 Mr. Wang, please. Can you hear me? Yes, excellent. I think Donald Trump is divisive force in the United States as well as in world politics. And divisiveness is not the only adjective I want to add to his description, but I refrain from using other words here. He is divisive as world politics is more divided. I think the world has been more divided since the end of the Cold War. And when we look at world politics, we see three different things. First is the combination of rising populism and rising nationalism, and they are reinforcing each other as represented in the United States and elsewhere. The second trend I see is the rise of authoritarianism and great man politics, which are also represented by Trump in the United States and by some others in other countries. The third thing I see is the intensified geopolitical competition. We see that in China-U.S. relations. We see that in the Middle East, between Iran and Saudi Arabia and some other countries. We see that in U.S.-Russian relationship. But the third trend I describe geopolitical competition is that representative of the Trump administration we will have to see. If I move to the U.S.-China relationship, Trump himself has waged trade war with China. What are his goals? What does he want to achieve in trade war with China? There are two different expectations. The first trend, the first interpretation is that Trump wants to address the trade deficit. He wants China to buy more goods from the United States, and he wants manufacturers to go back to the United States. But this is Trump, but what are the other objectives? I think one other explanation is the United States wants to change China's industrial policies. IPR is one thing, and especially people are focusing on high-tech competition between the United States and China. There's the fear that China may catch up with the United States in terms of not only economic growth, but also high-tech capabilities. That view is represented by Trump's advisers, like Navarro, Leipzig, Cutlow, and some others. The third view about the U.S.-China trade war is that the trade war is meant to prevent China from rising up as a global great power. This is related to power politics, geopolitical competition, and this is also related to the Belt and Road Initiative. I think these people also have their voices in the White House, like John Bolton. This is mainly power politics. The fourth view, or the fourth perspective, is that the United States wants to undermine the leadership of the Communist Party in China. They are not talking about human rights violations in Tibet and Xinjiang and the religious problems and so on and so forth. They have their voices in Congress. The thing we don't really know is whether Trump is taking care of human rights. I don't think that is his feature, his thinking. All the four trends I'm talking about in China are the explanations in China-U.S. trade war. What we see in the United States policy toward China, trade deficit, IPR or industrial policies, power politics or great power competition, and China itself, whether China is moving in the right direction, in the view of the United States or China is violating human rights and so on and so forth. That is also related to China's world view, China's world behavior. Trump is actually controversial in China. I don't think it is exaggeration to say that Trump's image in China is probably better than in Europe, in large of the Middle East. I don't know whether China's image is better in Japan or in China, but why is he controversial? I think first some people like him because he represents some kind of political correctness in the United States. And those people who like Trump do not like multiculturalism. They have their voices expressed by some kind of reservation about immigration to China from Africa, from some Islamic countries. And they are afraid of Islamic extremism that is reflected in China. The second grouping who like Trump, maybe they are saying in China's foreign policy communities that Trump is helping China. He is damaging the United States in the world, giving way to China's rights, so we should welcome Trump. He is doing a lot of harm to US images in the world, so China has more strategic opportunities. And the third grouping who admires Trump is that he is a leader who delivers, who fulfills his promises, and he gives the United States economic advantage and surging. So some people even say that Trump's pressure on China may help China's economic reform and opening to the outside world, so that is not necessarily bad. China should take this advantage of competing with the United States and China could improve its IPR records and so on and so forth. So this is my description of Trump in China. That's very good, Wang, thank you. I just wanted to ask you, Mr. Michael's theory, which he gave us earlier, is that Trump acts tough as a negotiator, but is very happy to claim a modest success as the greatest success in the world. And if I'm not misreading you, Michael, so is that the view in China, do you think, or is Trump more worrisome to the Chinese as a challenger perhaps too early for China's future? I think it depends on who you are talking about in China. And government officials are hesitant as to what Trump's role is in U.S. translation. Trump himself claims many times that he sees Xi Jinping as his good friend. And he respects Xi Jinping, and actually he wants to establish direct connections with not only Putin but also Iranian leader and Kim Jong-un. So what's wrong with his connection with the Chinese top leadership? That is one thing we can take advantage of. But also people say that he is very unpredictable. For instance, if China makes some major concessions in trade with the United States, will he be satisfied or will he put more pressure on China? That is quite debatable in China itself. Yes, I think it's debatable everywhere. Thank you.