 You've been much in our thoughts these last couple of tough, rough days. Thank you, all right. Constance, you've done the right thing. I hope so, yeah. Tough. We hope so, we hope so. Mr. President, there's a couple of things I just wanted to check with you quickly what we've been doing. Number one, I'll send over a talking paper today that might be about use of background for your visit with Nehru. Last night, it our urging finally, and I haven't got the final language, the UN issued an international appeal for more contributions to help India. That language, you had caused us some problems. As I say, I've got to call into Gilbert to get the final language. We will add to it, which I don't think it has now, and you might want to take this up with Nehru. Something, some kind of procedure whereby nations could report in the UN would announce the additional items and amounts that they might be willing to contribute. So I'll send that language over for you. Number two, I know that you've been thinking and so far about some kind of a sharing formula that would be workable. There may be a question as to whether you might want to talk about that before you see the Indian Prime Minister. In any event, there are two possibilities here that we thought about. I'll put them in to talk to Paper 2 that you may or may not want to review with Nehru. All right, I think that's good. I'm getting awfully skittish on the Indian thing, because I get any contact, a burnt child reds of fire, and any contact I have on it, I'm misunderstood. I'm imbi-implication committed to underwrite the famine, imbi-implication committed to give them 10 million tons, or imbi-implication committed to do it all between now and first of May, or imbi-implication this. Then I get 14 memos from everybody in the government. It starts with bowls, and then it goes to the state, and then it goes to every Indian lever in town, and then it goes to all the Duke of Colomys, and then the agriculture, and then Bob Comer, and then Bundy, and so on and so forth. I don't do it that way. And that makes me immediately, just to save myself, I feel kind of like they're getting ready to rob my bank. I have to put up the bars, and close the doors, and wait until it all dies down, or until I can get it started. Now, what I'm gonna tell Nehru today is very simple. I'm not gonna make any big commitments, and I'm not gonna underwrite anything. I'm going to say to him today, just what I said a long time ago, I'm waiting to see what kind of a foreign policy we can have with your people. I just wanna see what, it's not gonna be a one-way deal. I'm not gonna just underwrite the perpetuation of the government of India and the people of India to have them spend all their goddamn time to dedicating themselves to the destruction of the people of the United States, and the government of the United States. Now we're gonna sit down and have a little good free discussion. I'm ready to do it for Shastry. I'm pretty sensitive about your trying to bludgeon me on account of the visit. You were wrong on that, and I don't like it. And you didn't help yourself a damn bit with it. And if you want to go to Russia, nothing I'd welcome more. I just give you a certified check and publicly applaud it, just like I did the cash-can agreement. I'm not the slightest concerned about your, you're getting help from Russia. You get every damn dime of it, you can. This business that the communists might help you a little. Therefore I've got to give you everything I've got that doesn't appeal to me. Now maybe I'm wrong, but if I am wrong, I'm gonna be wrong for three more years, and that's that. We're just gonna need to get into it. Now, I'm waiting for that, it's not my problem. Whenever y'all can come, I won't talk about it, and I won't try to meet you halfway and fairly. I do think you've got a problem, I do think you need help, I do want help. But it's not gonna be a unilateral thing when I do it. When I do it, I'm going to say to the Congress, I think they have a bad situation here, I think these people need help. Now I want the Congress to join me if they agree, because I'm getting enough hell right now trying to keep up a treaty that the Congress passed 81 to one. And reaffirmed by a resolution of 504 to two. I'm catching hell about it right now from the very people who handled it. And I'm gonna make them get out here and tell us what to do in the amount, in dollars, in commodities, in time. And if you want to get 5 million tons, you just better get ready to get to Congress to say we here buy appropriate X dollars for our Y tons to buy Z date. And we understand what we're doing. It's not gonna be one of these under the table transactions. Now, the president will be on your side to the extent that he will recommend, conditioned upon others doing that part, whatever is a reasonable, generous amount to the United States of America. He can't do it for Canada, and he can't do it for Germany, and he can't do it for Japan, and he can't do it for anybody else, but he can do it for the United States. But if you can't be a drop anywhere in the world, but us, we want to be damn sure, A, the people of the United States know that, and B, the people of India know that. And then we'll let them debate it. They always want to debate up in the Congress, and we'll let them vote on it. And I have no superpowers as an executive, just mash a button and say, here I'm gonna give you $300 million worth of wheat, or $400 million worth of O-10 for that matter. I just, I'm gonna have that approval. And I don't think they're going on that basis at all. I think they just assumed when they walked out of our office because I was courteous, and I don't wanna apologize ever for being courteous, that's all I was to sub-grain him. They just walked out on the assumption that Johnson's gonna give them $10 million. I see our own mission out there. Your people out there, you saw the story written from out there, that it's just kind of soon that we're gonna do that. Now I don't wanna get that stuff around, and for that reason I'm just as shy as a high school girl that's been jilted. I feel very much like a burnt child red as the fire and I'm scared of it. So I want to say to Nehru today, A, I want to see your people very, very much. B, we want to do anything we consistently can to be helpful. C, whatever we do is going to be on a shared basis. Not only with self-help on your part, but with other nations, because we're not the only nation in the world that's compassionate, and we're not the only nation in the world that's got resources. Now we may be the only one that a bunch of cooks that just insist on giving it away and run up and volunteer and rat-rope somebody and knock them over to give it away, but you get busy on these others and then we'll get busy with our Congress and then you come up here and let's let the Congress see what's the rest of it, because they're just giving me hell on Vietnam and I'm just very honestly, I agree with the Liberals. I don't think we ought to be out there by ourselves. I don't think this is just our fight. I think it's Australia's fight. I think it's New Zealand's fight. I think it's Malaysia's fight. I think it's the United Kingdom's fight. I think it's a German's fight. If the Communists take over there, I think it'd take over Berlin. They can. And I think it's everybody's fight, but they're leaving it to us. Now, I think the Indian food problem is 114 nations' fight. And if none of them are interested but us, well, then that's something we got to at least let the Indians know, because the Indians really don't know that. Anybody that treats their president as the Indians treated your president is not a very compassionate, understanding person, because I'm trying to help them. I'm trying to get a bill through Dirksen. I'm trying to get a bill through Passman. I spent two hours and a half with him down here night pull-ast at the end of a very tired day, trying to convince Otto Passman and using George Mayhon and getting George and his manager and his newspaper man and his wives to come down my home to get enough money for India. And when I'm trying to help India, then I'm just getting one denunciation after the other by those folks. Now, that's all right. I'm not gonna be quorum and do the wrong thing because denunciation. But I want to find some way for the people of India to know that the people of the United States are the ones that they have to A, look to, and B, the only ones that respond if they are. Now, we haven't got it in that perspective. When a man comes my office, he says, I think now I'm really honored for you to do a good job now. You better get them out one million tons right quick between now and tomorrow. And if you'll do that right quick, when we'll last for another third day and we'll be back for another million, two times. Well, now that's not, we're not gonna act that well. And what we're gonna do is, as far as I'm concerned, we're not gonna make them all these economic grants and that we've been making. We're not gonna make them these loans. We're just gonna sit here until they find it to their interest to come and discuss and to negotiate and to outline what it is they want us to do. And if all they got to propose to me is a way for me to deliver some money to them, then I'm not gonna be interested in. I'm interested in their helping us too. Now, how can they help us? What can they do to help us? I don't see any of that in this hard ball of trade. And I want some of it. And I just don't know, I know how they did help me. They said that I was a dirty lowdown so and so because I asked them to wait till I got to Vietnam and my foreign aid bill out of the way because I couldn't commit them a dime. Now I've been ready and willing to commit ever since then but they've been in no goddamn hurry. As Congress got out of here last August when we got my foreign aid bill ready and I said I'm ready any moment and they didn't come, now I would get come. But they just found a lot of reasons why they don't come and I don't know any reason why I was sending a man out there to shovel it on them. So I think it's really, as far as you're concerned, there's two things we have to do. First, we have to quit leaving the impression and I know we don't do it deliberately. I know it's accidental. I know though the Phil Potters and the sympathetic reporters get a sympathetic response from sympathetic bureaucrats and I can understand that and I'm not critical of it. I just don't want it happening. I think we got to say that we just don't know what our future is with India until our two leaders talk. We just can't shoot in the dark. We just have no commitments, whatever. We have no agreements. These agreements ran out and the president cannot go there and he told them and he told me he's ready to receive them whenever they come, we'll have to develop a new agreement. We'll have to negotiate a new agreement. And what we'll do, I've got to pull in somebody else now and say to them, I got I want you to go make a trade for me. And I want to see what you're gonna do for the United States. That's what I'm interested in. Now you're interested in what we're gonna do for India. But I won't see how this balances out on the scale. When I put my wheat down here, it cost me a few hundred million, I won't see what you're putting on the other side. And if it's just a bunch of bullshit and a lot of criticism of the president, well, that's a different thing. And I think that what you can do than your group can do is try to evolve, which I'm afraid we haven't given much thought to it and now assuming that the world is a decent world and we got a community chest operation going on, we've got to see what we can expect from the Biggiver's Fund and what we can expect from the doctor's fund and what we can expect from the labor fund and what we expect from the rest of them. And I'd like to see how that is proportionately divided number one, number two. And I'd like to see what it is that we ought to give if it's wheat or fertilizer or something. I'd like to put that down, number two. And the total amounts, number three, I'd like to see on what condition we base that on what she does and on what the rest of the nations do. And number four, I'd like to have a message written to the Congress and a bill introduced and passed, which will be known as the Indian Food Bill or Indian Relief Bill, or for the relief of the Indian nation or something of that kind. And I'd just like for them to take it and go to Foreign Affairs Committee and maybe the Agriculture too and let them have joint sessions and let them have hearings and let them tell why it's needed and go the same thing in the Senate. And then when they get through, I want to put the money in the bail. If they want to appropriate money, or at least I want the record to show that next year they're going to have to add to the commodity credit corporation, $700 million, for this money that we have spent on India. I don't think anybody has any conception that that's what we want to do, do you? No, sir. Well, that's what we do. That's it. I think they felt we could just have kind of a back room to go and shove it out. What, I'm against it. Your timing on the message in the bill is what? Well, I just, the quickest she gets here, I don't know. I don't know when she's coming. I asked her to come. I thought she'd come the latter part of January. There's some indication she's coming the early part of February. I'd like to have it today, but I don't want to send it up till I get some kind of agreement out of them. What are they going to do for the United States? Do you know? No, sir. What do you think we ought to? The one thing, Mr. President, that they can do that I think is the top of your list, it would be on mine, is to get along and work out something with Pakistan. I know that's what you want, and that's not something obvious. I can articulate with them very well for obvious reasons. Only you can do that. Outside of that, President, I'm not sure what they can do to be really frank. We want to help them. There isn't a hell of a lot they can do for us outside of what you've already said. That is to behave themselves in the world. And only you can carry that. Well, what I think we ought to do, I think we ought to get somebody that we can get maybe Arthur Dean's man to figure out. Now, what is it that the 600 people in India, million people in India could do to help the United States? I would think they could help us if they could understand our objectives in the world and our viewpoint and point it.