 Mr. Vasilenko, I would like to ask you about your relations with your main partners, foreign partners, your neighbors. And Kazakhstan is a real master of the multi-vector policy. You managed to maintain an extraordinary balance between Russia, China and the West. Vladimir Putin said the last time he celebrated his last birthday with President Takayev and Uzbek President Mirzoev. And the same time, recently in Berlin, the Chancellor Scholz and President Macron, when he was in Astana, these two Western leaders praised Kazakhstan for the distance itself from Moscow by preventing sanctions from being circumvented. You managed to navigate in troubled waters by avoiding obstacles, and your captain is very experienced. How has the war in Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh over the past almost two years affected the relations of your country with your great neighbors, Russia, Turkey, China, the West? Are the foreign policy priorities of your country changing? How do you see, how would you like to see the role of each partner involved in the medium and long term and the balance between these partners? Well, we realized ever so clearly in the past year and a half that the now famous multi-vector foreign policy that you mentioned is actually the only foreign policy that we as a country can pursue, a country of 20 million people, a neighboring one country of 1.5 billion people, another country of 140 million people, and a landlocked country, the largest landlocked country in the world. So you can only build positive, mutually respectful relations with your neighbors and with others, and that's the only way forward. In the past year and a half, what we have seen is that the West has sort of rediscovered with great clarity the importance of Central Asia. Of course, the relations were developing in the 30 years of our independence, but the blinds were taken off their eyes of policymakers in Brussels, Paris, Berlin, London, Washington. And this intensification of contacts, of political contacts and the strengthening of these diplomatic efforts on behalf of the West is very much welcomed by Kazakhstan. And as again, this is again part of the general equation for our foreign policy, because naturally we continue to strengthen, develop our cooperation with Russia, with whom we share the longest continuous land border in the world, 7,500 kilometers, and with China, our two largest neighbors. Generally, I think it's important to highlight that in our region perhaps three themes, three dynamics are taking place. One is that the challenges are really aggravating as far as security is concerned, and I mean primarily water security, water scarcity. That's a big, big challenge for Central Asia. Climate change is another one, and we heard just now from the Emirati minister that if Greenland melts even one quarter of it, then the water in the oceans will rise by two meters. Well, in Central Asia already this climate change is twice as fast and as worse as globally. And it's already creating droughts, creating problems, etc. Then there are things such as the lack of agreement between countries such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan over their borders. So, and then there is a set of challenges emanating from an unstable situation in Afghanistan, which we should also not forget about. So that's one trend. The second trend that we are seeing is the growing desire by five Central Asian countries to work together. And you may have seen that we have now held five meetings of the five leaders. Also, these Central Asia plus formats have proliferated like mushrooms after the rain. Now there are 11 such platforms ranging from one with the EU, to one with Germany, one with the United States, to one with Russia, China, etc. But the third challenge, the third dynamics that we see is this growing engagement by the outside partners. So it's not just the West, it's also Russia, it's also China, it's also Turkey that really, really intensified their efforts to be present in Central Asia, to develop cooperation, to invest, if you will, to pull ourselves towards themselves. Frankly speaking, we in Central Asia do not like this kind of great game speak, great game terminology again. It suffices to mention that a few days ago Bloomberg published a story, a headline, Macron lands in Putin's backyard. It created such a backlash in our society and people really are in arms against Bloomberg now saying, look, at least in all the reasons why Kazakhstan cannot be and should not be called Putin's backyard or Xi Jinping's backyard for that matter. Because this denies the agency for the country, denies sovereignty, but it also blinds the thinking among the policymakers. So we are in favor of great gain for all in Central Asia. We think that there is enough room for the constructive engagement by all parties. And you should see how dynamic these relations are developing with the West, with Russia, with China, with Turkey. By the way, the Turkish president, the Asiri president are in Astana today for the 10th anniversary summit of the Organization of Turkey States. So these all kind of formats are proliferating and Central Asia, Kazakhstan, including are very much engaged as players in this game, if you will. Thank you very much. Armenia moves in my sense more and more in the same way of diversification and multi-vector policy. For example, Armenia's military and security relations have always been very close to Russia. The 102nd Russian military base is located in Ghumri. The Russian arms sales, by the way, lastly, Russia didn't deliver the weapon already paid for, if I understand properly. And Armenia's border with Iran and with Turkey are protected by Russian border service. At the same time, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan recently did somebody's strong declaration. He spoke of the need to diversify security relations because Russia failed to fulfill his allied obligations during the escalation on the Armenian Azerbaijan border. And recently, the Armenian president said on France to TV channels that the country need a new military partner besides Russia. And France announced in October that it will supply arms to Armenia. So what about you, diversification of the foreign policy, more closer to the West, less closer to Russia? What kind of balance are you seeking for? It's not about getting closer to someone in contradiction with our relations, with our partners. But given the situation and given the facts that we went through during the past years, we understood that the need of diversifying our relations and having security component in the relations with our partners of ours is also very important. And unfortunately, in 2022, September, when Armenia's sovereign territory was attacked and was occupied, Russia and our CSTO partners of ours didn't have even a political will to state that the territorial integrity of Armenia was violated. On the contrast, the European Union and EU member states came with very strong statements, but not only statements and also actions. The deployment of European Union monitoring mission to Armenia-Azerbaijan interstate border and in the mandate of this mission was clearly mentioned that it's deployed to Armenia-Azerbaijan interstate border. Meaning that there cannot be excuses that the border is not delimited, et cetera, et cetera, what we heard from our CSTO colleagues. This was an example how we were trying to diversify our, not to diversify, but to recreate and rebuild a new security architecture for our country. On the other hand, you're correct, we are diversifying the markets from where we are buying weapons, which are for defensive purpose only. And France is one of the partners, India is another partner of ours. And we are determined to cooperate in the sphere with our colleagues as well, bearing in mind that we have the right to protect our sovereign territorial integrity and we don't have any intention to attack any of our neighbors.