včas trajev in praktičnih je vzvečil na vzvečnih arkelogičnih asemdečnih. Vzveč je tudi adriatic setina fenomenon, kompleks pattern in long-range intertvine in traktičnih, karakteriz empty terrenija in terrenija, to ima izvanjo kada je. dochodnjo karakteristiko taj sokoli tenovog stavina kulturina, včetko je najbolj v centre delmešča, vzupovovana in splitоде, je zamah bila velika presenj brzovna. Privolj i ramčen nino, in nekaj nimi vizantov je poljondoho, Singolo in multipli inomrbi, tudi izstavil v jazkih, in tudi zvršovana objevačnja tračnja. D interconnected goods are rare, almost nonek existents, in they take shapes of ceramics, broken, and scattered throughout the tumulus. Distinctive t 담erahvistina include, but are not limited to, of course, bowl with thicken and rims, and different types of tankards, old figures, One of the most famous in literature is the so-called Kotoratz type. The mobility of this Dalmatian set in communities is postulated by the presence of these very distinctive ceramic types across the Balkansk special. Most important for us today across the Central Mediterranean This is旁raje map in dedikating this, the spread of these cetina evidences. So I'm going to approach the cetina phenomenon from the point of view of the resources, and their appropriation and the consequent construction of different landscapes, which I call the cetina escapes, enphasizing the cultural and symbolic dimension. As I said, before most of the conclusion that you are going to see here are based on ceramic analysis, but not only of course. So in contrast to natural raw materials resources as are socially productive construction, expressing what people perceive as relevant for their life, no matter if it is about their physical or their social needs. Resources are regarded as a product of social appropriation and construction first, either as material sources, but also as mental perceptions. Such an approach allows to specifically access to societal transformation and also to evaluate resources impact to societal change in general and to understand the construction of these materialized environments. Archeological record, as I pointed out already, suggests that certain communities were fairly mobile human groups who created their landscape by projecting their ideas and views on the world as they find it, putting emphasis on train, tracks, routes, campsites and special places, so arenas. In his lifelong work in the Sibenic state area, as I mentioned the core of this so-called Zetina culture or Zetina phenomenon, Mario, which excavated an impressive number of tumuli concentrated in the upper part of the Zetina valley. His research was undertaken at a very local scale. In 1970s, he was the first to recognize the presence of this special transdreatic tankards of Zetina type, so acknowledging the importance of transdreatic connections, so the connections between Italy and eastern Adriatic. By adopting a cultural history approach, Blago Evovedarica researched the Zetina culture at a wider scale, so encompassing the whole territory of former Yugoslavia and Albania, and putting particular emphasis on overland connections. Whoever is only in the 90s, which characterized by the flourishing of Mediterranean archeology, that the research scale on the Zetina phenomenon became wider and encompassing the entire Central Mediterranean and Greece, and emphasizing especially transdreatic and transunion connections, especially thanks to new excavations in Italy that yielded the great numbers of Zetina evidences. On the other hand, however, this interest for these big narratives and for seborn nature of the Zetina phenomenon resulted in the almost complete neglect of inland connectivity. So the current interpretative model for the Zetina phenomenon emphasizes only seborn connectivity, and of course, this case. The main hypothesis on the nature of the Zetina network can be summarized more or less as follows. So the spread of Zetina features to western Greece, southern Italy, Sicily, and the Maltese Archipelago can be regarded as a fairly homogeneous and single pattern of connectivity that took place at the very end of the turn millennium BC, in which a pivotal role was played by the so-called, what Maran called the Argonauts of the Western Balkans, who spread over the central Mediterranean. According to Maran, which was followed by Bruban, Zetina is the common denominator behind the migration of small groups that move from Dalmeša, that are connected to the circulation of metals. However, according to Rejken Kacela, the phenomenon began pretty earlier about the mid of the third millennium BC, and of course, Balkan and Adriatic sefarer were not the only player in the Zetina phenomenon. So Adriatic sefarer, so this phenomenon of connectivity which has a score in Dalmeša, is only one phase of a more nuanced and complex socio-economic and cultural network. So, as we saw, resources getting strategies and commerce connected to metallurgy are generally indicated as the main driving forces behind this overseas expansion of the Zetina phenomenon. However, the data tower disposal show that the Zetina phenomenon is a far more complex pattern of connectivity and mobility, in which resources getting strategies was deeply intertwined to ideological and social aspects. And this especially in the research undertaken by Fohrenbacher in Palagruža and in Dalmeša, which were recently published. So in the last year, I would say, we have a really huge number of new data to address the really established model. So, as regards overseas expansion, recent research by Fohrenbacher in Palagruža and at Nakovana allows us to reconsider these evidences connected to Zetina expansion. Palagruža is a very tiny islet between Italy and Dalmeša and represents a key site by which to address the significance of Adriatic Union sefaring and seascapes constructions. Lekking odd basic resources such as water and fuel and therefore being unsuitable for a permanent settlement, the islet was used as outpost for the Gargano Church Supply Network. Analysis show that the abundant litics found at Palagruža are of Apulian origin with 97,5% of those recovered made with the church from Gargano. Data from the Spilakeve and the Hillfort of Grad both located on the Nakovana Plateau on Peješac, a peninsula on the Eastern Adriatic Seaboard of Southern Croatia provided crucial information about raw material supplies. From the early Neolithic right up to the Iron Age, virtually all the Nakovana Plateau litics are made of church imported from the Gargano Peninsula. Church trade from Gargano to Dalmeša was a flourishing activity and set in expansion to get advantage of already existing and persistence trans-Adriatic connections ongoing from the Neolithic. However, it can be noticed that Palagruža increased in importance as a seaport during the third millennium BC, becoming a stop on a wildly traveled route. As mentioned earlier the large majority of pottery from funerary context is very richly decorated and it is usually found broken and scattered throughout our tumuli. Preference for the use of decorated pottery in ritual activities is suggested by find on Palagruža where a good number of set in a pot shirt was recovered together with highly symbolic objects connected to bell beaker ideology such as stone wrist guards and faint arrowheads. This finds suggest that the eyes let was not only a simple trade outpost, but that it occupied a significant place in ritual activities connected to the raw material supply and sifying. Set in ceramics found at Palagruža were likely manufactured elsewhere and brought to the eyes let together with animals, water and other goods during expeditions. The first set of petrographic analysis ever available for Dalmeša under taken on set in a pot shirt suggests that there were possibly of course manufactured especially for activities connected to burials and rituals. So in other words they were manufactured to be broken. This is particularly evident when we compare of course ceramic from funerary context and ceramic from settlement. So set in ceramics from funerary context and recovered at Palagruža of course both are of worst quality. The presence so let's keep from the reatic on the other side of the set in a expansion that is the central Balkans the presence of set in a material in the interior of the Balkans Bosnia and western Serbia is well known since the k8s as pottery with set in a features has been recovered in several tumuli and hill forts. Available evidence suggests that the spread of set in a features in the Balkan interior embeds processes of transkrutivation. That is the adoption of cultural practices and their social cultural recognition. In the sense that material like objects and tools and immaterial culture rituals and technologies are generally not just simply imported or copied and blocked but that they instead appear as the result of negotiations which thereby permitted these features to enter diverse social and cultural environments. This process can be well observed in ceramic which represent the most abundant and peculiar archaeological evidence for the set in a phenomenon. For example this is just one among many some vessels from the set in a tumuli in Dalmiša recall double handled beakers which are widely spread put in the Armenohori communities so the so called Armenohori type cantaros which in Dalmiša context contrary to what we can observe in Armenohori are decorated with typical set in a patterns. Phenomena of transkrutivation in pottery production can be observed also in Greece especially in the known site of Olympia. Olympia material indeed reveals extensive interaction within groups with different technological traditions and I have to say that actually all this research project which is focusing more on set in a but also on other cultural group in the Balkans show that transkrutivation in pottery production was extremely extremely important feature and then characterize the relationship of several group from the Panonian plan to Greece. From this overview it is clear that set in is a complex phenomenon in which both seabor and overland connectivity played relevant but different roles in the construction of different set in a skates. Set in a seabor mobility and resource getting strategy as we can observe in Palagruža was associated with objects having high symbolic value connected to ceremonial warfare. Risk guards are also also known from a good number of set in a site in Dalmiša in the wider neighborhood of the eastern Adriatic such risk guards appear in bell beaker context in northern Italy Toscana and Lazio as well as Sicily and Sarginia. In addressing early Cycladic archaeology Brutberg suggest that the existence of a certain association between the use of long boats and the development of a warrior and male-centric ideology in which the use and ostentatious display of weapons had a significant role. Given the importance of overseas connection for set in a communities resource acquiring strategies and their association with bell beaker paraphernalia it is possible to hypothesize that traveling the sushats Palagruža gargan routes to get to the church from Italy was also considered as a means to increase social prestige. During the second half of the third millennium BC Palagruža acquired importance moving so for being a simple stop over and a seaport used in the church trade to becoming a proper ritual place where different ritual activities connected with the journey to Italy took place. Interaction patterns of set in a communities in the Balkans and in Greece on the contrary seem to have been characterized by marked transculturation processes that hint at a long lasting and frequent contacts between neighboring communities which in some cases even share the same areas as we saw for example in Bosnia where set in a tumuli are close to evidence. These relations place less emphasis on the material their beaker ideology and point reader to at least partially share symbolic language. Together with the spread of typical pottery type set in a phenomenon is also characterized by the emergence of different cultural landscape expressed physically by the diffusion of brutal mountains throughout eastern Adriatic and Neonian areas. This can be observed in the northernmost and southernmost peripheries of the set in a phenomenon that is in northern Italy and particularly in Greece where the diffusion of tumuli occurred at the same time when the diffusion of the set in a features that prehistoric social landscape were divided in the territorial blocks occupied by distinctive archaeological culture is recurring in archaeology. However, anthropological research proves that many ancient landscape were more politically and ethnically continuous than discontinuous. In this letter approach the food social landscape with their mobility and migration are termed here in its basic definition of a one-way residential location to a different physical or perceived environment but at least an individual were not a single event but an ongoing process. So both material and material resources played a role in the spread of set in a features by means of both seabird and overland mobility at the end of the tour millen in BC and in the construction of different and intertwined set in escapes across the Mediterranean Thank you for your attention and thanks to these colleagues who I am working with.