 Book 1 sections 1 through 5 of Politics by Aristotle. This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Politics by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book 1 section 1 through 5. Every state is a community of some kind and every community is established with a view to some good. For mankind always act in order to obtain that which they think good. But if all communities aim at some good, the state or political community, which is the highest of all and which embraces all the rest, aims at good in a greater degree than any other and at the highest good. Some people think that the qualifications of a statesman, king, householder and master are the same, and that they differ not in kind, but only in the number of their subjects. For example, the ruler over a few is called a master. Over more, the manager of a household. Over a still larger number, a statesman or king, as if there are no difference between a great household and a small state. The distinction which is made between the king and the statesman is as follows. When the government is personal, the ruler is a king. When, according to the rules of the political science, the citizens rule, and are ruled in turn, then he is called a statesman. But all this is a mistake, for governments differ in kind, as will be evident to anyone who considers the matter according to the method which has hitherto guided us. As in other departments of science, so in politics, the compound should always be resolved into the simple elements, or at least parts of the whole. We must therefore look at the elements of which the state is composed, in order that we may see in what the different kinds of rule differ from one another. And whether any scientific result can be obtained about each one of them. Section 2. He who thus considers things in their first growth and origin, whether a state or anything else, will obtain the clearest view of them. In the first place, there must be a union of those who cannot exist without each other, namely of male and female, that the race may continue. And this is a union which is formed not of deliberate purpose, but because, in common with other animals and with plants, mankind have a natural desire to leave behind them an image of themselves. And of a natural ruler and subject, that both may be preserved. For that which can foresee, by the exercise of mind, is by nature intended to be lord and master, and that which can with its body give effect to such foresight is a subject, and by nature a slave. Hence master and slave have the same interest. Now nature has distinguished between the female and the slave, for she is not niggerly, like the smith who fashions the delphian knife for many uses. She makes each thing for a single use, and every instrument is best when intended for one and not for many uses. But among barbarians, no distinction is made between women and slaves, because there is no natural ruler among them. They are a community of slaves, male and female. Wherefore, the poets say, it is meat that hellenes should rule over barbarians. As if they thought that the barbarian and the slave were by nature one. Of these two relationships, between a man and woman, master and slave, the first thing to arise is the family, and Hesiod is right when he says, first house and wife, and an ox for the plow. For the ox is the poor man's slave. The family is the association established by nature for the supply of men's every day once, and the members of it are called by Corandus, companions of the cupboard, and by Epimenides the Cretan, companions of the manger. But when several families are united, and the association aims at something more than the supply of daily needs, the first society to be formed is the village. And the most natural form of the village appears to be that of a colony from the family, composed of the children and grandchildren, who are said to be suckled with the same milk. And this is the reason why Hellenic states were originally governed by kings, because the hellenes were under royal rule before they came together, as the barbarians still are. Every family is ruled by the eldest, and therefore in the colonies of the family, the kingly form of government prevailed because they were of the same blood. As Homer says, each one gives law to his children and to his wives. For they lived dispersedly, as was the manner in ancient times. Wherefore men say that gods have a king, because they themselves either are or were in ancient times under the rule of a king, for they imagine not only the forms of the gods, but their ways of lives to be like their own. When several villages are united in a single, complete community, large enough to be nearly, or quite self-sufficing, the state comes into existence, originating in the bare needs of life, and continuing in existence for the sake of a good life. Therefore, if the earlier forms of society are natural, so is the state, for it is the end of them, and the nature of a thing is its end. For what each thing is when fully developed, we call its nature, whether we are speaking of a man, a horse, or a family. Besides, the final cause and the end of a thing is the best, and to be self-sufficing is the end and the best. Hence, it is evident that the state is a creation of nature, and that man is by nature a political animal, and he who by nature, and not by mere accident, is without a state, is either a bad man or above humanity. He is like the tribeless, lawless, heartless one whom Homer denounces. The natural outcast is forthwith a lover of war. He may be compared to an isolated peace at droughts. Now, that man is more of a political animal than bees, or any other gregarious animals, is evident. Nature, as we often say, makes nothing in vain, and man is the only animal whom she has endowed with the gift of speech. And whereas mere voice is but an indication of pleasure or pain, and is therefore found in other animals, for their nature attains to the perception of pleasure and pain, and the intimation of them to one another, and no further. The power of speech is attended to set forth the expedient and inexpedient, and therefore likewise the just and unjust. And it is the characteristic of man that he alone has any sense of good or evil, of just and unjust and the like, and the association of living beings who have this sense makes a family and a state. Further, the state is by nature clearly prior to the family, and to the individual, since the whole is of necessity prior to the part. For example, if the whole body be destroyed, there will be no foot or hand, except in an equivocal sense, as we might sense of a stone hand, when destroyed the hand will be no better than that. But things are defined by their working and power, and we ought not say that they are the same when they no longer have their proper quality, but only that they have the same name. The proof that the state is the creation of nature and prior to the individual is that the individual, when isolated, is not self-sufficing, and therefore he is like a part in relation to the whole. But he who is unable to live in society, or who has no need because he is sufficient for himself, must either be a beast or a god, for he is no part of a state. A social instinct is implanted in all men by nature, and yet he who first founded the state was the greatest of benefactors. For a man, when perfected, is the best of animals, but when separated from law and justice, he is the worst of all, since armed injustice is the more dangerous, and he is equipped at birth with arms, meant to be used by intelligence and virtue, which he may use for the worst ends. Wherefore, if he have not virtue, he is the most unholy and most savage of animals, and most full of lust and gluttony, but justice is the bond of men and states. For the administration of justice, which is the determination of what is just, is the principle of order in political society. 3. Seeing then that the state is made up of households, before speaking of the state, we must speak of the management of the household. The parts of household management correspond to the persons who compose the household, and a complete household consists of slaves and free men. Now we should begin by examining everything in its fewest possible elements, and that the first and fewest possible parts of a family are master and slave, husband and wife, father and children. We have therefore to consider what each of these three relations is and ought to be. I mean the relation of master and servant, the marriage relation, the conjunction of man and wife, has no name of its own. And thirdly, the procreative relation. This also has no proper name. And there is another element of a household, the so-called art of getting wealth, which, according to some, is identical with household management. According to others, a principal part of it. The nature of this art will also have to be considered by us. Let us first speak of master and slave, looking to the needs of practical life, and also seeking to attain some better theory of the relation that exists at present. For some are of the opinion that the rule of a master is a science, and that the management of a household, and the mastership of slaves, and the political and royal rule, as I was saying at the outset, are all the same. Others affirm that the rule of a master over slaves is contrary to nature, and that the distinction between slave and free men exists by law only, and not by nature, and being in interference with nature is therefore unjust. Four. Property is a part of the household, and the art of acquiring property is a part of the art of managing the household, for no man can live well, or indeed live at all, unless he be provided with necessaries. And as in the arts which have a definite sphere, the workers must also have their own proper instruments for the accomplishment of their work. So it is in the management of a household. Now, instruments are of various sorts. Some are living, others lifeless. In the rudder, the pilot of a ship has a lifeless. In the lookout man, a living instrument. For in the arts, the servant is a kind of instrument. Thus too, a possession is an instrument for maintaining life, and so in the arrangement of a family, a slave is a living possession, the property a number of such instruments, and the servant is himself an instrument which takes precedence over all other instruments. For if every instrument could accomplish its own work, obeying or anticipating the will of others, like the statues of Daedalus, or the tripods of Hephaestius, which says the poet, of their own accord entered the assembly of the gods. If, in like manner, the shuttle would weave, and the plectrum touched the lyre without a hand to guide them, chief workmen would not want servants, nor master slaves. Here, however, another distinction must be drawn. The instrument commonly so-called are instruments of production. Willst a possession is an instrument of action. The shuttle, for example, is not only of use, but something else is made of it. Whereas, of a garment, or of a bed, there is only the use. Further, as production and action are different in kind, and both require instruments, the instruments which they employ must likewise differ in kind. But life is action, and not production, and therefore the slave is the minister of action. Again, a possession is spoken of as a part is spoken of. For the part is not only a part of something else, but wholly belongs to it. And this is also true of a possession. The master is only the master of the slave. He does not belong to him, whereas the slave is not only the slave of his master, but wholly belongs to him. Hence we see what is the nature and office of a slave. He who is by nature not his own, but another's man, is by nature a slave, and he may be said to be another's man, who, being a human being, is also a possession, and a possession may be defined as an instrument of action, separable from the possessor. Five. But is there anyone thus intended by nature to be a slave, and for whom such a condition is expedient and right, or rather is not all slavery a violation of nature? There is no difficulty in answering this question, on grounds both of reason and of fact, for that some should rule, and others be ruled as a thing not only necessary, but expedient. From the hour of their birth, some are marked out for subjugation, others for rule. And there are many kinds, both of rulers and subjects, and that the rule is better which is exercised over better subjects. For example, to rule over men is better than to rule over wild beasts. For the work is better, which is executed by better workmen, and where one man rules and another is ruled, they may be said to have a work. For in all things which can form a composite whole, and which are made up of parts, whether continuous or discrete, a distinction between the ruling and the subject element comes to fight. Such a duality exists in living creatures, but not in them only. It originates in the constitution of the universe, even in things which have no life, there is a ruling principle, as in a musical mode. For we are wandering from the subject, we will therefore restrict ourselves to the living creature, which in the first place consists of a soul and body, and of these two the one is by nature the ruler and the other the subject. But we must look for intentions of nature and things which retain their nature, and not in things which are corrupted. And therefore we must study the man who is in the most perfect state, both of body and soul, for in him we shall see the true relation of the two. Although in bad or corrupted natures the body will often appear to rule over the soul, because they are in an evil and unnatural condition. At all events we may firstly observe in living creatures both a despotical and a constitutional rule, for the soul rules the body with the despotical rule, whereas the intellect rules the appetites with the constitutional and royal rule. And it is clear that the rule of the soul over the body and of the mind and the rational element over the passionate is natural and expedient, whereas the equality of the two or the rule of the inferior is always hurtful. The same holds good of animals in relation to men, for tame animals have a better nature than wild, and all tame animals are better off when they are ruled by man, for then they are preserved. Again the male is by nature superior and the female inferior, and the one rules and the other is ruled. This principle of necessity extends to all mankind. Where then there is such a difference as that between soul and body, or between man and animals, as in the case of those whose business is to use their body and can do nothing better. The lower sort are by nature slaves, and it is better for them as for all inferiors that they should be under the rule of a master. For he who can be, and therefore is, and others, and he who participates in rational principle enough to apprehend, but not to have such a principle, is a slave by nature. Whereas the lower animals cannot even apprehend a principle, they obey their instincts, and indeed the use made of slaves and of tame animals is not very different, for both with their bodies ministered to the needs of life. Nature would like to distinguish between the bodies of free men and slaves, making the one strong for servile labor, the other upright, and although useless for such services, useful for political life and the arts both of war and peace. But the opposite often happens, that some have the souls and others have the bodies of free men. And doubtless if men differed from one another in the mere forms of their bodies as much as the statues of the gods do for men, all would acknowledge that the inferior class should be the slaves of the superior, and if this is true of the body, how much more just than a similar distinction should exist in the soul. But the beauty of the body is seen, whereas the beauty of the soul is not seen. It is clear then that some men are by nature free and other slaves, and that for these latter slavery is both expedient and right. And of Chapter 1, Section 1-5, Book 1, Section 6-9 of Politics by Aristotle. This is the LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Politics by Aristotle, translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book 1, Section 6-9, Section 6. But that those who take the opposite view have, in a certain way, right on their side, may be easily seen, for the words slavery and slave are used in two senses. There is a slave or slavery by law, as well as by nature. The law of which I speak is a sort of convention, the law by which whatever is taken in war is supposed to belong to the victors. But this right many jurists impeach, as they would an orator who has brought forward an unconstitutional measure. They detest the notion that, because one man has the power of doing violence, and is superior in brute strength, another shall be a slave and subject. Even among philosophers, there is a difference of opinion. The origin of the dispute, and what makes the views invade each other's territory, is as follows. In some sense, virtue, when furnished with means, has actually the greatest power of exercising force, and as superior power is only found where there is superior excellence of some kind. Power seems to imply virtue, and the dispute to be simply one about justice, for it is due to one party identifying justice with good will, while the other identifies it with the mere rule of the stronger. If these views are thus set out separately, the other views have no force or plausibility against the view that the superior and virtue ought to rule, or be master. Others, clinging as they think, simply to a principle of justice, for law and custom are a sort of justice, assume that slavery, in accordance with the custom of war, is justified by law. But at the same moment, they deny this. For what if the cause of the war be unjust? And again, no one would ever say he is a slave who is unworthy to be a slave. For if this were the case, men of the highest rank would be slaves, and the children of slaves if they or their parents' chance to have been captive and sold. Wherefore, Hellions do not like to call other Hellions slaves, but can find the term to barbarians. Yet, in using this language, they really mean the natural slave of whom we spoke at first, for it must be admitted that some are slaves everywhere, others nowhere. The same principle applies to nobility. Hellions regard themselves as noble everywhere, and not only in their own country, but they deem the barbarians noble only when at home, thereby implying that there are two sorts of nobility and freedom, the one absolute and the other relative. The Helen of Theodectus says, Who would presume to call me servant, who am on both sides sprung from the stem of the gods? What does this mean, but that they distinguished freedom and slavery, noble and humble birth, by the two principles of good and evil? They think that as men and animals beget men and animals, so from good man a good man springs. But this is what nature, though she may intend it, cannot always accomplish. We see, then, that there is some foundation for this difference of opinion, and that all are not either slaves by nature or freemen by nature, and also that there is in some cases a marked distinction between the two classes, rendering it expedient and right for the one to be slaves and the others to be masters, the one a practicing obedience, the other exercising the authority and lordship which nature intended them to have. The abuse of this authority is injurious to both, for the interests of part and whole, of body and soul, are the same, and the slave is a part of the master, a living but separated part of his bodily frame. Hence, where the relation of master and slave between them is natural, they are friends, and have a common interest, but where it rests merely on law and force, the reverse is true. Section 7. The previous remarks are quite enough to show that the rule of a master is not a constitutional rule, and that all the different kinds of rule are not, as some affirm, the same with each other. For there is one rule exercised over subjects who are by nature free, another over subjects who are by nature slaves. The rule of a household is a monarchy, for every house is under one head, whereas constitutional rule is a government of freemen and equals. The master is not called a master because he has science, but because he is of a certain character, and the same remark applies to the slave and the freemen. Still, there may be a science for the master, and science for the slave. The science of the slave would be such as the man of Syracuse taught, who made money by instructing slaves in their ordinary duties. For such a knowledge may be carried further, so as to include cookery and similar menial arts. For some duties are the more necessary, others of the more honorable sort, as the proverb says, slave before slave, master before master. But all such branches of knowledge are servile. There is likewise a science of the master, who teaches the use of slaves. For the master as such is concerned, not with the acquisition, but with the use of them. Yet this so-called science is not anything great or wonderful, for the master need only know how to order that which the slave must know how to execute. Hence, those who are in a position which places them above toil, have stewards who attend to their households, while they occupy themselves with philosophy or with politics. But the art of acquiring slaves, I mean, of justly acquiring them, differs both from the art of the master and the art of the slave, being a species of hunting or war. Enough of the distinction between master and slave. Section 8. Let us now inquire into property generally, and into the art of getting wealth, in accordance with our usual method, for a slave has been shown to be a part of property. The first question is whether the art of getting wealth is the same with the art of managing a household, or a part of it, or instrumental to it. And if the last, whether in the way that the art of making shuttles is instrumental to the art of weaving, or in the way that the casting of bronze is instrumental to the art of the statuary, for they are not instrumental in the same way, but the one provides tools and the other material, and by material I mean the substratum out of which any work is made. Thus wool is the material of the weaver, bronze of the statuary. Now, it is easy to see that the art of household management is not identical with the art of getting wealth, for the one uses the material which the other provides. For the art which uses household stores can be no other than the art of household management. There is however a doubt whether the art of getting wealth is a part of household management or a distinct art. If the getter of wealth has to consider once wealth and property can be procured, but there are many sorts of property enriches, then, or husbandry, in the care and provision of food in general, parts of the wealth getting art or distinct arts. Again, there are many sorts of food, and therefore there are many kinds of lives, both of animals and men. They must all have food, and the differences in their food have made differences in their ways of life. For of beasts, some are gregarious, others are solitary. They live in the way which is best adapted to sustain them, accordingly as they are carnivorous, or herbivorous, or omnivorous. And their habits are determined for them by nature in such a manner that they may obtain with greater faculty than food of their choice. But, as different species have different tastes, the same things are not naturally pleasant to all of them, and therefore the lives of carnivorous or herbivorous animals further differ among themselves. In the lives of men, too, there is great difference. The laziest are shepherds, who lead an idle life and get their subsistence without trouble from tame animals. They are flocks having to wander from place to place in search of pasture. They are compelled to follow them, cultivating a sort of living farm. Others support themselves by hunting, which is of different kinds. Some, for example, are brigands, others who dwell near lakes or marshes or rivers or a sea in which there are fish or fishermen. And others live by the pursuit of birds or wild beasts. The greater number obtain a living from the cultivated fruits of the soil. Such are the modes of subsistence, which prevail among those whose industry springs up of itself and whose food is not acquired by exchange in retail trade. There is the shepherd, the husbandman, the brigand, the fisherman, and the hunter. Some gain a comfortable maintenance out of two employments, eking out the deficiencies of one of them by another. Thus the life of a shepherd may be combined with that of a brigand, the life of a farmer with that of a hunter. Other modes of life are similarly combined in any way which the needs of men may require. Property, in the sense of a bare livelihood, seems to be given by nature herself to all, both when they are first born and when they are grown up. For some animals bring forth, together with their offspring, so much food as will last until they are able to supply themselves. Of this the vermiperous or oviparous animals are an instance, and the viviparous animals have, up to a certain time, a supply of food for their young in themselves, which is called milk. In like manner we may infer that, after the birth of animals, plants exist for their sake, and that the other animals exist for the sake of man, the tame for the use in food, the wild, if not all, at least the greater part of them, for food and for the provision of clothing in various instruments. Now if nature makes nothing incomplete and nothing in vain, the inference must be that she has made all animals for the sake of man. And so, in one point of view, the art of war is a natural art of acquisition. For the art of acquisition includes hunting, an art which we all to practice against wild beasts, and against men who, though intended by nature to be governed, will not submit, for war of such kind is naturally just. Of the art of acquisition then, there is one kind which is by nature a part of the management of household. Insofar as the art of household management must either find ready to hand or itself provide such things necessary to life, and useful for the community, of the family or state, as can be stored. They are the elements of true riches, for the amount of property which is needed for a good life is not unlimited, though Solon in his poem says that, no bound to riches has been fixed for man. But there is a bound refixed, just as there is in the other arts, for the instruments of any kind are never unlimited, either in number or size, and riches may be defined as the number of instruments to be used in a household or in a state. And so we see that there is a natural art of acquisition which is practiced by managers of households and by statesmen, and what is the reason of this. 9. There is another variety of the art of acquisition which is commonly and rightly called an art of wealth-getting, and has in fact suggested the notion that riches and property have no limit. Being nearly connected with the proceeding, it is often identified with it. But though they are not very different, neither are they the same. The kind being described is given by nature, the other is gained by experience and art. Let us begin our discussion of the question with the following considerations. Of everything which we possess there are two uses, both belong to the things as such, but not in the same manner, for one is the proper, and the other the improper or secondary use of it. For example, a shoe is used for wear, and is used for exchange. Both are the uses of the shoe. He who gives a shoe in exchange for money or food to him, who wants one, does indeed use the shoe as a shoe. But this is not the proper or primary purpose, for a shoe is not made to be an object of barter. The same may be said of all possessions, for the art of exchange extends to all of them, and it arises at first from what is natural, from the circumstances that some have too little, others too much. Hence we may infer that retail trade is not a natural part of the art of wealth-getting. Had it been so, men would have ceased to exchange when they had enough. In the first community, indeed which is the family, this art is obviously of no use, but it begins to be useful when the society increases. For the members of the family originally had all things in common. Later when the family divided into parts, the parts shared in many things, and different parts in different things, which they had to exchange for what they wanted. A kind of barter which is still practiced among barbarian nations, who exchange with one another the necessaries of life and nothing more. Giving and receiving wine, for example, in exchange for coin and the like. This sort of barter is not part of the wealth-getting art and is not contrary to nature, but is indeed needed for the satisfaction of men's natural wants. The other, or more complex form of exchange grew, as might have been inferred out of the simpler, when the inhabitants of one country became dependent on those of another, and they imported what they needed, and exported what they had too much of. Money necessarily came into use. For the various necessaries of life are not easily carried about, and hence men agreed to employ in their endelings with one another something which was intrinsically useful and easily applicable to the purposes of life. For example, iron, silver, and the like. Of this, the value was at first measured simply by size and weight, but in the process of time they put a stamp on it to save the trouble of weighing and mark the value. When the use of coin had once been discovered, out of the barter of necessary articles arose the other art of wealth-getting, namely retail trade, which was at first probably a simple matter, but came more complicated as soon as men learned by experience whence and by what exchanges the greatest profit might be made. Originating in the use of coin, the art of getting wealth is generally thought to be chiefly concerned with it, and to be the art which produces riches and wealth, having to consider how they may be accumulated. Indeed, riches is assumed by many to be only a quantity of coin because the arts of getting wealth and retail trade are concerned with coin. Others maintain that coin money is a mere sham, a thing not natural, but conventional only, because if the users substitute another commodity for it, it is worthless, because it is not useful as a means to any of the necessities of life, and indeed, he who is rich in coin may often be in want of necessary food. But how can that be wealth of which a man may have a great abundance and yet perish with hunger, like Minus in the fable, whose insatiable prayer turned everything which was set before him into gold? Hence, men seek after a better notion of riches and the art of getting wealth than the mere acquisition of coin, and they are right. For natural riches and the natural art of wealth-getting are a different thing. In their true form, they are part of the management of a household, whereas retail trade is the art of producing wealth, not in every way but by exchange, and it is thought to be concerned with coin, for coin is the unit of exchange and the measure or limit of it. And there is no bound to the riches which may spring from this art of wealth-getting. As in the art of medicine, there is no limit to the pursuit of health. As in the other arts, there is no limit to the pursuit of their several ends, but they aim at accomplishing their ends to the uttermost. But of the means, there is a limit, for the end is always the limit. So too, in this art of wealth-getting, there is no limit of the end, which is the riches of the spurious kind and the acquisition of wealth. But the art of wealth-getting, which consists in household management, on the other hand, has a limit. The unlimited acquisition of wealth is not its business. And therefore, in one point of view, all riches must have a limit. Nevertheless, as a matter of fact, we find the opposite to be the case. For all the getters of wealth increase their hoard of coin without limit. The source of the confusion is the near connection between the two kinds of wealth-getting. And either the instrument is the same, although the use is different. And so they pass into one another. For each is the use of the same property, but with a difference. Accumulation is the end in one case, but there is a further end in the other. Hence, some persons are led to believe that the getting of wealth is the object of household management. And the whole idea of their lives is that they either ought to increase their money without limit, or at any rate not to lose it. The origin of this disposition in men is that they are intent upon living only, and not upon living well, and as their desires are unlimited, they also desire that the means of gratifying them should be without limit. Those who do aim, at a good life, seek the means of obtaining bodily pleasures. And since the enjoyment of these appears to depend on property, they are absorbed in getting wealth, and so there arises the second species of wealth-getting. For as their enjoyment is an excess, they seek an art which produces the excess of enjoyment. And if they are not able to supply their pleasures by the art of wealth-getting, they try other arts, using a turn every faculty in a manner contrary to nature. The quality of courage, for example, is not attended to make wealth, but to inspire confidence. Neither is this the aim of the generals or of the physician's art, but the one aims at victory, the other at health. Nevertheless, some men turn every quality or art into a means of getting wealth. This they conceive to be the end, and to the promotion of the end they think all things must contribute. Thus then, we have considered the art of wealth-getting, which is unnecessary, and why men want it, and also the necessary art of wealth-getting, which we have seen to be different from the other, and to be a natural part of the art of managing a household, concerned with the provision of food, not, however, like the former kind, unlimited, but having a limit. End of Book 1, Section 6-9. Book 1, Sections 10-13 of Politics by Aristotle This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Doug Wetzel. Politics by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Joett. Book 1, Sections 10-13. Section 10. And we have found the answer to our original question, whether the art of getting wealth is the business of the manager of a household and of the statesman, or not their business, the delisette that wealth is presupposed by them. For as political science does not make men, but takes them from nature and uses them, so too nature provides them with earth or sea or the like as a source of food. At this stage begins the duty of the manager of a household who has to order the things which nature supplies. He may be compared to the weaver who has not to make but to use will, and to know to what sort of will is good and serviceable, or bad and unserviceable. For this otherwise, it would be difficult to see why the art of getting wealth is a part of the management of a household and the art of medicine not. For surely the members of a household must have health just as they must have life or any other necessity. The answer is that, as from one point of view, the master of the house and the ruler of the state have to consider about health. From another point of view, not they, but the physician. So in one way, the art of household management, in another way, the subordinate art has to consider about wealth. But strictly speaking, as I have already said, the means of life must be provided beforehand by nature. For the business of nature is to furnish food to that which is born, and the food of the offspring is always what remains over of that from which it is produced. Wherefore, the art of getting wealth out of fruits and animals is always natural. There are two sorts of wealth-getting, as I have said. One is a part of household management, the other is retail trade. The former necessary and honorable, while that which consists in exchange is justly censored for it is unnatural and a mode by which men gain from one another. The most hated sort, and with the greatest reason, is usury, which makes a gain out of money itself and not from the natural object of it. For money was intended to be used in exchange, but not to increase at interest, and this term interest, which means the birth of money from money, is applied to the breeding of money because the offspring resembles the parent. Wherefore, of all modes of getting wealth, this is the most unnatural. Section 11. Enough has been said about the theory of wealth-getting. We will now proceed to the practical part. The discussion of such matters is not unworthy of philosophy, but to be engaged in them practically is illiberal and irksome. The useful parts of wealth-getting are first the knowledge of livestock, which are most profitable and where and how, as, for example, what sort of horses or sheep or oxen or any other animals are most likely to give a return. A man ought to know which of these pay better than others and which pay best in particular places, for some do better in one place and some in another. Secondly, husbandry, which may be either tillage or planting and the keeping of bees and of fish or fowl or of any animals which may be useful to man. These are the divisions of the true or proper art of wealth-getting income first. Of the other, which consists in exchange, the first and most important division is commerce, of which there are three kinds, the provision of a ship, the conveyance of goods, exposure for sale. These, again, differing as they are safer or more profitable. The second is usury, the third, service for hire. Of this, one kind is employed in the mechanical arts, the other in unskilled and bodily labor. There is still a third sort of wealth-getting intermediate between this and the first or natural mode, which is partly natural, but is also concerned with exchange. The delisette, the industries that make their profit from the earth and from things growing from the earth which, although they bear no fruit, are nevertheless profitable. For example, the cutting of timber and all mining. The art of mining, by which minerals are obtained, itself has many branches, for there are various kinds of things dug out of the earth. Of the several divisions of wealth-getting I now speak generally, a minute consideration of them might be useful in practice, but it would be tiresome to dwell upon them at greater length now. Those occupations are most truly arts in which there is the least element of chance. They are the meanest in which the body is most deteriorated, the most servile in which there is the greatest use of the body and the most illiberal in which there is the least need of excellence. Works have been written upon these subjects by various persons, for example, Karez the Parian and Apollodorus the Lemnian, who have treated up tillage and planting, while others have treated up other branches. Anyone who cares for such matters may refer to their writings. It would be well also to collect the scattered stories of the ways in which individuals have succeeded in amassing a fortune, for all this is useful to persons who value the art of getting wealth. There is the anecdote of Thales the Melisian and his financial device, which involves a principle of universal application, but is attributed to him on account of his reputation for wisdom. He was reproached for his poverty, which was supposed to show that philosophy was of no use. According to the story, he knew by his skill in the stars, while it was yet winter, that there would be a great harvest of olives in the coming year. So, having a little money, he gave deposits for the use of all the olive presses in Chios and Miletus, which he hired at a low price because no one bit against him. When the harvest time came, and many were wanted all at once, and, of sudden, he let them out at any rate which he pleased and made a quantity of money. Thus, he showed the world that philosophers can easily be rich if they like, but that their ambition is of another sort. He is supposed to have given a striking proof of his wisdom, but, as I was saying, his device for getting wealth is of universal application and is nothing but the creation of a monopoly. It is an art often practiced by cities when they are want of money. They make a monopoly of provisions. There was a man of Sicily who, having money deposited with him, bought up all the iron from the iron mines. Afterwards, when the merchants came from their various markets to buy, he was the only seller, and without much increasing the price he gained two hundred percent, which, when Dinosius heard, he told him that he might take away his money, but that he must not remain at Syracuse, for he thought that the man had discovered a way of making money which was injurious to his own interests. He made the same discovery as Thales. They both contrived to create a monopoly for themselves. And statesmen as well ought to know these things. For a state is often as much in want of money and of such devices for obtaining it as a household, or even more so. Hence, some public men devote themselves entirely to finance. Of household management we have seen that there are three parts. One is the rule of a master over slaves, which has been discussed already, another of a father and the third of a husband. A husband and father, we saw, rules over wife and children, but the rule differs. The rule over his children being a royal, over his wife a constitutional rule. For although there may be exceptions to the order of nature, the male is by nature, fitter for command than the female, just as the elder and full grown is superior to the younger and more immature. But in most constitutional states, the citizens rule and are ruled by turns, for the idea of a constitutional state implies that the natures of the citizens are equal and do not differ at all. Nevertheless, when one rules and the other is ruled, we endeavor to create a difference of outward forms and names and titles of respect, which may be illustrated by the saying of Amasus about his footpan. The relation of the male to the female is of this kind, but there the inequality is permanent. The rule of a father over his children is royal, for he rules by virtue both of love and of the respect due to age, exercising a kind of royal power, and therefore Homer has appropriately called Zeus father of gods and men, he is the king of all of them. For a king is the natural superior of his subjects, but he should be of the same kin or kind with them, and such is the relation of elder and younger, of father and son. Section 13 Thus it is clear that household management attends more to men than to the acquisition of inanimate things and to human excellence more than to the excellence of property which we call wealth and to the virtue of freemen more than to the virtue of slaves. A question may indeed be raised whether there is any excellence at all in a slave beyond and higher than merely instrumental in ministerial qualities, whether he can have the virtues of temperance, courage, justice and the like, or whether slaves possess only bodily and ministerial qualities. In whichever way we answer the question a difficulty arises, for if they have virtue in what will they differ from freemen? On the other hand since they are men and share irrational principle it seems absurd to say that they have no virtue. A similar question may be raised about women and children, whether they too have virtues. Are a woman to be temperate and brave and just and is a child to be called temperate and intemperate or not? So, in general, we may ask about the natural ruler and the natural subject, whether they have the same or different virtues. For if a noble nature is equally required in both, why should one of them always rule and the other always be ruled? Nor can we say that this is a question of degree, for the difference between ruler and subject is a difference of kind, which the difference of more and less never is. Yet how strange is the supposition that the one ought and that the other ought not to have virtue? For if the ruler is intemperate and unjust how can he rule well? If the subject how can he obey well? If he be licentious and cowardly he will certainly not do his duty. It is evident therefore that both of them must have a share of virtue but varying as natural subjects also vary among themselves. Here, the very constitution of the soul has shown us the way. In it one part naturally rules and the other is subject and the virtue of the ruler we maintain to be different from that of the subject, the one being the virtue of the rational and the other of the irrational part. Now, it is obvious that the same principle applies generally, and therefore almost all things rule and are ruled according to nature, but the kind of rule differs. The free man rules over the slave after another manner from that in which the female or the man over the child. Although the parts of the soul are present in all of them, they are present in different degrees. For the slave has no deliberative faculty at all. The woman has but it is without authority and the child has but it is immature. So, it must necessarily be supposed to be with the moral virtues also all should partake of them but only in such manner and degree as is required by each for the fulfillment of his duty. Hence, the ruler ought to have moral virtue for his function taken absolutely demands a master artificer and rational principle is such an artificer. The subjects, on the other hand, require only that measure of virtue which is proper to each of them. Clearly, then, moral virtue belongs to all of them but the temperance of a man and of a woman or the courage and justice of a man and of a woman are not, as Socrates maintained, the same. The courage of a man is shown in commanding of a woman in obeying and this holds of all other virtues as will more clearly seen if we look at them in detail for those who say generally that virtue consists in a good disposition of the soul or in doing rightly or the like only to see themselves. Far better than such definitions is their motive speaking who, like Gorgias, enumerate the virtues. All classes must be deemed to have their special attributes as the poet says of women, silence is a woman's glory but this is not equally the glory of man. The child is imperfect and therefore obviously his virtue is not relative to himself alone but to the perfect man and to his teacher and in like manner the virtue of the slave is relative to a master. Now, we determine that a slave is useful for the wants of life and therefore he will obviously require only so much virtue as will prevent him from failing in his duty through cowardice or lack of self-control. Someone will ask whether if what we are saying is true virtue will not be required also in the artisans for they often fail in their work through lack of self-control but is there not a great difference in the two cases? For the slave shares in his master's life the artisan is less closely connected with him and only attains excellence in proportion as he becomes a slave. The meaner sort of mechanic has a special and separate slavery and whereas the slave exists by nature not so the shoemaker or other artisan. It is manifest then that the master ought to be the source of such excellence in the slave and not a mere possessor of the art of mastership which trains the slave in his duties. Wherefore they are mistaken who forbid us to converse with slaves and say that we should employ command only for slaves stand even more in need of admonition than children. So much for this subject the relations of husband and wife, parent and child there are several virtues what in their intercourse with one another is good and what is evil and how we may pursue the good and escape the evil will have to be discussed when we speak of the different forms of government for in as much as every family is a part of the state and these relationships are the part of a family and the virtue of the part must have regard to the virtue of the whole women and children must be trained by education with an eye to the constitution if the virtues of either of them are supposed to make any difference in the virtues of the state and they must make a difference for the children grow up to be citizens and half the free persons in a state are women of these matters enough has been said of what remains let us speak at another time regarding then our present inquiry is complete we will make a new beginning and first let us examine the theories of a perfect state end of book one sections 10 through 13 book two sections one through to four of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org read by Lucy Burgoyne politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book two sections one through to four our purpose is to consider what form of political community is best of all for those who are most able to realise their ideal of life we must therefore examine not only this but other constitutions both such as actually exist in well-governed states and any theoretical forms which are held in esteem that what is good and useful may be brought to light and let no one suppose that in seeking for something beyond them we are anxious to make a statistical display at any cost we only undertake this inquiry because all the constitutions with which we are acquainted are folking we will begin with the natural beginning of the subject three alternatives are conceivable the members of the state must either have one all things or two nothing in common three some things in common and some not that they should have nothing in common is clearly impossible for the constitution is a community and must at any rate have a common place one city will be in one place and the citizens are those who share in that one city but should a well-ordered state have all things as far as may be in common or some only and not others for the citizens might conceivably have wives and children and property in common as Socrates proposes in the Republic of Plato which is better at pressing condition or the proposed new order of society two there are many difficulties in the community of women and the principle on which Socrates rests the necessity of such an institution evidently is not established by his arguments further as a means to the end which he ascribes to the state the scheme taken literally is impracticable and how we are to interpret it is nowhere precisely stated I am speaking of the premise from which the argument of Socrates proceeds that the greater the unity of the state the better it is not obvious that the state may at length attain such a degree of unity as to be no longer a state since the nature of a state is to be a purity and in tending to greater unity from being a state it becomes a family and from being a family an individual for the family may said to be more than the state and the individual than the family so that we ought not to attain this greatest unity even if we could for it would be the destruction of the state again a state is not made up only of so many men but of different kinds of men the similars do not constitute a state like a military alliance the usefulness of the letter depends upon its quantity even where there is no difference in quality the mutual protection is the end aimed at just as a greater weight of anything is more useful than a less in like manner a state differs from a nation when the nation has not its population organised in villages that lives an Akkadian sort of life but the elements out of which unity is to be formed differ in kind wherefore the principle of compensation as I have already remarked in the ethics is the salvation of states even among freemen and equals this is a principle which must be maintained that they cannot and rule together but must change at the end of the year of some other period of time or in some order of succession the result is that upon this plan they all govern just as if shoemakers and carpenters were to exchange their occupations and the same persons did not always continue shoemakers and carpenters and since it is better that this should be so in politics as well it is clear that while there should be continuance of the same persons in power where this is possible yet where this is not possible by reason of natural equality of the citizens and at the same time it is just in the government whether to govern be a good thing or a bad an approximation to this is that equal should in turn retire from office and should apart from official position be treated alike thus the one party rule and the others are ruled in turn as if they were no longer the same persons in like manner when they hold office there is a variety in the office as held hence it is evident that a city is not by nature one in that sense which some persons affirm and that what is said to be the greatest good of cities is in reality their destruction but surely the good of things must be that which preserves them again in another point of view this extreme unification of the state is clearly not good for a family is more self-sufficing than an individual and a city than a family and a city only comes into being the community is large enough to be self-sufficing if then self-sufficiency is to be desired the lesser degree of unity is more desirable than the greater three but even supposing that it were best for the community to have the greatest degree of unity this unity is by no means proved to follow from the fact of all men saying mine and not mine at the same instant of time which according to Socrates is the sign of perfect unity in a state for the word all is ambiguous if the meaning be that every individual says mine and not mine at the same time then perhaps the result at which Socrates owns may be in some degree accomplished each man will call the same person his own son and the same person his wife and so of his property and all that falls to his lot however is not the way in which people would speak who had had their wives and children in common they would say all but not each in life manner their property would be described as belonging to them not severely but collectively there is an obvious fallacy in the term all like some other words both odd even it is ambiguous and even in abstract argument becomes the source of logical puzzles that all persons call the same thing mine in the sense in which each the So may be a fine thing but it is impractical or if the words are taken in the other sense such a unity in no way conduces to harmony and there is another objection to the proposal for that which is common to the greatest numbers has the least care bestowed upon it even one thinks chiefly of his own hardly at all of the common interest and only when he is himself concerned as an individual for besides other considerations everybody is more inclined to neglect the duty which he expects another to fulfill as in families many attendants are often less useful than a few each citizen will have a thousand sons who will not be his sons individually but anybody will be equally the son of anybody and will therefore be neglected by all alike further upon the principle everyone will use the word mine of one who is prospering or the reverse however small a fraction he may himself be at the whole number the same boy will be so and so son the son of each of the thousand or whatever be the number of the citizens and even about this he will not be positive for it is impossible to know who chance to have a child or whether if one came into existence it has survived but which is better for each to say mine in this way making a man the same relation to two thousand or ten thousand citizens all to use the word mine in the ordinary and more restricted sense be usually the same person is called by one man his own son whom another calls his own brother or cousin or kinsman blood relation or connection by marriage either of himself or of some relation of his and yet another his clansman or tribesman and how much better is it to be the real cousin of somebody than to be a son after Plato's fashion nor is there any way of preventing brothers and children and fathers and mothers from sometimes recognising one another the children are born like their parents and they will necessarily be finding indications of their relationship to one another geographers declare such to be the fact they say that in part Agatha Libya where the women are common nevertheless the children who are born are assigned to their respective fathers on the ground of their likeness and some women like the females of other animals for example mares and cows have a strong tendency to produce offspring resembling their parents as was the case with the farsalian mare called honest for other evils against which it is not easy for the authors of such a community to guard will be assaults and homicides voluntary as well as involuntary quarrels and slanders all which are most unholy acts when committed against fathers and mothers and near relations but not equally unholy when there is no relationship moreover they are much more likely to occur if the relationship is unknown and when they have occurred the customary expiations of them cannot be made again how strange it is that Socrates after having made the children common should hinder lovers from carnal intercourse only but should permit love and familiarities between father and son or between brother and brother then which nothing can be more unseemly once even without them love of this sort is improper how strange too to forbid intercourse for no other reason than the violence of the pleasure as though the relationship of father and son or of brothers with one another made no difference this community of wives and children seem better suited to the husband than to the guardians for if they have wives and children in common they will be bound by weaker ties as a subject class should be and they will remain obedient and not rebel in a word the result of such a law would be just the opposite of which good laws ought to have and the intention of Socrates in making these regulations about women and children would defeat itself for friendship we believe to be the greatest good of states and the preservative of them against revolutions whether is there anything which Socrates so greatly lords as the unity of the state which he and all the will declare to be created by friendship but the unity which he commends would be like that of lovers in the symposium who, as Arras Defayne says desire to grow together in the excess of their affection and from being two to become one in which case one or both would certainly perish whereas in a state having women and children common love will be watery and the father will certainly not say my son or the son my father as a little sweet wine mingled with a great deal of water is impectable in the mixture so in this sort of community the idea of relationship which is based upon these names will be lost there is no reason why the so called father about the son or the son about the father or brothers about one another of the two qualities which chiefly inspire regard and affection that a thing is your own and that it is your only one neither can exist in such a state as this again the transfer of children as soon as they are born from the rank of husbandman or of artisans to that of guardians and from the rank of guardians into a lower rank will be very difficult to arrange the givers or transferers cannot but know whom they are giving and transferring and to whom and the previously mentioned evils such as assaults unlawful loves homicides will happen more often amongst those who are transferred to the lower classes or who have a place assigned to them among the guardians for they will no longer call the members and thus they have left brothers and children and fathers and mothers and will not therefore be afraid of committing any crimes by reason of consanguity touching the community of wives and children let this be our conclusion end of book 2 sections 1 through to 4 section 5 next let us consider what should be our arrangements about property should the citizens of the perfect state have their possessions in common or not this question may be discussed separately from the enactments about women and children even supposing that the women and children belong to individuals belonging to the customs which is at present universal may there not be an advantage in having and using possessions in common three cases are possible one the soil may be appropriated but the produce may be thrown for consumption into the common stock and this is the practice of some nations or two the soil may be common and may be cultivated in common but the produce divided among individuals for their private use this is a form of common property or three the soil and the produce may be alike common when the husbandmen are not the owners the case will be different and easier to deal with but when they till the ground for themselves the question of ownership will give a world of trouble if they do not share equally enjoyments and toils those who labor much and get little will necessarily complain of those who labor little and receive or consume much but indeed there is always a difficulty in men living together and having all human relations in common but especially having common property the partnerships of fellow travelers are an example to the point for they generally fall out over everyday matters and quarrel about any trifle which turns up so with servants we are most able to take offense at those with whom we most frequently come into contact in daily life these are only some of the disadvantages which attend the community of property the present arrangement if improved as it might be by good customs and laws would be far better and would have the advantages of both systems property should be in a certain sense common but as a general rule private for when everyone has a distinct interest men will not complain of one another and they will make more progress because everyone will be attending to his own business and yet by reason of goodness and in respective use friends as the proverb says will have all things in common even now there are traces of such a principle showing that it is not impracticable but in well ordered states exist already to a certain extent and may be carried further for although every man has his own property some things he will place at the disposal of his friends while of others he shares the use with them the lace the demonians for example use one another slaves and horses and dogs as if they were their own and when they lack provisions on a journey they appropriate what they will find in the fields throughout the country it is clearly better that property should be private but the use of it common and the special business of the legislator is to creating men this benevolent disposition again how immeasurably greater is the pleasure when a man feels a thing to be his own for surely the love of self is a feeling implanted by nature and not given in vain although selfishness is rightly censored this however is not the mere love of self but the love of self in excess like the miser's love of money for all or almost all men love money and other such objects in a measure and further there is the greatest pleasure in doing a kindness or service to friends or guests or companions which can only be rendered when a man has private property these advantages are lost by excessive unification of the state the exhibition of two virtues besides is visibly annihilated in such a state first temperance towards women for it is an honorable action to abstain from another's wife for temperance sake secondly liberality in the matter of property no one when men have all things in common will any longer set an example of liberality or do any liberal action for liberality consist in the use which is made of property such legislation may have a specialist appearance of benevolence men readily listen to it and are easily induced to believe that in some wonderful manner everybody will become everybody's friend especially when someone is her denouncing the evils now existing in states suits about contracts convictions for perjury flatteries of rich men and the like which are said to arise out of the possession of private property these evils however are due to a very different cause the wickedness of human nature indeed we see that there is much more quarreling among those who have all things in common though there are not many of them when compared with the vast numbers who have private property again we ought to reckon not only the evils from which the citizens will be saved but also the advantages which they will lose the life which they are to lead appears to be quite impracticable the error of Socrates must be attributed to the thoughts notion of unity from which he starts unity there should be both of the family and of the state but in some respects only for there is a point at which a state may attain such a degree of unity as to be no longer a state or at which without actually ceasing to exist it will become an inferior state like the harmony passing into unison or rhythm which has been reduced to a single foot the state as I was saying is a plurality which should be united and made into a community by education and it is strange that the author of a system of education which the state virtuous should expect to improve his citizens by regulations of this sort and not by philosophy or by customs and laws like those which prevail at Sparta and Crete respecting common meals whereby the legislator has made property common let us remember that we should not disregard the experience of ages in the multitude of years these things if they were good would certainly not have been unknown for almost everything has been found out although sometimes they are not put together in other cases there is no knowledge which they have great light would be thrown on the subject if we could see such a form of government in the actual process of construction for the legislator could not form a state at all without distributing and dividing its constituents into associations for common meals and into frateries and tribes but all this legislation ends only in forbidding agriculture to the guardians a prohibition which the Lacedemonians try to enforce already but indeed Socrates has not said if you decide what in such a community will be the general form of the state the citizens who are not guardians are the majority and about them nothing has been determined are the husband men too to have their property in common or is each individual to have his own and are the wives and children to be individual or common if like the guardians they are to have all things in common what do they differ from them or what will they gain by submitting to their government or upon what principle would they submit unless indeed the governing class adopt the genius policy of the Cretans who give their slaves the same institutions as their own but forbid them gymnastic exercises and the possession of arms if on the other hand the inferior classes are to be like other cities in respect of marriage and property what will be the form of the community must it not contain two states in one each hostile to the other who makes the guardians into a mere occupying garrison while the husband men and artisans and the rest are the real citizens but if so the suits and quarrels socrates affirms to exist in other states will exist equally among them he says indeed that having so good in education the citizens will not need many laws for example laws about the city or about the markets but then he confines his education to the guardians again he makes the husband men owners of the property upon condition of their paying a tribute but in that case they are likely to be more unmanageable and conceded than the helots or peniste or slaves in general and whether community of wives and property be necessary for the lower equally with the higher class or not and the questions akin to this what will be the education form of government laws of the lower class socrates has nowhere determined neither is it easy to discover this nor is their character of small importance if the common life of the guardians is to be maintained again if socrates makes the women common and retains private property the men will see to the fields but who will see to the house and who will do so if agricultural class have both their property and their wives in common once more it is observed to argue from the analogy of the animals that men and women should follow the same pursuits for animals have not to manage a household the government too as constituted by socrates contains elements of danger for he makes the same persons always rule and if this is often a case of disturbance among the meaner sort how much more among high spirited warriors but that the persons whom he makes rulers must be the same is evident for the gold which the god mingles in the souls of men is not at one time given to one at another time to another but always to the same as he says god mingles gold in some and silver in others from their very birth but brass and iron in those who are meant to be artisans and husband again he deprives the guardians even of happiness and says that the legislator ought to make the whole state happy but the whole cannot be happy unless most or all or some of its parts enjoy happiness in this respect happiness is not like the even principle in numbers which may exist only in the whole but in neither of the parts not so happiness and if the guardians are not happy who are surely not the artisans or the common people the republic of which socrates discourses has all these difficulties and others quite as great section six the same or nearly the same objections apply to plateaus later work the laws and therefore we had better examine briefly the constitution which is there in described in the republic socrates has definitely settled in all a few questions only such as the community of women and children the community of property and the constitution of the state the population is divided into two classes one of husband and the other of warriors from this ladder is taken a third class of counselors and rulers of the state but socrates has not determined whether the husband and artisans are to have a share in the government and whether they too are to carry arms and share in military service or not he certainly thinks that the women ought to share in the education of the guardians and to fight by their side the remainder of the work is filled up with digressions foreign to the main subject and with discussions about the education of the guardians in the laws there is hardly anything but laws but much is said about the constitution this which he had intended to make more of the ordinary type he gradually brings around to the other or ideal form for with the exception of the community of women he supposes everything to be the same in both states there is to be the same education the citizens of both are to live free from servile occupations and there are to be common meals in both the only difference is that in the laws the common meals are extended to women and the warriors number 5,000 but in the republic only 1,000 the discourses of socrates are never commonplace they always exhibit grace and originality and thought but perfection and everything can hardly be expected we must not overlook the fact that the number of 5,000 citizens just now mentioned will require a territory as large as Babylon or some other huge site if so many persons are to be supported in idleness together with their women and attendants who will be a multitude many times is great in framing an ideal we may assume what we wish but should avoid impossibilities it is said that the legislator ought to have his eyes directed to two points the people and the country also must not be forgotten by him firstly because the state for which he legislates is to have a political and not an isolated life for a state must have such a military force as will be serviceable against her neighbors and not merely useful at home even if the life of action is not admitted to be the best, either for individuals or states, still a city should be formidable to enemies whether invading or retreating there is another point should not the amount of property be defined and offers from this by being clearer for Socrates says that a man should have so much property as will enable him to live temperately, which is only a way of saying to live well this is too general a conception further, a man may live temperately and yet miserably a better definition would be that a man must have so much property as will enable him to live not only temperately but liberally if the two are parted liberally will combine with luxury and temperance are the only eligible qualities which have to do with the use of property a man cannot use property with mildness or courage but temperately and liberally he may and therefore the practice of these virtues is inseparable from property there is an inconsistency too in equalizing the property and not regulating the number of the citizens the population is to remain unlimited and he thinks that it will be sufficiently equalized by a certain number of marriages being unfruitful however many are born to others because he finds this to be the case in existing states but greater care will be required than now for among ourselves whatever may be the number of citizens the property is always distributed among them and therefore no one is in want but if the property were incapable of division as in the laws the super numeraries whether few or many would get nothing one would have thought that it was even more necessary to limit population than property and that the limit should be fixed by calculating the chances of mortality in the children and of the sterility in married persons the neglect of this subject which in existing states is so common is a never-failing cause of poverty among the citizens and poverty is the parent of revolution and crime Fiden the Corinthian who was one of the most ardent legislators thought that the families and the number of citizens ought to remain the same although originally all the lots may have been of different sizes but in the laws the opposite principle is maintained is the right arrangement will have to be explained here after there is another omission in the laws Socrates does not tell us how the rulers differ from their subjects he only says that they should be related as the warp and the wolf which are made out of different walls he allows that a man's whole property may be increased five-fold but why should not his land also increase to a certain extent again will the good management of a household be promoted by his arrangement of homesteads for he assigns to each individual two homesteads places and it is difficult to live in two houses the whole system of government tends to be neither democracy nor oligarchy but something in a mean between them which is usually called a polity and is composed of the heavy armed soldiers now if he intended to frame a constitution which would suit the greatest number of states he was very likely right but not if he meant to say that this constitutional form came nearest to his first or ideal state for many would prefer the Lacedemonian or possibly some other more aristocratic government some indeed say that the best constitution is a combination of all existing forms and they praise the Lacedemonian because it is made up of oligarchy, monarchy and democracy the king forming the monarchy and the council of elders the oligarchy while the democratic element is represented by the efforts for the efforts are selected from the people others however declare that everality to be a tyranny and find the element of democracy in the common meals and in the habits of daily life in the laws it is maintained that the best constitution is made up of democracy and tyranny which are either not constitutions at all or are the worst of all but they are nearer the truth who combine many forms for the constitution is better which is made up of more numerous elements the constitution proposed in the laws has no element of monarchy at all it is nothing but oligarchy and democracy leaning rather to oligarchy this is seen in the mode of appointing magistrates for although the appointment of them by law from among have been already selected combines both elements the way in which the rich are compelled by law to attend the assembly and vote for magistrates or discharge other political duties while the rest may do as they like and the endeavor to have the greater number of the magistrates appointed out of the richer classes and the highest officers selected from those who have the greatest incomes both these are oligarchal features the oligarchal principle prevails also in the choice of the council for all are compelled to choose but the compulsion extends only to the choice of class and of an equal number out of the second class and out of the third class but not in this latter case to all the voters but to those of the first three classes and the selection of candidates out of the fourth class is only compulsory on the first and second then from the person so chosen he says that there ought to be an equal number of each class selected thus a preponderance will be given to the better sort of people who have the larger incomes because many of the lower classes not being compelled will not vote these considerations and others which will be induced when the time comes for examining similar polities tend to show that states like Plato should not be composed of democracy and monarchy there is also a danger in electing the magistrates out of the body who are themselves elected for if but a few small number choose to combine the elections will always go as they desire such is the constitution which is described in the laws end of book two sections five and six book two section seven through eight of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe it book two section seven through eight section seven other constitutions have been proposed some by private persons others by philosophers and statesmen which all come near to established or existing ones than either of Plato's no one else has introduced such novelties as the community of women and children or public tables for women other legislators begin with what is necessary in the opinion of some the regulation of property is the chief point of all that being the question upon which all revolutions turn this danger was recognized by Phalaeus of Chalcedon who was the first to affirm that the citizens of a state ought to have equal possessions he thought that in a new colony would be accomplished without difficulty not so easily when a state was already established and that the shortest way of compassing the desired in would be for the rich to give and not to receive marriage portions and for the poor not to give but to receive them Plato in the laws was of the opinion that to a certain extent accumulation should be allowed forbidding as I have already observed any citizen to possess more than five times the minimum qualification but those who make such laws should remember what they are apt to forget the legislator who fixes the amount of property should also fix the number of children for if the children are too many for the property the law must be broken and besides the violation of the law it is a bad thing that many from being rich should become poor for men of ruined fortunes are sure to stir up revolutions that the equalization of property exercises an influence on political society was clearly understood even by some of the old legislators laws were made by Salon and others prohibiting an individual from possessing much land as he pleased and there are other laws in the states which forbid the sale of property among the Locrians for example there is a law that a man is not to sell his property unless he can prove unmistakably that some misfortune has befallen him again there have been laws which enjoy the preservation of the original lots such a law existed in the island of Lucas and the abrogation of it made the constitution too democratic for the rulers no longer had the prescribed qualifications again where there is equality of property the amount may be either too large or too small and the possessor may be living either in luxury or penury clearly then the legislator ought not only to aim at the equalization of properties but at moderation in their amount further if he prescribed this moderate amount equally to all he will be no nearer the mark for it is not the possessions but the desires of mankind which require to be equalized and this is impossible unless a sufficient education is provided by the laws but failures will probably reply that this is precisely what he means and that in his opinion there ought to be in states not only equal property but equal education still he should tell precisely what he means and that in his opinion there ought to be in having one and the same for all if it is of a sort that predisposes men to avarice or ambition or both moreover civil troubles arise not only out of the inequality of property but out of the inequality of honor though in opposite ways for the common people quarrel about the inequality of property as the poet says the bad and good alike in honor share there are crimes of which the motive is want and for these failures expects to find a cure in the equalization of property which will take away from a man the temptation to be a highwayman because he is hungry or cold but want is not the sole incentive to crime men also wish to enjoy themselves and not to be in a state of desire they wish to cure some desire going beyond the necessities of life which prey upon them they may desire superruities in order to enjoy pleasures unaccompanied with pain and therefore they commit crimes now what is the cure of these three disorders of the first moderate possessions and occupation of the second habits of temperance as to the third if any desire pleasures which depend on themselves they will find the satisfaction of their desires nowhere but in philosophy for all other pleasures we are dependent on others the fact is that the greatest crimes are caused by excess and not by necessity they may not become tyrants in order that they may not suffer cold and hence great is the honor bestowed not on him who kills a thief but on him who kills a tyrant thus we see that the institutions of failures avail only against petty crimes there is another objection to them they are chiefly designed to promote the internal welfare of the state but the legislator should consider also its relation to neighboring nations and to all who are outside of it the government must be organized with a view to military strength and of this he has said not a word and so with respect to property there should not only be enough to supply the internal wants of the state but also to meet dangers coming from without the property of the state should not be so large that more powerful neighbors may be tempted by it while the owners are unable to repel the invaders nor yet so small that the state is unable to maintain a war against states of equal power and of the same character failures has not laid down any rule but we should bear in mind that abundance of wealth is an advantage the best limit will probably be that a more powerful neighbor must be to inducement to go to war with you by reason of the excess of your wealth but only such as he would have had if you had possessed less there is a story that Ubulus when Audifredades was going to besiege Atarnius told him to consider how long the operation would take and then reckon upon the cost which would be incurred in the time for he said I am willing for a smaller sum than that to leave Atarnius at once these words of Ubulus made an impression on Audifredades as he desisted from the siege the equalization of property is one of the things that tend to prevent the citizens from quarreling not that the gain in this direction is very great for the nobles will be dissatisfied because they think themselves worthy of more than an equal share of honors and this is often found to be a cause of sedition and revolution and the avarice of mankind is insatiable at one time two obels was pay enough but now when the sum has become customary men always want more and more without end for it is of the nature of desire not to be satisfied and most men live only for the gratification of it the beginning of reform is not so much to equalize property as to train the nobler sort of natures not to desire more and to prevent the lower from getting more that is to say they must be kept down but not ill treated besides the equalization proposed by Phalaeus is imperfect for he only equalizes land whereas a man may be rich also in slaves and cattle and money and in the abundance of what are called his movables now either all these things must be equalized or some limit must be imposed on them or they must be let alone it would appear that Phalaeus is legislating for a small city only if as he supposes all the artisans are to be public slaves and not to form a supplementary part of the body of citizens but if there is a law that artisans are to be public slaves it should only apply to those engaged in public works as at Epidamnus or at Athens on the plan which Diophantus once introduced from these observations anyone may judge how far Phalaeus was wrong or right in his ideas Section 8 Epidamnus the son of Euryphon a native of Miletus the same who invented the art of planning cities and who also laid out the Piraeus a strange man whose fondness for distinction led him into a general eccentricity of life which made some think him affected for he would wear flowing hair and expensive ornaments but these were worn on a cheap but warm garment both in winter and summer he besides aspiring to be adept in the knowledge of nature was the first person not a statesman who made inquiries about the best form of government the city of Epidamnus was composed of 10,000 citizens divided into three parts one of artisans one of husband men and a third of armed defenders of the state he also divided the land into three parts one sacred one public the third private the first was set apart to maintain the customary worship of the gods the second was to support the warriors the third was the property of the husband men he also divided laws into three classes and no more for he maintained that there are three subjects of lawsuits insult injury and homicide he likewise instituted a single final court of appeal to which all cases seeming to have been improperly decided might be referred this court he formed of elders chosen for the purpose he was further of opinion that the decisions of the court ought not to be given by the use of a voting pebble but that every one should have a tablet on which he might not only write a simple condemnation or leave the tablet blank for a simple acquittal but if he partly acquitted and partly condemned he was to distinguish accordingly to the existing law he objected that it obliged the judges to be guilty of perjury whichever way they voted he also enacted that those who discovered anything for the good of the state should be honored and he provided that the children of citizens who died in battle should be maintained at the public expense as if such an enactment had never been heard of before yet it actually exists at Athens and in other places as to the magistrates he would have them all elected by the people that is by the three classes already mentioned and those who were elected were to watch over the interest of the public of strangers and of orphans these are the most striking points in the constitution of hippodamus there is not much else the first of these proposals to which objection may be taken is the three fold division of the citizens the artisans and the husband and the warriors all have a share in the government but the husband have no arms and the artisans neither arms nor land and therefore they become all but slaves of the warrior class that they should share in all the offices and impossibility for generals and guardians of the citizens and nearly all the principal magistrates must be taken from the classes of those who carry arms yet if the two other classes have no share in the government how can they be loyal citizens it may be said that those who have arms must necessarily be masters of both the other classes but this is not so easily accomplished unless they are numerous and if they are why should the other classes share in the government at all or have power to appoint magistrates further what use are farmers to the city artisans there must be for these are wanted in every city and they can live by their craft as elsewhere and the husband man too if they really provided the warriors with food might fairly have a share in the government but in the Republic of Hippodamus they are supposed to have land of their own which they cultivate for their private benefit again as to this common land out of which the soldiers are maintained if they are themselves to be the cultivators of it the warrior class will be identical with the husband although the legislator intended to make a if again there are to be other cultivators distinct both from the husband man who have land of their own and from the warriors they will make a fourth class which has no place in the state and no share in anything or if the same persons are to cultivate their own lands and those of the public as well they will have difficulty in supplying the quantity of produce which will maintain two households and why in this case should there be any division for they might find food themselves and give to the warriors from the same land in the same lots there is surely a difference neither is the law to be commended which says that the judges when a simple issue is laid before them should distinguish in their judgment now in an arbitration although the arbitrators are many they confer with one another about the decision and therefore they can distinguish but in courts of law this is impossible and indeed most legislators take pains to prevent the judges from holding any communication with one another again whether or not be confusion if the judges think that damages should be given but not so much as the suit or demands for twenty miny and the judge allows him ten miny or in general the suitor ask for more and the judge allows less while another judge allows five another four miny in this way they will go on splitting up the damage and some will grant the whole and others nothing how is this final reckoning to be taken again no one contends that he who votes for a simple acquittal or condemnation purges himself if the indictment has been laid in an unqualified form and this is just for the judge who acquits does not decide that the defendant knows nothing but that he does not owe the twenty miny he only is guilty of perjury who thinks that the defendant ought not to pay twenty miny and yet condemns him to honor those who discover anything which is useful to the state is a proposal which has a specious sound that cannot safely be enacted by law for it may encourage informers and perhaps even lead to political commotions this question involves another it has been doubted whether it is or is not expedient to make any changes in the laws of a country even if another law be better if changes are inexpedient we can hardly ascent to the proposal of hippodamus for under pretense of doing a public service a man may introduce measures which are really destructive to the laws or to the constitution but since we have touched upon the subject perhaps we have better go a little into detail for as I was saying there is a difference of opinion and it may sometimes seem desirable to make changes such changes in the other arts and scientists have certainly been beneficial medicine for example and gymnastic and every other art and craft have started from the traditional usage and if politics be an art change must be necessary in this as in any other art that improvement has occurred is shown by the fact that old customs are exceedingly simple and barbarous for the ancient hellenes went about armed and bought their brides for each other the remains of ancient laws which have come down to us are quite absurd for example in cumie there is a law about murder to the effect that if the accuser produce a certain number of witnesses from among his own kinsmen the accused shall be held again men in general desire the good but not merely what their fathers had but the primeval inhabitants whether they were born of the earth or the survivors or some destruction may be supposed to have been no better than ordinary or even foolish people among ourselves such is certainly the tradition concerning the earth-born men and it would be ridiculous to rest contented with their notions even when laws have been written down they ought not always to remain unaltered as in other sciences so in politics it is impossible that all things should be precisely set down in writing for enactments must be universal but actions are concerned with particulars hence we infer that sometimes and in certain cases laws may be changed but when we look at the matter from another point of view great caution would seem to be required for the habit of lightly changing the laws is an evil and when the advantage is small some errors both of law givers and rulers had better be left the citizen will not gain so much by making the change as he will lose by the habit of disobedience the analogy of the arts is false a change in a law is a very different thing from a change in an art for the law has no power to command obedience except that of habit which can only be given by time so that a readiness to change from old to new laws infebles the power of the law even if we admit that the laws are to be changed are they all to be changed and in every state and are they to be changed by anybody who likes or only by certain persons these are very important questions and therefore we have better reserve the discussion of them to a more suitable occasion end of book 2 section 7 through 8 book 2 sections 9 and 10 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Jennifer politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book 2 sections 9 and 10 section 9 in the governments of Lassodiman and Crete and indeed in all governments two points have to be considered first whether any particular law is good or bad when compared with the perfect state secondly whether it is or is not consistent with the idea and character which the law giver has set before his citizens that in a well ordered state the citizens should have leisure and not have to provide further daily wants is generally acknowledged that there is a difficulty in seeing how this leisure is to be attained the Thessalian peniste have often risen against their masters and the Helits in like manner against the Lassodamians for whose misfortunes they are always lying in wait. Nothing however of this kind has yet happened to the Cretians the reason probably is that the neighboring cities even when at war with one another never form an alliance with rebellious serfs rebellions not being for their interest since they themselves have a dependent population whereas all the neighbors at the Lassodamians whether Argives, Messenians or Arcadians were their enemies in Thessaly again the original revolt of the slaves occurred because the Thessalians were still at work with the neighboring Achaians Perhabians and Magnesians besides if there were no other difficulty the treatment or management of slaves is a troublesome affair for if not kept in hand they are insolent and think they are as good as their masters and if harshly treated they hate and conspire against them now it is clear that when these are the results the citizens of a state have not found out the secret of managing their subject population again the license of the Macedonian women defeats the intention of the Spartan Constitution and is adverse to the happiness of the state for a husband and wife being each a part of every family the state may be considered as about equally divided into men and women and therefore in those states in which the condition of the women is bad half the city may be regarded as having no long and this is what has actually happened at Sparta the legislator wanted to make the whole state hearty and temperate and he has carried out his intention in this but he has neglected the women who live in every sort of intemperance and luxury the consequences that in such a state wealth is too highly valued especially if the citizen fall under the dominion of their wives after the manner of most war like races except the Celts and a few others who openly approve of male loves the old mythology would seem to have been right in uniting areas in Aphrodite for all war like races are prone to love either of men or of women this was exemplified among the Spartans in the days of their greatness were managed by their women but what difference does it make whether women rule or the rulers are ruled by women the result is the same even in regard to courage which is of no use in daily life and is needed only in war the influence of the Lassidamian women has been most mischievous the evil showed itself in the Theban invasion when unlike the women of other cities they were utterly useless and caused more confusion than the enemy this license of the Lassidamian women existed from the earliest times and was only what might be expected for during the wars of the Lassidamians first against the Arjives and afterwards against the Arcadians and Messenians the men were long away from home and on the return of peace they gave themselves into the legislator's hand already prepared by the discipline of a soldier's life in which there are many elements of virtue to receive his enactments but when Lycurgis as tradition says wanted to bring the women under his laws they resisted and he gave up the attempt these then are the causes of what then happened and this defect in the Constitution is clearly to be attributed to them not however considering what is or is not to be excused but what is right or wrong and the disorder of the women as I have already said not only gives an error in decorum to the Constitution considered in itself but tends in a measure to foster avarice the mention of avarice naturally suggests a criticism on the inequality of property while some of the Spartan citizens have quite small properties others have very large ones hence the land has passed into the hands of a few and this is due also to faulty laws for although the legislator rightly holds up to shame the sale of the purchase of an inheritance he allows anybody who likes to give or bequeath it yet both practices lead to the same result and nearly two-fifths of the whole country are held by women this is owing to the number of heiresses and to the large dowries which are customary it would surely have been better to have given no dowries at all or if any but small and or moderate ones as the law now stands a man may bestow his heiress on anyone whom he pleases and if he die intestate the privilege of giving her away it descends to his heir hence although the country is able to maintain 1500 cavalry and 30,000 hoplites the whole number of Spartan citizens fell below 1000 the result proves faulty nature of their laws respecting property for the city sank under a single defeat the want of men was their ruin there is a tradition that in the days of their ancient kings they were in the habit of giving the rights of citizenship to strangers and therefore in spite of their long wars no lack of population was experienced by them indeed at one time it was said to have numbered not less than 10,000 citizens whether this statement is true or not it would certainly have been better to have maintained their numbers by the equalization of property again the law which relates to the procreation of children is adverse to the correction of this inequality for the legislator wanting to have as many Spartans as he could encourage the citizens to have large families and there is a law at Sparta that the father of three sons shall be exempt from military service and he who has four from all the burdens of the state the land being distributed as it is many of them must necessarily fall into poverty the Lassimodanian constitution is defective in another point I mean the efferalty this magistracy has authority in the highest matters but the effers are chosen from the whole people and so the office is apt to fall into the hands of very poor men who being badly off are open to bribes there have been many examples at Sparta of this evil in former times and quite recently in the matter of the Andrians certain of the effers who were bribed did their best to keep the state and so great and tyrannical is their power that even the kings have been compelled to court them so that in this way as well together with the royal office the whole constitution has deteriorated and from being an aristocracy has turned into a democracy the efferalty certainly does keep the state together for the people are contented when they have a share in the highest office and the result whether due to the legislator or to chance has been advantageous for if a constitution is to be permanent all the parts of the state must wish that it should exist and the same arrangements should be maintained. This is the case at Sparta where the kings desire its permanence because they have due honor in their own persons the nobles because they are represented in the council of elders for the office of elder is a reward of virtue and the people because all are eligible to the efferalty the election of effers out of the whole people is perfectly right but ought not to be carried on in the present fashion which is too childish again they have the decision of great causes although they are quite ordinary men and therefore they should not determine with them merely on their own judgment but according to written rules and to the laws their way of life too is not in accordance with the spirit of the constitution they have a deal too much license whereas in the case of the other citizens the excess of strictness is so intolerable that they run away from the law into the secret indulgence of sensual pleasures again the council of elders is not free from defects it may be said that the elders are good men and well trained in manly virtue and that therefore there is an advantage to the state in having them but that judges of important causes should hold office for life is a disputable thing for the mind grows old as well as the body and when men have been educated in such a manner that even the legislator himself cannot trust them there is real danger many of the elders are well known to have taken bribes and to have been guilty of partiality in public affairs and therefore they ought not to be irresponsible yet at Sparta they are so but it may be replied all magistracies are accountable to the effers yes but this prerogative is too great for them and we maintain that the control should be exercised in some other manner further the mode in which the Spartans elect their elders is childish and it is improper that the person to be elected should canvass for the office the worthy should be appointed whether he chooses or not and here the legislator clearly indicates the same intention which appears in other parts of his constitution he would have his citizens ambitious and he has reckoned upon this ability in the election of the elders for no one would ask to be elected if he were not yet ambition and avarice almost more than any other passions are the motives whether kings are or are not an advantage to states I will consider at another time they should at any rate be chosen not as they are now but with regard to their personal life and conduct the legislator himself obviously did not suppose that he could make them really good men at least he shows a great distrust of their virtue for this reason the Spartans used to join enemies with them in the same embassy and the quarrels between the kings were held to be conservative of the state neither did the first introducer of the common meals called Medicia regulate them well the entertainment ought to have been provided at the public cost as in Crete but among the last mundane means everyone is expected to contribute and some of them are too poor to afford the expense thus the intention of the legislator is frustrated the common meals were meant to be a popular institution but the existing manner of regulating them is the reverse of popular for the very poor can scarcely take part in them and according to ancient custom those who cannot contribute are not allowed to retain the rights of citizenship the law about the Spartan admirals has often been censored and with justice it is a source of dissension for the kings are perpetual generals and this office of admiral is but the setting up of another king the charge which Plato brings in the laws against the intention of the legislator is likewise justified the whole constitution has regard to one part of virtue only the virtue of the soldier which gives victory in war so long as they were at war therefore their power was preserved but when they had attained empire they fell for of the arts of peace they knew nothing and had never engaged in any employment higher than war there is another error equally great into which they have fallen although they truly think that the goods for which men contend are to be acquired by virtue rather than by vice the error in supposing that these goods are to be preferred to the virtue which gains them once more the revenues of the state are ill managed there is no money in the treasury although they are obliged to carry on great wars and they are unwilling to pay taxes the greater part of the land being in the hands of the Spartans to one another's contributions the result which the legislator has produced is the reverse of beneficial for he has made his city poor and his citizens greedy enough for respecting the Spartan constitution of which these are the principal defects end of section nine book two sections nine and ten of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Jennifer politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book two sections nine and ten section ten the Cretan constitution nearly resembles the Spartan and in some few points is quite as good but for the most part less perfect in form the older constitutions are generally less elaborate than the later and the Lassid Dominion is said to be and probably is in a very great measure a copy of the Cretan according to tradition like Courges when he ceased to be the guardian of King Charles went abroad and spent most of his time in Crete for the two countries are nearly connected the Lysians are a colony of Lassid Dominions and the colonists when they came to Crete adopted the constitution which they found existing among the inhabitants even to this day the Paraisae or subject population of Crete are governed by the original laws which Minos is supposed to have enacted the island seems to be intended by nature for Dominion and Hellas and to be well situated it extends right across the sea around which nearly all the Hellas are settled and while one end is not far from the Peloponnese the others almost reaches to the region of Asia about Triopium and Rhodes hence Minos acquired the empire of the sea subduing some of the islands and colonizing others at last he invaded Sicily where he died near Camicus the Cretan institutions resemble the Lassid Dominion the Hellas are the husband men of the one the Paraisae of the other and both Cretans and the Lassid Dominions have common meals which were anciently called by the Lassid Dominions not Phedicia but Andrea and the Cretans have the same word the use of which proves that the common meals originally came from Crete further the two constitutions are similar for the Office of the Effors is the same as that of the Cretan Cosme the only difference being that whereas the Effors are five the Cosme are ten in number the Elders too answer to the Elders in Crete who are termed by the Cretans the Council the Kingly office once existed in Crete they were abolished and the Cosme have now the duty of leading them in war all classes share in the Ecclesia but it can only gratify the decrees of the Elders and the Cosme the common meals of Crete are certainly better managed than the Lassid Dominion for in Lassidemia everyone pays so much per head or if he fails the law as I have already explained forbids him to exercise the rights of citizenship but in Crete they are of a more popular character there of all the fruits of the earth and cattle raised by the Cretans and of the tribute which is paid by the Paraece one portion is assigned to the gods and to the service of the state and another to the common meals so that men women and children are all supported out of a common stock the Legislator has many ingenious ways of securing moderation and eating which he conceives to be a game he likewise encourages the separation of men from women at least they should have too many children and the companionship of men with one another whether this is a good or bad thing I shall have an opportunity of considering at another time but that the Cretan common meals are better ordered than the Lassid Dominion there can be no doubt on the other hand the Cosmi are even a worse institution than the Ephers of which they have all the evils without the good like the Ephers they are any chance persons but in Crete this is not counterbalanced by a corresponding political advantage at Sparta everyone is eligible and the body of the people having a share in the highest office want the constitution to be permanent but in Crete the Cosmi are elected out of certain families and not out of the whole people and the elders but out of those who have been Cosmi the same criticism may be made about the Cretan which has been already made about the Lassid Dominion and elders their irresponsibility and life tenure is too great a privilege and their arbitrary power of acting upon their own judgment and dispensing with written law is dangerous it is no proof of the goodness of the institution that the people are not discontented at it being excluded from it for there is no profit to be made out of the office as out of the efferalty since unlike the Ephers the Cosmi being in an island are removed from temptation the remedy by which they correct the evil of this institution is an extraordinary one suited rather to a close oligarchy than to a constitutional state for the Cosmi are often expelled by a conspiracy of their own colleagues or of private individuals and they are allowed also to resign before their turn of office has expired surely all matters of this kind are better regulated by law than by the will of man which is a very unsafe rule worst of all is the suspension of the office of Cosmi a device to which the nobles often have recourse when they will not submit to justice this shows that the Cretan government although possessing some of the characteristics of a constitutional state is really a close oligarchy the nobles have a habit too of setting up a chief they get together a party among the common people and their own friends and then quarrel and fight with one another what is this but the temporary destruction of the state and dissolution of society a city is in a dangerous condition when those who are willing are also able to attack her but as I have already said the island of Crete is saved by her situation distance has the same effect as the less dominion prohibition of strangers and the Cretans have no foreign dominions this is the reason why the Paraeaeaeae are contented in Crete whereas the helots are perpetually revolting but when lately foreign invaders found their way into the island the weakness of the Cretan constitution was revealed enough of the government of Crete end of section 10 end of book 2 sections 9 and 10 recording by Jennifer Hilo Hawaii book 2 sections 11 and 12 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Jennifer politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book 2 sections 11 and 12 the Carthaginians are also considered to have an excellent form of government which differs from that of any other state in several respects though it is in some very like the Lacedaemonian indeed all three states the Lacedaemonian, the Cretan, and the Carthaginian nearly resemble one another and are very different from any others many of the Carthaginian institutions are excellent the superiority of their constitution is proved by the fact that the common people remain loyal to the constitution the Carthaginians have never had any rebellion worth speaking of and have never been under the rule of a tyrant among the points in which the Carthaginian constitution resembles the Lacedaemonian are the following the common tables of the clubs answer to the Spartan Fidisha and their magistracy of the 104 to the Evers but whereas the Evers are any chance persons the magistrates of the Carthaginians are elected according to merit this is an improvement they have also their kings and their Jerusea or council of elders who correspond to the kings and elders of Sparta their kings unlike the Spartan are not always of the same family nor that an ordinary one some distinguished family they are selected out of it and not appointed by seniority this is far better such officers have great power and therefore if they are persons of little worth do a great deal of harm and they have already done harm at Lacedaemon most of the defects or deviations from the perfect state for which the Carthaginian constitution would be censored apply equally to all the forms of government which we have mentioned but of the deflections from aristocracy and constitutional government and some to oligarchy the kings and elders if unanimous may determine whether they will or will not bring a matter before the people but when they are not unanimous the people decide on such matters as well and whatever the kings and elders bring before the people is not only heard but also determined by them and anyone who likes may oppose it now this is not permitted in Sparta and Crete that the magistrates of five who have under them many important matters should be co-opted that they should choose the supreme council of 100 and should hold office longer than other magistrates because they are virtually rulers both before and after they hold office these are oligarchical features they are being without salary and not elected by law and any similar points such as the practice of having all suits tried by the magistrates and not some by one class of judges or jurors and some by another as at Lacedaemon are characteristic of aristocracy the Carthaginian constitution deviates from aristocracy and inclines to oligarchy chiefly on a point where popular opinion is on their side for men in general think that magistrates should be chosen only for their merit but for their wealth a man they say who is poor cannot rule well he has not the leisure if then elections of magistrates for the wealth be characteristic of oligarchy and election for merit of aristocracy there will be a third form under which the constitution of Carthage is comprehended for the Carthaginians choose their magistrates and particularly the highest of them their kings and generals with an eye both to merit and to wealth but we must acknowledge that in thus deviating from aristocracy the legislator is committed an error nothing is more absolutely necessary than to provide that the highest class not only win in office but win out of office should have leisure and not disgrace themselves in any way and to this his attention should be first directed even if you must have regard to wealth in order to secure leisure yet it is surely a bad thing that the greatest offices such as those of kings and generals should be bought the law which allows this abuse makes wealth of more account than virtue and the whole state becomes avaricious for whenever the chiefs of the state anything honorable the other citizens are sure to follow their example and where virtue has not the first place their aristocracy cannot be firmly established those who have been at the expense of purchasing their places will be in the habit of repaying themselves and it is absurd to suppose that a poor and honest man will be wanting to make gains and that a lower stamp of man who has incurred a great expense will not where for they should rule who are able to rule best and even if the legislator does not care to protect the good from poverty he should at any rate secure leisure for them when in office it would seem also to be a bad principle that the same person should hold up many offices which is a favorite practice among the Carthaginians for one business is better done by one man the legislator should see to this and should not appoint the same person to be a flute player and a shoemaker hence where the state is large it is more in accordance with both constitutional and with democratic principles that the offices of state should be distributed among many persons for as I said this arrangement is fairer to all and any action familiarized by repetition is better and sooner performed we have a proof in military and naval matters the duties of command and of obedience in both these services extend to all the government of the Carthaginians is oligarchical but they successfully escaped the evils of oligarchy by enriching one portion of the people after another by sending them to their colonies this is their panacea and the means by which they give stability to the state accident favors them but the legislator should be able to provide a solution without trusting to accidents as things are if any misfortune occurred and the bulk of the subjects revolted there would be no way of restoring peace by legal methods such is the character of the last dominion, cretin and carthaginian constitutions which are justly celebrated end of section 11 book 2 section 12 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Jennifer politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book 2 section 12 of those who have treated of governments some have never taken any part at all in public affairs but have passed their lives in a private station about most of them what is worth telling has already been told others have been law givers either in their own or in foreign cities whose affairs they have administered and of these some have only made laws others have framed constitutions like Hergis and Solon did both of the Lassidemonian constitution I have already spoken as to Solon he is thought by some to have been a good legislator who put an end to the exclusiveness of the oligarchy emancipated the people established the ancient Athenian democracy and harmonized the different elements of the state according to their view the council of Areopicus was an oligarchical element the elected magistracy, aristocratical and the courts of law, democratical the truth seems to be that the council of magistracy existed before the time of Solon and were retained by him but that he formed the courts of law out of the citizens thus creating the democracy which is the very reason why he is sometimes blamed for in giving the supreme power to the law courts which are elected by lot he is thought to have destroyed the non-democratic element when the law courts grew powerful to please the people who were now playing the tyrant the old constitution was changed into the existing democracy Ifealtes and Pericles curtailed the power of the Areopicus Pericles also instituted the payment of the juries and thus every demagogue in turn increased the power of the democracy until it became what we now see all this is true it seems however to be the result of circumstances and not to have been intended by Solon for the people having been instrumental in gaining the empire of the sea in the persian war began to get a notion of itself and followed worthless demagogues whom the better class opposed Solon himself appears to have given the Athenians only that power of electing to offices and calling to account the magistrates which was absolutely necessary for without it they would have been in a state of slavery and enmity to the government all the magistrates he appointed from the nobles and the men of wealth that is to say from the Pentecostio Medini, or from the class called Tsukitie or from a third class of so-called knights or cavalry the fourth class were laborers who had no share in any magistracy mere legislators were Zulucus who gave laws to the Episephoran Locrians and legislated for his own city of Catana and for the other Jalsidian cities in Italy and Sicily some people attempt to make out that Anemocratius was the first person who had any special skill in legislation and that he, although a Locrian by birth was trained in Crete where he lived in the exercise of his prophetic art that Thales was his companion and that Lycurgus and Zulucus were disciples of Thales as Carondas was of Zulucus but their account is quite inconsistent with chronology there was also Phelilaus who gave laws to the Thebans this Phelilaus was one of the family of the Bacchia de and a lover of Diocles the Olympic victor who left Corinth in horror of the incestuous passion which his mother, Halcyon had conceived for him and retired to Thebes where the two friends together ended their days the inhabitants still point out their tombs which are in full view of one another but one is visible from the Corinthian territory the other not tradition says the two friends arranged them plus Diocles out of horror so that the land of Corinth might not be visible from his tomb Phelilaus that it might this is the reason why they settled at Thebes and so Phelilaus legislated for the Thebans and besides some other enactments gave them laws about the procreation of children which they call the laws of adoption these laws were peculiar to him and were intended to preserve the number of the Launts in the legislation of Carondas there is nothing more remarkable except the suits against false witnesses of instituted denunciation for perjury his laws are more exact and more precisely expressed than even those of our modern legislators characteristic of Phelilis is the equalization of property of Plato the community of women children in property the common meals of women and the law about drinking that the sober shall be masters of the feast also the training of soldiers to acquire by practice equal skill with both hands so that one should be as useful as the other Draco has left laws but he adopted them which already existed and there is no peculiarity in them which is worth mentioning except the greatness and severity of the punishments Pidekas too was only a law giver and not the author of a constitution he has a law which is peculiar to him that if a drunken man do something wrong he shall be more heavily punished than if he were sober he looked not to the excuse which might be offered for the drunkard but only to expediency for drunken more often than sober people commit acts of violence Andrew Domus of Regime gave laws to the Thalcidians of Thrace some of them relate to homicide and to heiresses but there is nothing remarkable in them and here let us conclude our inquiry into the various constitutions which either actually exist or have been devised by theorists end of book 2 sections 11 and 12 recording by Jennifer Hilo Hawaii end of politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book 3 sections 1 through 4 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book 3 sections 1 through 4 book 3 1 he who would inquire into the essence and attributes of the various kinds of governments must first of all determine what is a state at present this is a disputed question some say that the state has done a certain act others no not the state but the oligarchy or the tyrant and the legislator or statesman is concerned entirely with the state a constitution or government being an arrangement of the inhabitants of a state but a state is a composite like any other hole made up of many parts these are the citizens who compose it it is evident therefore that we must begin by asking who is the citizen and what is the meaning of the term for here again there may be a difference of opinion he who is a citizen in a democracy will not often be a citizen in an oligarchy leaving out of consideration those who have been made citizens or have obtained the name of citizen any other accidental manner we may say first that a citizen is not a citizen because he lives in a certain place for resident aliens and slaves share in the place nor is he a citizen who has no legal right except that of suing and being sued for this right may be enjoyed under the provisions of a treaty nay, resident aliens in many places do not possess even such rights completely for they are obliged to be patron so that they do but imperfectly participate in citizenship and we call them citizens only in a qualified sense as we might apply the term to children who are too young to be on the register or to old men who have been relieved from state duties of these we do not say simply that they are citizens but add in the one case that they are not of age and in the other that they are past the age or something of that sort the precise expression is immaterial for our meaning is clear similar difficulties to those which I have mentioned may be raised and answered by deprived citizens and exiles but the citizen whom we are seeking to define is a citizen in the strictest sense against whom no such exception can be taken and his special characteristic is that he shares in the administration of justice and in offices now of offices some are discontinuous and the same persons are not allowed to hold them twice or can only hold them after a fixed interval others have no limit of time for example the office of a die-cast or ecclesiast it may indeed be argued that these are not magistrates at all and that their functions give them no share in the government but surely it is ridiculous to say that those who have the power do not govern let us not dwell further upon this which is a purely verbal question what we want is a common term including both die-cast and ecclesiast let us for the stake of distinction call it indefinite office and we will assume that those who share in such office are citizens this is the most comprehensive definition of a citizen and best suits all those who are generally so-called but we must not forget that things which the underlying principles differ in kind one of them being first another second another third have when regarded in this relation nothing or hardly anything worth mentioning in common now we see that governments differ in kind and that some of them are prior and that others are posterior those which are faulty or perverted are necessarily posterior to those which are perfect what we mean by perversion will be hereafter explained the citizen then of necessity differs under each form of government and our definition is best adapted to the citizen of a democracy but not necessarily to other states for in some states the people are not acknowledged nor have they any regular assembly but only extraordinary ones and suits are distributed by sections among the magistrates at like a daemon for instance the efforts determined suits about contracts which they distribute among themselves while the elders are judges of homicide and other causes are decided by other magistrates a similar principle prevails at carthage where certain magistrates decide all causes they indeed modify our definition of the citizen so as to include these states in them it is the holder of a definite not of an indefinite office who legislates and judges and to some or all such holders of definite offices is reserved the right of deliberating or judging about some things or about all things the consumption of the citizen now begins to clear up he who has the power to take part in the deliberative or judicial administration of any state is said by us to be a citizen of that state and speaking generally of the citizens sufficing for the purposes of life two but in practice the citizen is defined to be one of whom both the parents are citizens others insist on going further back say to two or three or more ancestors this is a short and practical definition but there are some who raise the further question how can this third or fourth ancestor come to be a citizen gorgeous of Leontini partly because he was in a difficulty partly in irony said mortars are what is made by the mortemakers are those who are made by the magistrates for it is their trade to make lauricians yet the question is really simple for if according to the definition just given they shared in the government they were citizens this is a better definition than the other for the words born of a father or mother who is a citizen cannot possibly apply to the first inhabitants or founders of a state there is a greater difficulty in the case of those who have been made citizens after a revolution as by Cleistines at Athens after the expulsion of the tyrants for he enrolled in tribes many medics both strangers and slaves the doubt in these cases is not who is but whether he is ought to be a citizen and there will still be a furthering state whether a certain act is or is not an act of the state for what ought not to be is what is false now there are some who hold office and yet ought not to hold office whom we describe as ruling but ruling unjustly and the citizen was defined by the fact of his holding some kind of rule or office he who holds a judicial or legislative office fulfills our definition of a citizen it is evident therefore that the citizens about whom the doubt has arisen must be called citizens whether they ought to be so or not is a question which is bound up with the previous inquiry for a parallel question is raised respecting the state whether a certain act is or is not an act of the state for example in the transition from an oligarchy or a tyranny to a democracy in such cases persons refuse to fulfill their contracts or any other obligations on the grounds that the tyrant and not the state contracted them they argue that some constitutions are established by force and not for the sake of the common good but this would apply equally to democracies for they too may be founded on violence and then the acts of democracy will be neither more nor less acts of the state in question then those of an oligarchy or a tyranny this question runs up into another on what principle shall we ever say that the state is the same or different it would be a very superficial view which considered only the place and the inhabitants for the soil and the population may be separated and some of the inhabitants may live in one place and some in another this however is not a very serious difficulty we need only remark that the word state is ambiguous it is further asked when are men living in the same place to be regarded as a single city what is the limit certainly not the wall of the city for you might surround all Peloponnesus with a wall like this we may say is Babylon and every city that has the compass of a nation rather than a city Babylon they say had been taken for three days before some part of the inhabitants became aware of the fact this difficulty may however with advantage be deferred to another occasion the statesman has to consider the size of the state and whether it should consist of more than one nation or not again shall we say that while the race of inhabitants as well as their place of abode remain the same the city is also the same although the citizens are always dying and being born as we call rivers and fountains the same although the water is always flowing away and coming again or shall we say that the generations of men like the rivers are the same but that the state changes for since the state is a partnership and is a partnership of citizens in a constitution when the form of government changes and becomes different then it may be supposed that the state is no longer the same just as a tragic differs from a comic chorus although the members of both may be identical and in this manner we speak of every union or composition of elements as different when the form of their composition alters for example a scale containing the same sounds is said to be different accordingly as the Dorian or the Phyrgian model is employed and if this is true it is evident that the sameness of the state consists chiefly in the sameness of the constitution and it may be called or not called by the same name whether the inhabitants are the same or entirely different it is quite another question whether a state ought or ought not to fulfill engagements when the form of government changes for there is a point nearly a lie to the proceeding whether the virtue of a good man and a good citizen is the same or not but before entering on this discussion we must certainly first obtain some general notion of the virtue of the citizen like the sailor the citizen is a member of the community now sailors have different functions for one of them is a rower another a pilot and a third a lookout man a fourth is described by some similar term and while the precise definition of each individual's virtue applies exclusively to him there is at the same time a common definition applicable to them all for they all of them have a common object which is safety and navigation similarly one citizens differs from another but the salvation of the community is the common business of them all this community is the constitution the virtue of the citizen therefore be relative to the constitution of which he is a member if then there are many forms of government it is evident that there is not one single virtue of the good citizen which is perfect virtue hence it is evident that the good citizen need not a necessity possess the virtue which makes a good man the same question may also be approached by another road from a consideration of the best constitution if the state cannot be entirely composed of good men and yet each citizen is expected to do his own business well and must therefore have virtue still in much as all the citizens cannot be alike the virtue of the citizen and of the good man cannot coincide all must have the virtue of the good citizen thus and thus only can the state be perfect but they will not have the virtue of a good man unless we assume that in the good state all the citizens must be good again the state as composed of unlike maybe compared to the living being as the first elements into which a living being is restored our soul and body as soul is made up of rational principle and appetite the family of husband and wife property of master and slave so all these as well as other dissimilar elements the state is composed and therefore the virtue of all the citizens cannot possibly be the same anymore than the excellence of the leader of a chorus is the same as that of the performer who stands by his side I have said enough to show why the two kinds of virtue cannot be absolutely and always the same but will there then be no case in which the virtue of the good citizen and the virtue of the good man coincide to this we answer that the good ruler is a good and wise man and he who would be a statesman must be a wise man and some persons say that even the education of the ruler should be of a special kind for are not the children of kings instructed in writing and military exercises as Euripides says no subtle arts for me but what the state requires as though there were special education needed by a ruler if then the virtue of a good ruler is the same as that of a good man and we assume further that the subject is a citizen as well as the ruler the virtue of the good citizen and the virtue of the good man cannot be absolutely the same although in some cases they may be for the virtue of a ruler differs from that of a citizen it was the sense of this difference which made Jason say that he felt hungry when he was not a tyrant meaning that he could not endure to live in a private station but on the other hand it may be argued that men are praised for knowing both how to rule and how to obey and he is said to be a citizen of approved virtue who is able to do both now if we suppose the virtue of a good man to be that which rules and the virtue of the citizen to include ruling and obeying it cannot be said that they are equally worthy of praise since then it is sometimes thought that the ruler and the ruled must learn things and not the same but that the citizen must know and share in them both the inference is obvious there is indeed the rule of a master which is concerned with menial offices the master need not know how to perform these but may employ others in the execution of them the other would be a degrading and by the other I mean the power actually to do menial duties which vary much in character and are executed by various classes of slaves such for example as handicraftsmen who as their name signifies live by the labor of their hands under these mechanics is included hence in ancient times and among some nations the working classes had no share in the government a privilege which they only acquired under extreme democracy certainly the good man and the statesman in the good citizen ought not to learn the crafts of inferiors except for their own occasional use if they habitually practice them there will cease to be a distinction between master and slave this is not the rule of which we are speaking but there is a rule of another kind which is exercised over free men and equals by birth a constitutional rule which the ruler learned by obeying as he would learn the duties of a general of cavalry by being under the orders of a general of cavalry or the duties of a general of infantry by being under the orders of a general of infantry and by having had the command of a regiment and of a company it has been well said that he who has never learned to obey cannot be a good commander the two are not the same but the good citizen ought to be capable of both he should know how to govern like a free man and how to obey like a free man these are the virtues of a citizen and although the temperance and justice of a ruler are distinct from those of a subject the virtue of a good man will include both for the virtue of the good man who is free and also a subject e.g. his justice will not be one but will comprise distinct kinds the one qualifying him the rule the other to obey and differing as the temperance and courage of men and women differ for a man would be thought a coward if he had no more courage than a courageous woman and a woman would be thought locations if she imposed no more restraint on her conversation than the good man and indeed their part in the management of the household is different for the duty of the one is to acquire and serve practical wisdom only is characteristic of the ruler it would seem that all other virtues must equally belong to ruler and subject the virtue of the subject is certainly not wisdom but only true opinion he may be compared to the maker of the flute while his master is like the flute player or user of the flute from these considerations may be gathered that the answer to the question whether the virtue of the good man is the same as that of the good citizen or different and how far are the same and how far different end of book three sections one through book three sections five through nine of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe book three sections five through nine five there still remains one more question about the citizen is he only a true citizen who has a share of office or is the mechanic to be included if they who hold no office are to be deemed citizens not every citizen can have this virtue of ruling and obeying for this man is a citizen and if none of the lower class are citizens in which part of the state are they to be placed for they are not resident aliens and they are not foreigners may we not reply that as far as this objection goes there is no more absurdity in excluding them than in excluding slaves and freed men from any of the above mentioned classes it must be admitted that we cannot be necessary to the existence of the state for example children are not citizen equally with grown up men who are citizens absolutely but children not being grown up are only citizens on a certain assumption may in ancient times and among some nations the artisan class were slaves or foreigners and therefore the majority of them are so now the best form of state will not admit them to citizenship but if they are admitted then our definition of the virtue of a citizen will not apply to every citizen nor to every free man as such as the state will be freed from necessary services the necessary people are either slaves who minister to the wants of individuals or mechanics and laborers who are the servants of the community these reflections carried a little further will explain their position and indeed what has been said already is of itself when understood explanation enough since there are many forms of government there must be many varieties of citizen and especially of citizens who are subjects so that under some governments the mechanic and the laborer will be citizens for example in aristocracy or the so-called government of the best if there be such in one in which honors are given according to virtue and merit for no man can practice virtue who is living the life of a mechanic or laborer in oligarchies the qualification for office is high and therefore no laborer can ever be a citizen but a mechanic may for an actual majority of them are rich at Thebes there was a law that no man could hold office who had not retired from business for ten years but in many states the law goes to the length of admitting aliens for in some democracies a man is a citizen though his mother only be a citizen and a similar principle is applied to illegitimate children the law is relaxed when there is a dearth of population but when the number of citizens increases first the children of a male or a female slave are excluded then those whose mothers only are citizens and at last the right of citizenship is confined to those whose fathers and mothers are both citizens hence as is evident there are different kinds of citizens and he is a citizen in the shares in the honors of the state compare Homer's words like some dishonored stranger he who is excluded from the honors of the state is no better than an alien but when his exclusion is concealed then the object is that the privilege class may deceive their fellow inhabitants as to the question whether the virtue of the good man is the same as that of the good citizen the considerations already adduced prove that in some states the good man and the good citizen are the same and in others different when they are the same it is not every citizen who is a good man but only the statesmen and those who have or may have alone or in conjunction with others the conduct of public affairs six having determined these questions we have next to consider whether there is only one form of government or many and if many what they are and how many and what are the differences between them a constitution is the arrangement of magistracies in a state especially of the highest of all the government is everywhere sovereign in the state and the constitution is in fact the government for example in democracies the people are supreme but in oligarchies the few and therefore we say that these two forms of government are also different and so in other cases first let us consider what is the purpose of a state and how many forms of government there are by which human society is regulated we have already said that in the first part of this treatise when discussing household management and the rule of a master that man is by nature a political animal and therefore men even when they do not require one another's help desire to live together not but that they are also brought together by their common interests and proportion as they severly attain to any measure of well-being this is certainly the chief end both of individuals and of states and also for the sake of mere life in which there is possibly some noble element so long as the evils of existence do not greatly overbalance the good mankind meet together and maintain the political community and we see that men cling to life even at the cost of enduring great misfortune seeming to find in life a natural sweetness and happiness there is no difficulty in distinguishing the various kinds of authority they have been defined already in discussions outside the school the rule of a master although the slave by nature and the master by nature have in reality the same interests is nevertheless exercised primarily with a view to the interest of the master but accidentally considers the slave since if the slave perish the rule of the master parishes with him on the other hand the government of a wife and children and of a household which we have called household management is exercised in the first instance for the good of the governed or for the common good of both parties but essentially for the good of the governed as we see to be the case in medicine gymnastic and the arts in general which are only accidentally concerned with the good of the artists themselves for there is no reason why the trainer may not sometimes practice gymnastics and the helmsman is always one of the crew the trainer or the helmsman considers the good of those committed to his care but when he is one of the persons taking care of he accidentally participates in the advantage for the helmsman is also a sailor and the trainer becomes one of those in training and so in politics when the state is framed upon the principle of equality and lightness the citizens think that they ought to hold office by turns formerly as is natural everyone would take his turn of service and then again somebody else would look after his interest just as he while in office had looked after theirs but nowadays for the sake of the advantage which is to be gained from the public revenues and from office men want to be always in office one might imagine that the rulers being sickly were only kept in health while they continued in office in that case we may be sure that they would be hunting after places the conclusion is evident that governments which have a regard to the common interest are constituted in accordance with strict principles of justice and are therefore true forms but those which regard only the interest of the rulers are all defective and perverted forms for they are despotic whereas a state is a community of free men having determined these points we have next to consider how many forms of government there are and what they are and in the first place what are the true forms for when they are determined the perversions of them will at once be apparent the words constitution and government have the same meaning and the government which is the supreme authority and states must be in the hands of one or of a few or of the many the true forms of government therefore are those in which the one or the few or the many govern with a view to the common interest but governments which rule with a view to the private interest whether of the one or of the few or of the many are perversions for the members of a state if they are truly citizens ought to participate in its advantages of forms of government in which one rules we call that which regards the common interests kingship or royalty that in which more than one but not many rule aristocracy and it is so called either because the rulers are the best men or because they have at heart the best interests of the state and of the citizens but when the citizens at large administer the state for the common interest the government is called by the generic name a constitution and there is a reason for this use of language one men or a few may excel in virtue but as the number increases it becomes more difficult for them to attain perfection in every kind of virtue though they may in military virtue for this is found in the masses hence in a constitutional government the fighting men have the supreme power and those who possess arms are the citizens of the above mentioned forms the perversions are as follows of royalty tyranny democracy oligarchy of constitutional government democracy for a tyranny is a kind of monarchy which has in view the interests of the monarch only oligarchy has in view the interests of the wealthy democracy of the needy none of them the common good of all eight but there are difficulties about these forms of government and it will therefore be necessary to state a little more at length the nature of each for he who would make a philosophical study of the various sciences and does not regard practice only ought not to overlook or omit anything but to set forth the truth in every particular tyranny as I was saying is monarchy exercising the rule of a master over the political society oligarchy is when men of property have the government in their hands democracy the opposite when the indigent and not the men of property are the rulers and here arises the first of our difficulties and it relates to the distinction drawn for democracy is said to be the government of the many but what if the many are men of property and have the power in their hands in like manner oligarchy is said to be the government of the few but what if the poor are fewer than the rich and have the power in their hands because they are the stronger in these cases the distinction which we have drawn between these different forms of government would no longer hold good suppose once more that we add wealth to the few and poverty to the many and name the governments accordingly and oligarchy is said to be that in which the few and the wealthy and a democracy that in which the many and the poor are the rulers there will still be a difficulty for if the only forms of government are the ones already mentioned how shall we describe those other governments also just mentioned by us in which the rich are the more numerous and the poor are the fewer and both governed in their respective states the argument seems to show that whether in oligarchies or in democracies the number of the governing body whether the greater number as in a democracy or the smaller number as in an oligarchy is an accident due to the fact that the rich everywhere are few and the poor numerous but if so there is a misapprehension of the causes of the difference between them for the real difference between democracy and oligarchy is poverty and wealth wherever men rule by reason of their wealth whether they be few or many that is an oligarchy and where the poor rule that is a democracy but as a fact the rich are few and the poor many for few are well to do whereas freedom is enjoyed by all and wealth and freedom are the grounds on which the oligarchical and democratical parties respectively claim power in the state nine let us begin considering the common definitions of oligarchy and democracy and what is justice oligarchical and democratical for all men cling to justice of some kind but their conceptions are imperfect and they do not express the whole idea for example justice is thought by them to be and is equality equality not however for everyone but only for equals and equality is thought to be and is justice neither is this for all but only for unequals when the persons are omitted then men judge erroneously the reason is that they are passing judgment on themselves and most people are bad judges in their own case and whereas justice implies a relation to persons as well as to things and a just distribution as I have already said in the ethics implies the same ratio between the persons and between the things they agree about the equality of the things but dispute about the equality of the persons chiefly for the reason which I have just given because they are bad judges in their own affairs and secondly because both the parties to the argument are speaking of a limited and partial justice in themselves to be speaking of absolute justice for the one party if they are unequal in one respect for example wealth consider themselves to be unequal in all and the other party if they are equal in one respect for example free birth consider themselves to be equal in all but they leave out the capital point for if men met and associated out of regard to wealth only their share in the state would be proportioned to their property and the oligarchical doctrine would seem to carry the day it would not be just that he who paid one for the same share of a hundred minet whether of the principal or of the profits as he who paid the remaining ninety-nine but a state exists for the sake of a good life and not for the sake of life only if life only were the object slaves and brute animals might form a state but they cannot for they have no share in happiness or in a life of free choice nor does a state exist for the sake of alliance and security from injustice nor yet for the sake of exchange and mutual intercourse for then the terranians and the carthaginians and all who have commercial treaties with one another would be the citizens of one state true they have agreements about imports and engagements that they will do no wrong to one another and written articles of alliance but there are no magistrates common to the contracting parties who will enforce their engagements different states have each their own magistracies nor does one state take care that the citizens of the other are such as they ought to be nor see that those who come under the terms of the treaty do no wrong or wickedness at all but only that they do no injustice to one another those who care for good government take into consideration virtue and vice in states once it may be further inferred that virtue must be the care of a state which is truly so called and not merely enjoys the name for without this end the community becomes a mere alliance which differs only in place from alliances of which the members live apart and law is only a convention a surety to one another of justice as the sophist liquorfront says and has no real power to make the citizens this is obvious for supposed distinct places such as Corinth and Magara to be brought together so that their walls touched still they would not be one city not even if the citizens had the right to intermarry which is one of the rights peculiarly characteristic of states again if men dwelt at a distance from one another but not so far off as to have no intercourse and there were laws among them that they should not wrong each other in their exchanges neither would this be a state let us suppose that one man is a carpenter another a husbandman another a shoemaker and so on and that their number is ten thousand nevertheless if they have nothing in common but exchange alliance and the like that would not constitute a state why is this surely not because they are at a distance from one another for even supposing that such a community were to meet in one place but that each man had a house of his own which was in a manner his state that they made alliance with one another but only against evil doers still an accurate thinker would not deem this to be a state if their intercourse with one another was of the same character after as before their union it is clear then that a state is not a mere society having a common place established for the prevention of mutual crime and for the sake of exchange these are the conditions without which a state cannot exist but all of them together do not constitute a state which is a community of families and aggregations of families in well-being for the sake of a perfect and self-sufficing life such a community can only be established among those who live in the same place in intermarry hence arise in cities family connections brotherhoods common sacrifices amusements which draw men together but these are created by friendship for the will to live together is friendship the end of the state is the good life and these are the means toward it and the state is the union of families and villages in a perfect and self-sufficing life by which we need a happy and honorable life our conclusion then is that political society exists for the sake of noble actions and not of mere companionship hence they who contribute most to such a society have a greater share in it than those who have the same or greater freedom or nobility of birth but are inferior to them in political value or than those who exceed them in wealth but are surpassed by them in virtue from what has been said it will be clearly seen that all the partisans of different forms of government speak of a part of justice only end of book 3 sections 5 through 9 book 3 sections 10 through 13 section 10 there is also a doubt as to what is to be the supreme power in the state is it the multitude or the wealthy or the good or the one best man or tyrant any of these alternatives seems to involve disagreeable consequences if the poor for example because they are more in number divide among themselves the property of the rich is not this unjust no by heaven will be the reply for the supreme authority justly wielded but if this is not injustice pray what is again when in the first division all has been taken and the majority divide anew the property of the minority is not evident if this goes on that they will ruin the state yet surely virtue is not the ruin of those who possess her nor is justice destructive of a state and therefore this law of confiscation clearly cannot be just if it were all the acts of a tyrant must of necessity be just for he only coerces other man by superior power just as the multitude coerce the rich but is it just then that the few and the wealthy should be the rulers and what if they in like manner rob and plunder the people is this just if so the other case will likewise be just but there can be no doubt that all these things are wrong and unjust then ought the good to rule and have supreme power but in that case everybody else being excluded from power will be dishonoured for the officers of a state are posts of honour and if one set of man always holds them the rest must be deprived of them then will it be well that the one best man should rule nay that is still more olacarchical for the number of those who are dishonoured is thereby increased someone may say that it is bad in any case for a man subject as he is to all the accidents of human passion to have the supreme power rather than the law but what if the law itself be democratical or olacarchical how will that help us out of our difficulties not at all the same consequences will follow most of these questions may be reserved for another occasion the principle that the multitude ought to be supreme rather than the few best is one that is maintained and though not free from difficulty yet seems to contain an element of truth for the many of whom each individual is but an ordinary person when they meet together may very likely be better than the few good if regarded not individually but collectively just as a feast to which many contribute is better than a dinner provided out of a single purse for each individual among the many has a share of virtue and prudence and when they meet together they become in a manner one man who has many feet and hands and senses that is a figure of their mind and disposition hence the many are better judges than a single man of music and poetry for some understand one part and some another and among them they understand the whole there is a similar combination of qualities in good men who differ from any individual of the many as the beautiful are said to differ from those who are not beautiful and works of art from realities because in them the scattered elements are combined although if taken separately the eye of one person or some other feature in another person would be fairer than in the picture whether this principle can apply to every democracy and to all bodies of men is not clear or rather by heaven in some cases it is impossible of application for the argument would equally hold about brutes and wherein it will be asked to some men differ from brutes but there may be bodies of men about whom our statement is nevertheless true and if so the difficulty which has been already raised and also another which is akin to it that is what power should be assigned to the mass of free men and citizens who are not rich and have no personal merit are both solved there is still a danger in allowing them to share the great offices of state where their folly will lead them into error and their dishonesty into crime but there is a danger also in not letting them share for a state in which many poor men are excluded from office will necessarily be full of enemies the only way of escape is to assign to them some deliberative and judicial functions for this reason Solon and certain other legislators give them the power of electing to offices and of calling the magistrates to account but they do not allow them to hold office singly when they meet together their perceptions are quite good enough and combined with the better class just as impure food when mixed with what is pure sometimes makes the entire mass more wholesome than a small quantity of the pure would be but each individual left himself forms an imperfect judgment on the other hand the popular form of government involves certain difficulties in the first place it might be objected that he who can judge of the healing of a sick man would be one who could himself heal his disease and make him whole that is in other words the physician and so in all professions and arts as then the physician ought to be called by physicians so old men in general to be called to account by their peers but physicians are of three kinds there is the ordinary practitioner and there is the physician of the higher class and thirdly the intelligent man who has studied the art in all arts there is such a class and we attribute the power of judging to them quite as much as the professors of the art secondly there is not the same principle applied to elections for a right election can only be made by those who have knowledge those who know geometry for example will choose a geometrician rightly and those who know how to steer a pilot and even if there are some occupations and arts in which private persons share in the ability to choose they certainly cannot choose better than those who know so that according to this argument neither the election of magistrates nor the calling of them to account should be entrusted to the many yet possibly these objections are to a great extent met by our old answer that if the people are not utterly degraded although individually they may be worse judges than those who have special knowledge as a body they are as good or better moreover there are some arts whose products are not judged of solely or best by the artists themselves namely those arts whose products are recognized even by those who do not possess the art for example the knowledge of the house is not limited to the builder only the user or in other words the master of the house will be even a better judge than the builder just as the pilot will judge better of a rudder than the carpenter and the guest will judge better of a feast than the cook this difficulty seems now to be sufficiently answered but there is another akin to it that inferior persons should have authority in greater matters than the good would appear to be a strange thing yet the election and calling to account of the magistrates is the greatest of all and these as I was saying are functions which in some states are assigned to the people for the assembly is supreme in all such matters yet persons of any age and having but a small property qualification sit in the assembly and deliberate and judge although for the great officers of state such as treasurers and generals a high qualification is required this difficulty may be solved in the same manner as the proceeding and the present practice of democracies may be really defensible for the power does not reside in the Dicast or senator or ecclesiast but in the court and the senate and the assembly of which individual senators or ecclesiast or Dicast are only parts or members and for this reason the many may claim to have a higher authority than the few for the people and the senate and the courts consist of many persons and their property collectively is greater than the property of one or a few individuals holding great offices but enough of this the discussion of the first question shows nothing so clearly as that laws when good should be supreme and that the magistrate or magistrates should regulate those matters only on which the laws are unable to speak with precision owing to the difficulty of any general principle embracing all particulars but what are good laws has not yet been clearly explained the old difficulty remains the goodness or badness justice or injustice of laws varies of necessity with the constitutions of states this however is clear that the laws must be adapted to the constitutions but if so true forms of government will of necessity have just laws and perverted forms of government will have unjust laws section 12 in all sciences and arts the end is a good and the greatest good and in the highest degree a good in the most authoritative of all this is the political science of which the good is justice in other words the common interest all men think justice to be a sort of equality and to a certain extent they agree in the philosophical distinctions which have been laid down by us about ethics for they admit that justice is a thing and has a relation to persons and that equals ought to have equality but there still remains a question equality or inequality of what here is a difficulty which calls for political speculation for very likely some persons will say that offices of state ought to be unequally distributed according to superior excellence in whatever respect of the citizen although there is no other difference between him and the rest of the community for that those who differ in anyone respect have different rights and claims but surely if this is true the complexion or height of a man or any other advantage will be a reason for his obtaining a greater share of political rights the error here lies upon the surface and may be illustrated from the other arts and sciences when a number of flute players are equal in their art there is no reason why those of them who are better born should have better flutes given to them for they will not play any better on the flute and the superior instrument should be reserved for him who is the superior artist if what I'm saying is still obscure it will be made clear as would proceed for if there were a superior flute player who was far inferior in birth and beauty although either of these may be a greater good than the art of flute playing and may excel flute playing in a greater ratio that he excels the others in his art still he ought to have the best flutes given to him unless the advantages of wealth and birth contribute to excellence in flute playing which they do not moreover upon this principle any good may be compared with any other for if a given height may be measured against wealth and against freedom in general may be so measured thus if a excels in height more than b in virtue even if virtue in general excels height still more all goods will be commensurable for if a certain amount is better than some other it is clear that some other will be equal but since no such comparison can be made it is evident that there is good reason why in politics men do not ground their claim to office on every sort of inequality any more than in the arts for if some be slow and others swift that is no reason why the one should have little such it is in gymnastics contests that such excellence is rewarded whereas the rival claims of candidates for office can only be based on the possession of elements which enter into the composition of a state and therefore the noble or free born or rich may with good reason claim office for holders of offices must be freemen and taxpayers a state can be no more composed entirely of poor men than entirely of slaves but if wealth and freedom are necessary elements justice and valor are equally so for without the former qualities a state without the letter not well section 13 if the existence of the state is alone to be considered then it would seem that all or some at least of these claims are just but if we take into account a good life then as I've already said education and virtue have superior claims as however those who are equal in one thing ought not to have an equal share in all nor those who are unequal in one thing to have an unequal share in all it is certain that all forms of government which rests on either of these principles are perversions all men have a claim in a certain sense as I've already admitted but all have not an absolute claim the rich claim because they have a greater share in the land and land is the common element of the state also they are generally more trustworthy in contracts the free claim under the same type as the noble for they're nearly akin for the noble are citizens in a truer sense than the ignoble and good birth is always valued in a man's own home and country another reason is that those who are sprung from better ancestors are likely to be better man for nobility is excellence of race virtue too may be truly said to have a claim for justice has been acknowledged by us to be a social virtue and it implies all others again the many may urge their claim against the few for when taken collectively and compared with the few they are stronger and richer and better but what if the good the rich the noble and the other classes who make up a state are all living together in the same city will there or will there not be any doubt who shall rule no doubt at all in determining who ought to rule in each of the above mentioned forms of government for states are characterized by differences in their governing bodies one of them as a government of the rich and other of the virtues and so on but a difficulty arises when all these elements coexist how are we to decide suppose the virtues to be very few in number may we consider their numbers in relation to their duties and ask whether they are enough to administer the state or so many as will make up a state objections may be urged against all the aspirants to political power for those who found their claims on wealth or family thought to have no basis of justice on this principle if anyone person were richer than all the rest it is clear that he ought to be ruler of them in like manner he was very distinguished by his birth all to have the superiority over all those who claim on the ground that they are free born in an aristocracy or government of the best alike difficulty occurs about virtue for if one citizen be better than the other members of the government however good they may be he too upon the same principle of justice should rule over them and if the people are to be supreme because they are stronger than the few then if one man or more than one but not a majority is stronger than the many they ought to rule and not the many all these considerations appear to show that none of the principles on which men claim to rule and to hold all other men in subjection to them are strictly right to those who claim to be masters of the government on the grounds of their virtue or their wealth the many might fairly answer that they themselves are often better and richer than the few I do not say individually but collectively and another ingenious objection which is sometimes put forward may be met in a similar manner some persons doubt whether the legislator who desires to make the justice laws ought to legislate with a view to the good of the higher classes or of the many when the case which we've mentioned occurs now what is just or right is to be interpreted in the sense of what is equal and that which is right in the sense of being equal is to be considered with reverence to the advantage of the state and the common good of the citizens and a citizen is one who shares in governing and being governed he differs under different forms of government but in the best state he is one who's able and willing to be governed and to govern with a view to the life of virtue if however there be some one person or more than one although not enough to make up the full complement of a state whose virtue is so preeminent that the virtues or the political capacity of all the rest admit of no comparison with his or theirs he or they can be no longer regarded as part of a state for justice will not be done to the superior if he is reckoned only as the equal of those who are so far inferior to him in virtue and in political capacity such the one may truly be deemed a guard among men hence we see that legislation is necessarily concerned only with those who are equal in birth and capacity and that for men of preeminent virtue there is no law they are themselves a law any would be ridiculous who attempted to make laws for them they would probably retort what in the fable of Antisthenes the alliance said to the heirs when in the council of the beasts the letter began haranguing and claiming equality for all and for this reason democratic states have instituted ostracism equality is above all things their aim and therefore ostracized and banished from the city for a time those who seem to predominate too much through their wealth or the number of their friends or through any other political influence mythology tells us that the Argonauts left Heracles behind for a similar reason the ship Argo would not take him because she feared that he would have been too much for the rest of the crew where for those who denounced tyranny and blame the council which Periandre gave to Threscibulus cannot be held altogether just in their center the story is that Periandre when the Herald was sent to ask council of him said nothing but only cut off the tallest heirs of corn till he had brought the field to a level the Herald did not know the meaning of the action but came and reported what he had seen to Threscibulus who understood that he was to cut off the principal man in the state and this is a policy not only expedient for tyrants or in practice confined to them but equally necessary in olacar keys and democracies ostracism is a measure of the same kind which acts by disabling and banishing the most prominent citizens great powers do the same to whole cities and nations as the Athenians did to the Amians, Chians and Lesbians no sooner had they obtained a firm grasp of the empire and they humbled their allies contrary to treaty and the Persian king has repeatedly crushed the Meads, Babylonians and other nations when their spirit has been stirred by the recollection of their former greatness the problem is a universal one and equally concerns all forms of government true as well as false for although perverted forms with a view to their own interests may adopt this policy those which seek the common interest do so likewise the same thing may be developed in the arts and sciences for the painter will not allow the figure to have a foot which however beautiful is not in propulsion nor will the shipbuilder allow the stem or any other part of the vessel to be unduly large any more than the course master will allow anyone who sings louder or better than all the rest to sing in the choir monarchs too may practice compulsion and still live in harmony with their cities if their own government is for the interest of the state hence where there is an acknowledged superiority the argument in favor of ostracism is based upon a kind of political justice it is better that the legislator should from the first so order his state as to have no need of such a remedy but if the need arises the next best thing is that he should endeavor to correct the evil by this or some similar measure the principle however has not been fairly applied in states for instead of looking to the good of their own constitution they have used ostracism for factious purposes it is true that under perverted forms of government and from their special point of view such a measure is just and expedient but it is also clear that it is not absolutely just in the perfect state there will be great doubts about the use of it not when applied to excess in strength wealth popularity or the like but when used against someone who is preeminent in virtue what is to be done with him mankind will not say that such a one is to be expelled and exiled on the other hand he ought not to be a subject that will be as if mankind should claim to rule over Zeus dividing his offices among them the only alternative is that all should joyfully obey such a ruler according to what seems to be the order of nature and that men like him should be kings in their state for life of book 3 sections 10 through 13 book 3 sections 14 through 18 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Anna Simon politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joet book 3 sections 14 through 18 section 14 the preceding discussion by a natural transition leads to the consideration of royalty which we admit to be one of the true forms of government let us see whether in order to be well governed a state or country should be under the rule of a king or under some other form of government and whether monarchy although good for some may not be bad for others but first we must determine whether there is one species of royalty or many it is easy to see that there are many and that the manner of government is not the same in all of them of royalty is according to law one the Lacedemonian is thought to answer best to the true pattern but there the royal power is not absolute except when the kings go on an expedition and then they take the command matters of religion are likewise committed to them the king the office is in truth the kind of generalship irresponsible and perpetual the king is not the power of life and death except in a specified case as for instance in ancient times he had it when upon a campaign by right of force this custom is described in Homer for Agamemnon is patient when he is attacked in the assembly but when the army goes out to battle he has the power even of life and death does he not say quote when I find a man skulking apart from the battle nothing shall save him from the dogs and vultures for in my hands is death end quote this then is one form of royalty a general ship for life and of such royalties some are hereditary and others elective two there is another sort of monarchy not uncommon among the barbarians which nearly resembles tyranny but this is both legal and hereditary for barbarians being more servile in character than Hellenes and asiatics than Europeans do not rebel against the despotic government such royalties have the nature of tyrannies because the people are by nature slaves but there is no danger of their being overthrown for they are hereditary and legal where for also their guards are such as a king and not such as a tyrant would employ that is to say they are compulsive citizens whereas the guards of tyrants are mercenaries for kings rule according to law over voluntary subjects but tyrants are over involuntary and the one are guarded by their fellow citizens the others are guarded against them these are two forms of monarchy and there was a third, three which existed in ancient Hellas called an isymnitia or dictatorship this may be defined generally as an elective tyranny which like the barbarian monarchy is legal but differs from it in not being hereditary sometimes the office was held for life sometimes for a term of years or until certain duties have been performed the middle Ineans elected Pithecus leader against the exiles who were headed by Antominidus and Alkeas the poet and Alkeas himself shows in one of his banquet oaths that they chose Pithecus, tyrant for he reproaches his fellow citizens for, quote, having made the lowborn Pithecus tyrant of the spiritless and ill-fated city with one voice shouting his praises, end quote these forms of government have always had the character of tyrannies because they possess despotic power but in as much as they are elective and acquiesced in by their subjects they are kingly 4. There is a fourth species of kingly rule that of the heroic times which was hereditary and legal and was exercised over willing subjects for the first chiefs were benefactors of the people in arts or arms they either gathered them into a community or procured land for them and thus they became kings of voluntary subjects and their power was inherited by their descendants they took the command in war and presided over the sacrifices they also decided causes are the with or without an oath and when they swore the form of the oath was the stretching out of their sceptre in ancient times their power extended continuously to all things whatsoever in city and country as well as in foreign parts but at a later date they relinquished several of these privileges and others the people took from them until in some states nothing was left to them but the sacrifices and where they retained more of the reality they had only the right of leadership in war beyond the border there were four kinds of royalty first the monarchy of the heroic ages this was exercised over voluntary subjects but limited to certain functions the king was a general and a judge and had the control of religion the second is that of the barbarians which is a hereditary despotter government in accordance with law the third is the power of the so-called ison need or a dictator this is an elective tyranny the fourth is the lackademonian which is in fact a generalship the manner in which I have described five there is a fifth form of kingly rule in which one has the disposal of all just as each nation or each state has the disposal of public matters this form corresponds to the control of a household for as household management is the kingly rule of a house so kingly rule is the household management of a city or of a nation or of many nations section 15 of these forms we need only considered two the lackademonian and the absolute royalty for most of the others being a region between them having less power than the last and more than the first thus the inquiry is reduced to two points first is it advantageous to a state that there should be a perpetual general and if so should the office be confined to one family or open to the citizens in turn secondly is it well that a single man should have the supreme power in all things the first question falls under the head of laws rather than of constitutions for a perpetual generalship might equally exist under any form of government but this matter may be dismissed for the present the other kind of royalty is a sort of constitution this we have now to consider and briefly to run over the difficulties involved in it we will begin by inquiring whether it is more advantageous to be ruled by the best man or by the best laws the advocates of royalty maintain that the laws speak only in general terms and cannot provide for circumstances and that for any science to abide by written rules is absurd in Egypt the physician is allowed to alter his treatment after the fourth day but if sooner he takes the risk hence it is clear that the government acting according to written laws is plainly not the best yet surely the ruler cannot dispense with a general principle which exists in law and this is a better ruler which is free from passion than that in which it is innate whereas the law is passionless passion must ever sway the heart of man yes it may be replied but then on the other hand an individual will be better able to deliberate in particular cases the best man then must legislate and laws must be passed but these laws will have no authority when they miss the mark though in all other cases retaining their authority but when the law cannot determine a point at all or not well should the one best man or should all decide according to our present practice assemblies meet, sit in judgment deliberate and decide and their judgments all relate to individual cases now any member of the assembly taken separately is certainly inferior to the wise man but the state is made up of many individuals and as a feast to which all the guests contribute is better than a banquet furnished by a single man so a multitude is a better judge of many things than any individual again the many are more incorruptible than the few they are like the greater quantity of water which is less easily corrupted than a little the individual is liable to be overcome by anger or by some other passion and then his judgment is necessarily perverted but it is hardly to be supposed that the great number of persons would all get into a passion and go wrong at the same moment and assume that they are the free man and that they never act in violation of the law but fill up the gaps which the law is obliged to leave or if such virtue is scarcely attainable by the multitude, we need only suppose that the majority are good men and good citizens and ask which will be the more incorruptible the one good ruler or the many who are all good will not the many but you will say there may be parties among them whereas the one man is not divided against himself to which we may answer that their character is as good as his or the one man who are all of them good aristocracy and the rule of one man royalty then aristocracy will be better for states than royalty whether the government is supported by force or not provided only that the number of men equal in virtue can be found the first governments were kingships probably for this reason because of old when cities were small, men of eminent virtue were few further they were made kings because they were benefactors and benefits can only be bestowed by good men but when many persons equal in merit rose no longer enduring the preeminence of one they desired to have a commonwealth and set up a constitution the ruling class soon deteriorated and enriched themselves out of the public treasury riches became the path to honor and so oligarchies naturally grew up these passed into tyrannies and tyrannies into democracies for love of gain in the ruling classes was always tending to diminish their number and so to strengthen the masses who in the end set up on their masters and established democracies since cities have increased in size no other form of government appears to be any longer even easy to establish even supposing the principle to be maintained that kingly power is the best thing for states how about the family of the king are his children to succeed him and if they are no better than anybody else that will be mischievous but as a lover of royalty the king, though he might will not hand on his power to his children that however is hardly to be expected and is too much to ask of human nature there is also a difficulty about the force which he is to employ should a king have guards about him by whose aid he may be able to coerce the refractory if not how will he administer his kingdom even if he be the lawful sovereign who does nothing arbitrarily or contrary to law still he must have some force wherewith to maintain the law in the case of a limited monarchy there is not much difficulty in answering this question the king must have such force as will be more than a match for one or more individuals but not so great as that of the people the ancients observe this principle when they have guards to anyone whom they appoint a dictator or tyrant thus when Dionysius asked the Syracusians to allow him guards somebody advised that they should give him only such a number section 16 at this place in the discussion there impends the inquiry respecting the king who acts solely according to his own will he has now to be considered the so-called limited monarchy or kingship according to law as I have already remarked there is a distinct form of government for under all governments as for example in a democracy or aristocracy there may be a general holding office for life and one person is often made supreme over the administration of a state a majesty of this kind exists at epidemis and also at opus but in the latter city has a more limited power now absolute monarchy or the arbitrary rule of a sovereign over all the citizens in a city which consists of equals is thought by some to be quite contrary to nature that those who are by nature equals must have the same natural right and worth and that for unequals to have an equal share or for equals to have an uneven share in the offices of state is as bad as for different bodily constitutions to have the same food and clothing where for it is thought to be just that among equals everyone be ruled as well as rule and therefore that all should have their turn we thus arrive at law for an order of succession implies law and the rule of the law it is argued is preferable to that of any individual on the same principle even if it be better for certain individuals to govern they should be made only guardians and ministers of the law for magistrates there must be this is admitted but then man say that to give authority to any one man where all are equal is unjust nay there may indeed be cases which the law seems unable to determine but in such cases can a man nay it will be replied the law trains officers for this express purpose and appoints them to determine matters which are left undecided by it to the best of their judgment further it permits them to make any amendment of the existing laws which experience suggests therefore he who bids the law rule may be deemed to bid God and reason alone rule but he who bids man rule adds an element of the beast for desire is a wild beast and passion perverts the minds of rulers even when they are the best of man the law is reason unaffected by desire and it is ruled that a patient should call in a physician he will not get better if he is doctored out of a book but the parallel of the arts is clearly not in point for the physician does nothing contrary to rule from motives of friendship he only cures a patient and takes a fee whereas magistrates do many things from spite and partiality and indeed if a man suspected the physician of being in league with his enemies to destroy him for a bribe he would rather have recourse to the book but certainly physicians when they are sick and training masters when they are in training other training masters as if they could not judge truly about their own case and might be influenced by their feelings hence it is evident that in seeking for justice man seek for the mean or neutral for the law is the mean again, customary laws have more weight and relate to more important matters than written laws and a man may be a safer ruler than the written law but not safer than the customary law again it is by no means easy for one man to super intend many things he will have to appoint a number of subordinates and what difference does it make whether these subordinates always existed or were appointed by him because he needed them if, as I said before, the good man has a right to rule because he is better still two good men are better than one this is the old saying, two going together and the prayer of Agamemnon would that I had ten such counsellors and at this day there are magistrates for example judges who have authority to decide some matters which the law is unable to determine no one doubts that the law would command and decide in the best manner whatever it could but some things can and other things cannot be comprehended under the law and this is the origin of the nested question whether the best law or the best man should rule for matters of detail about which man deliberate cannot be included in legislation nor does anyone deny that the decision of such matters must be left to man but it is argued that there should be many judges and not one only for every ruler who has been trained by the law judges well it surely seems strange that a person should see better with two eyes or hear better with two ears or act better with two hands or feet than many with many indeed it is already the practice of kings to make to themselves many eyes and ears and hands and feet for they make colleagues of those who are the friends of themselves in their governments they must be friends of the monarch and of his government if not his friends they will not do what he wants but friendship implies likeness and equality and therefore if he thinks that his friends ought to rule that those who are equal to himself and like himself ought to rule equally with himself these are the principle controversies relating to monarchy section 17 but may not all this be true in some cases and not in others for there is by nature both a justice and an advantage appropriate to the rule of a master another to kingly rule another to constitutional rule but there is none naturally appropriate to tyranny or to any other perverted form of government for these coming to being contrary to nature contrary to nature now to judge at least from what has been said it is manifest that where men are like and equal it is neither expedient nor just that one man should be lord of all whether there are laws or whether there are no laws but he himself is in the place of law neither should a good man be lord over good men nor a bad man over bad nor even if he excels in virtue should he have a right to rule unless in a particular case at which I have already hinted that it is more recur but first of all I must determine what natures are suited for government by a king and what for an aristocracy and what for a constitutional government a people who are by nature capable of producing a race superior in the virtue needed for political rule are fitted for kingly government and the people submitting to be ruled as free men by men whose virtue renders them capable of political command are adapted for an aristocracy while the people who are suited for constitutional freedom are those there naturally exists a warlike multitude able to rule and obey in turn by a law which gives office to the well to do according to their dessert but when a whole family or some individual happens to be so preeminent in virtue as to surpass all others then it is just that they should be the royal family and supreme over all or that this one citizen should be king of the whole nation for as I said before to give them authority is not only agreeable to that ground of right which the founders of all states whether aristocratic no or olacarchical or again democratical are accustomed to put forward for these all recognize the claim of excellence although not the same excellence but a quotes with the principle already laid down for surely it would not be right to kill or ostracize or exile such a person or require that he should take his turn in being governed the whole is naturally superior to the part and he who has this preeminence is in the relation of a whole to a part but if so the only alternative is that he should have the supreme power and kind should obey him not in turn but always these are the conclusions at which we arrive respecting royalty and its various forms and this is the answer to the question whether it is or is not advantageous to states and to which and how section 18 we maintain that the true forms of government are three and that the best must be that which is administered by the best and in which there is one man or a whole family or many persons excelling all the others together in virtue and both rulers and subjects are fitted the one to rule the others to be ruled in such a manner as to attain the most eligible life we showed at the commencement of our inquiry that the virtue of the good man is necessarily the same as the virtue of the citizen of the perfect state clearly then in the same manner and by the same means through which a man becomes truly good he will frame a state that is to be ruled by an aristocracy or by a king and the same education and the same habits will be found to make a good man and a man fit to be a statesman or a king having arrived at these conclusions we must proceed to speak of the perfect state and describe how it comes into being and is established end of book 3 sections 14 through 18 book 4 sections 1 through 4 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Anna Simon politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Doet book 4 section 1 in all arts and sciences which embrace the whole of any subject and do not come into being in a fragmentary way it is the province of a single art or science to consider all that appertains to a single subject for example the art of gymnastics considers not only the suitableness of different modes of training to different bodies 2 but what sort is absolutely the best 1 for the absolutely best must suit that which is by nature best and best furnished with the means of life and also what common form of training is adapted to the great majority of men fall and if a man does not desire the best habit of body or the greatest skill in gymnastics which might be attained by him still the trainer or the teacher of gymnastics should be able to impart any lower degree of either 3 the same principle equally holds in medicine and ship building of clothes and in the arts generally hence it is obvious that government 2 is the subject of a single science which has to consider what government is best and what sort it must be to be most in accordance with our aspirations if there were no external impediment and also what kind of government is adapted to particular states for the best is often unattainable and therefore the true legislator and statesman ought to be acquainted not only with 1 that which is best in the abstract but also with 2 that which is best relatively to circumstances we should be able further to say how a state may be constituted under any given conditions 3 both how it is originally formed and when formed how it may be longest preserved the supposed state being so far from having the best constitution that it is unprovided even with the conditions necessary for the best neither is it the best under the circumstances but of an inferior type he ought moreover to know 4 the form of government which is best suited to states in general for political writers although they have excellent ideas are often impractical we should consider not only what form of government is best but also what is possible and what is easily attainable by all there are some who would have none but the most perfect for this many natural advantages are required others again speak of a more attainable form and although they reject the constitution in which they are living they extol someone in particular for example the lesser demonian any change of government which has to be introduced should be one which men starting from their existing constitutions will be both willing and able to adopt since there is quite as much trouble in the reformation of an old constitution as in the establishment of a new one just as to unlearn is as hard as to learn and therefore in addition to the qualifications of the statesman already mentioned he should be able to find remedies for the defects of existing constitutions as has been said before this he cannot do unless he knows how many forms of government there are it is often supposed that there is only one kind of democracy and one of oligarchy but this is a mistake and noted to avoid such mistakes we must a certain what differences there are in the constitutions of states and in how many ways they are combined the same political insight will enable a man to know which laws are the best and which are suited to different constitutions for the laws are and ought to be relative to the constitution and not the constitution to the laws a constitution is the organization of offices in a state and determines what is to be the governing body and what is the end of each community but laws are not to be confounded with the principles of the constitution they are the rules according to which the magistrates should administer the state and proceed against offenders so that we must know the varieties and the number of varieties of each form of government if only with a few to making laws for the same laws cannot be equally suited to all oligarchies or to all democracies since there is certainly more than one form both of democracy and oligarchy section two in our original discussion about governments we divided them into three true forms kingly rule, aristocracy and constitutional government and three corresponding perversions tyranny, oligarchy and democracy of kingly rule and of aristocracy we have already spoken for the inquiry into the perfect state is the same thing with the discussion of the two forms just named since both imply a principle of virtue provided with external means we have already determined in what aristocracy and kingly rule differ from one another and when the letter should be established in what follows we have to describe the so called constitutional government which bears the common name of all constitutions and the other forms tyranny, oligarchy and democracy it is obvious which of the three perversions is the worst and which is the next in badness that which is the perversion of the first and most divine is necessarily the worst and just as a royal rule if not a mere name must exist by virtue of some great personal superiority in the king so tyranny which is the worst of governments is necessarily the farthest removed from all well constituted form oligarchy is a little better for it is a long way from aristocracy and democracy is the most tolerable of the three a writer who preceded me has already made these distinctions but his point of view is not the same as mine for he lays down the principle that when all the constitutions are good the oligarchy and the rest being virtues democracy is the worst but the best when all are bad whereas we maintain that they are in any case defective and that one oligarchy is not to be accounted better than another but only less bad not to pursue this question further at present let us begin by determining one how many varieties of constitution there are since of democracy and oligarchy there are several two what constitution is the most generally acceptable and what is eligible in the next degree after the perfect state and besides this what other there is which is aristocratical and well constituted and at the same time adapted to states in general three of the other forms of government to whom each is suited for democracy may meet the needs of some better than oligarchy and conversely in the next place four we have to consider in what manner a man ought to proceed who desires to establish someone among these various forms whether of democracy or of oligarchy and lastly five having briefly discussed these subjects to the best of our power we will endeavor to ascertain the modes of ruin and preservation both of constitutions generally and of each separately and to what causes there to be attributed section three the reason why there are many forms of government is that every state contains many elements in the first place we see that all states are made up of families and in the multitude of citizen there must be some rich and some poor and some in a middle condition the rich are heavy-armed and the poor not of the common people some are husband men and some traders and some artisans there are also among the notables differences of wealth and property for example in the number of horses which they keep for they cannot afford to keep them unless they are rich and therefore in all times the cities whose strength lay in their cavalry were oligarchies and they used cavalry in wars against their neighbors as was the practice of the Eritreans and Calcidians and also of the Magnesians on the river Meander and of other peoples in Asia besides differences of wealth there are differences of rank and merit and there are some other elements which were mentioned by us when in treating of aristocracy we enumerated the essentials of a state of these elements sometimes all sometimes the lesser and sometimes the greater number have a share in the government it is evident then that there must be many forms of government differing in kind since the parts of which they are composed differ from each other in kind for a constitution is an organization of offices which all the citizens distribute among themselves according to the power which different classes possess for example the rich or the poor or according to some principle of equality which includes both there must therefore be as many forms of government as there are modes of arranging the offices according to the superiorities and differences of the parts of the state there are generally thought to be two principal forms as men save the winds that there are but two north and south and the rest of them are only variations of these so of governments there are said to be only two forms democracy and oligarchy for aristocracy is considered to be a kind of oligarchy as being the rule of a few and the so called constitutional government to be really a democracy just as among the winds we make the west a variation of the north and the east of the south wind similarly of musical modes there are said to be two kinds the Dorian and the Phrygian the other arrangements of the scale are comprehended under one or other of these two about forms of government this is a very favorite notion but in either case the better and more exact way is to distinguish as I have done the one or two which are true forms and to regard the others as perversions whether of the most perfectly a temperate mode or of the best form of government we may compare the severer and more overpowering modes to the oligarchical forms and the more relaxed and gentler ones to the democratic section 4 it must not be assumed as some are fond of saying that democracy simply that form of government in which the greater number are sovereign for in oligarchies and indeed in every government the majority rules nor again is oligarchy that form of government in which a few are sovereign suppose a whole population of a city to be 1300 and that of these 1000 are rich and to not allow the remaining 300 who are poor but free and in all other respects there equals a share of the government no one will say that this is a democracy in like manner if the poor were few and the masters of the rich who outnumber them no one would ever call such a government in which the rich majority have no share of office an oligarchy therefore we should rather say that democracy is the form of government in which the free are rulers and oligarchy in which the rich it is only an accident that the free are the many and the rich are the few otherwise a government in which the offices were given according to the stature as is said to be the case in Ethiopia or according to beauty would be an oligarchy for the number of tall or good looking men and yet oligarchy and democracy are not sufficiently distinguished merely by these two characteristics of wealth and freedom both of them contain many other elements and therefore we must carry our analysis further and say that the government is not a democracy in which the free men being few in number rule over the many who are not free as at Apollonia on the Ionian Gulf and at Thera for in each of these states the nobles who are also the earliest settlers were held in chief honor although they were better few out of many neither is it a democracy when the rich have the government because they exceed in number as is the case formally at Colophon where the bulk of the inhabitants were possessed of large property before the Lydian war but the form of government is a democracy when the free who are also poor and the majority govern and an oligarchy when the rich and the noble govern they being at the same time few in number I've said that there are many forms of government and have explained to what causes the varieties do why there are more than those already mentioned and what they are and when they arise I will now proceed to consider starting from the principle already admitted which is that every state consists not of one but of many parts if we were going to speak of the different species of animals we should first of all determine the organs which are indispensable to every animal as for example some organs of sense and the instruments of receiving and digesting food such as the mouth and the stomach besides organs of locomotion assuming now that there are only so many kinds of organs but that there may be differences in them different kinds of mouth and stomachs and perceptive and locomotive organs the possible combinations of these differences will necessarily furnish many varieties of animals for animals cannot be the same which have different kinds of mouths or of ears and when all the combinations are exhausted there will be as many sorts of animals as there are combinations of the necessary organs the same then is true of the forms of government which have been described states as I have repeatedly said are composed not of one but of many elements one element is the food producing class who are called husband men a second the class of mechanics who practice the arts without which a city cannot exist of these arts some are absolutely necessary others contribute to luxury or to the grace of life the third class is that of traders and by traders I mean those who are engaged in buying and selling whether in commerce or in retail trade a fourth class is that of the serfs or laborers the warriors make up the fifth class and they are as necessary as any of the others the country is not to be the slave of every invader for how can a state which has any title to the name be of a slavish nature the state is independent and self-sufficing but a slave is the reverse of independent hence we see that this subject though ingeniously has not been satisfactorily treated in the republic Socrates says that a state is made up of four sorts of people who are absolutely necessary these are a weaver, a husband man a shoemaker and a builder afterwards finding that they are not enough he adds a smith and again a herdsman to look after the necessary animals then a merchant and then a retail trader all these together form the complement of the first state as if a state were established merely to supply the necessaries of life rather than for the sake of the good or stood equally in need of shoemakers and of husbandmen but he does not admit into the state a military class until the country has increased in size and is beginning to encroach on its neighbor's land whereupon they go to war yet even amongst his four original citizens or whatever be the number of those whom he associates in the state there must be someone who will dispense justice and determine what is just and as the soul may be said to be more truly part of an animal than the body so the higher parts of states that is to say the warrior class the class engaged in the administration of justice and that engaged in deliberation which is a special business of political common sense these are more essential to the state than the parts which minister to the necessaries of life whether there are several functions are the functions of different citizens or of the same for it may often happen that the same persons are both warriors and husbandmen is immaterial to the argument the higher as well as the lower elements are to be equally considered parts of the state and if so the military element at any rate must be included there are also the wealthy who minister to the state with their property these form the seventh class the eighth class is that of magistrates and of officers for the state cannot exist without rulers and therefore some must be able to take office and to serve the state either always or in turn there only remains the class of those who deliberate and judge between disputants we were just now distinguishing them if presence of all these elements and their fair and equitable organization is necessary to states then there must also be persons who have the ability of statesmen different functions appear to be often combined in the same individual for example the warrior may also be a husbandman or an artisan or again the counselor a judge or a political ability and think that they are quite competent to fill most offices but the same persons cannot be rich and poor at the same time for this reason the rich and the poor are regarded in a special sense as parts of a state again because the rich are generally few in number while the poor are many they appear to be antagonistic and as the one or the other prevails they form the government hence arises the common opinion that there are two kinds of government democracy and oligarchy I already explained that there are many forms of constitution and to what causes the variety is due let me now show that there are different forms both of democracy and oligarchy as will indeed be evident from what has proceeded for both in the common people and in the notables various classes are included of the common people one class are husbandmen another artisans another traders who are employed in buying and selling another are the seafarer class whether engaged in war or in trade as ferrymen or as fishermen one of these classes forms quite a large population for example fishermen at Tarentum and Byzantium crews of triremes at Athens merchant seamen at Adyna and Caius ferrymen at Tenedos to the classes already mentioned maybe added day laborers and those who own to their needy circumstances have no leisure or those who are not of free birth on both sides and there may be other classes as well the notables again may be divided according to their wealth birth, virtue, education and similar differences of forms of democracy first comes that which is said to be based strictly on equality in such a democracy the law says that it is just for the poor to have no more advantage than the rich and that neither should be masters but both equal for if liberty and equality as is thought by some are chiefly to be found in democracy they will be best attained when all persons alike share in the government to the utmost and since the people are the majority and the opinion of the majority is decisive such a government must necessarily be a democracy here then is one sort of democracy there is another in which the magistrates are elected according to a certain property qualification but a low one he who has the required amount of property has a share in government but he who loses his property loses his rights another kind is that in which all the citizens who are under no disqualification share in the government but still the law is supreme in another everybody if he be only a citizen is admitted to the government but the law is supreme as before a fifth form of democracy in other respects the same is that in which not the law but the multitude have the supreme power and supersede the law by their decrees this is a state of affairs brought about by the demagogues foreign democracies which are subject to the law the best citizens hold the first place and there are no demagogues but where the laws are not supreme there demagogues spring up for the people becomes a monarch and is many in one and the many have the power in their hands not as individuals but collectively homo says that it is not good to have a rule of many but whether he means this corporate rule or the rule of many individuals is uncertain at all events this sort of democracy which is now a monarch and no longer under the control of law seeks to exercise monarchical sway and grows into a despot the flatterer is held in honor this sort of democracy being relatively to other democracies what tyranny is to other forms of monarchy the spirit of both is the same and they alike exercise a despotic rule over the better citizens the decrees of the demos correspond to the edicts of the tyrant and the demagogues is to the one what the flatterer is to the other both have great power the flatterer with the tyrant the demagogues with democracies of the kind the demagogues make the decrees of the people overwrite the laws by referring all things to the popular assembly and therefore they grow great because the people have all things in their hands and they hold in their hands the votes of the people who are too ready to listen to them further those who have any complaint to bring against the magistrates say that the people be judges the people are too happy to accept the invitation and so the authority of every office is undermined such democracy is fairly open to the objection that it is not a constitution at all for where the laws have no authority there is no constitution the law ought to be supreme over all and the magistrates should judge of particulars and only this should be considered a constitution so that if democracy be a real form of government the sort of system in which all things are regulated by decrees is clearly not even a democracy in the true sense of the word for the creeds relate only to particulars these then are the different kinds of democracy end of book 4 sections 1 through 4 book 4 sections 5 through 10 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Anna Simon politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joed book 4 section 5 of oligarchies 2 there are different kinds of qualifications for office is such that the poor although they form the majority have no share in the government yet he who acquires a qualification may obtain a share another sort is when there is a qualification for office but a high one and the vacancies in the governing body are filed by co-optation if the election is made out of all the qualified persons a constitution of this kind inclines to an aristocracy if out of a privileged class to an oligarchy another sort of oligarchy is when the son succeeds the father there is a fourth form a likewise hereditary in which the magistrates are supreme and not the law among oligarchies this is what tyranny is among monarchies and the last mentioned form of democracy among democracies and in fact this sort of oligarchy receives the name of a dynasty or rule of powerful families these are the different sorts of oligarchies and democracies it should however be remembered that in many states the constitution which is established by law although not democratic owing to the education and habits of the people this may be administered democratically and conversely in other states the established constitution may incline to democracy but may be administered in an oligarchical spirit this most often happens after a revolution for governments do not change at once at first the dominant party are content with encroaching a little upon their opponents the laws which existed previously continue in force but the authors of the revolution have the power in their hands section 6 from what has been already said we may safely infer there are so many different kinds of democracies and of oligarchies for it is evident that either all the classes whom we mentioned must share in the government or some only and not others when the class of husbandmen and of those who possess moderate fortunes have the supreme power the government is administered according to law for the citizens being compelled to live by their labour have no leisure and so they set up the authority of the law and attend assemblies only when necessary they all obtain a share in the government when they have acquired the qualification which is fixed by the law the absolute exclusion of any class would be a step towards oligarchy hence all who have acquired the property of qualification are admitted to a share in the constitution but leisure cannot be provided for them unless there are revenues to support them this is one sort of democracy and these are the causes which give birth to it another kind is based on the distinction which naturally comes next in order in this everyone to whose birth there is no objection is eligible but actually shares the government only if he can find leisure hence in such a democracy the supreme power is vested in the laws because the state has no means of paying the citizens a third kind is when all free men have a right to share in the government but do not actually share for the reason which has been already given so that in this form again the law must rule a fourth kind of democracy is that which comes latest in the history of states in our own day when cities have far outgrown their original size and their revenues have increased all the citizens have a place in the government through the great preponderance of the multitude all including the poor who receive pay and therefore have leisure to exercise their rights share in the administration indeed when they are paid the common people have the most leisure for they are not hindered by the care of their property which often fetters the rich who are thereby prevented from taking part in the assembly or in the courts and so the state is governed by the poor who are majority and not by the laws so many kinds of democracies there are and they grow out of these necessary causes of oligarchies one form is that in which the majority of the citizens have some property but not very much and this is the first form which allows to anyone who obtains the required amount the right of sharing in the government the sharers in the government being a numerous body it follows that the law must govern and not individuals for in proportion as they are further removed from a monarchical form of government and in respect of property have neither so much as to be able to live without attending to business nor so little as to need state support they must admit the rule of law and not claim to rule themselves because property in the state are fewer than in the former case and own more property there arises a second form of oligarchy for the stronger they are the more power they claim and having this object in view they themselves select those of the other classes who are to be admitted to the government but not being as yet strong enough to rule without the law they make the law represent their wishes when this power is intensified by a further diminution of their numbers and increase of their property there arises a third and further state of oligarchy keep the offices in their own hands and the law ordains that the son shall succeed the father when again the rulers have great wealth and numerous friends this sort of family despotism approaches a monarchy individuals rule and not the law this is the fourth sort of oligarchy and is analogous to the last sort of democracy section 7 there are still two forms besides democracy and oligarchy one of them is universally recognized and included among the four principal forms of government which are said to be one, monarchy two, oligarchy three, democracy and four, the so-called aristocracy or government of the best but there is also a fifth which retains the generic name of polity or constitutional government this is not common and therefore has not been noticed by writers who attempt to enumerate the different kinds of government like Plato in their books about the state they recognize four only the term aristocracy is rightly applied to the form of government which is described in the first part of our treatise for that only can be rightly called aristocracy which is a government formed of the best man absolutely and not merely of men who are good when tried by any given standard in the perfect state the good man is absolutely the same as the good citizen whereas in other states the good citizen is only good relatively to his own form of government but there are some states differing from oligarchies and also differing from the so-called polity or constitutional government these are termed aristocracies and in them the magistrates are certainly chosen both according to their wealth and according to their merit such a form of government differs from each of the two just now mentioned and is termed an aristocracy for indeed in states which do not make virtue the aim of the community men of merit and reputation for virtue may be found and so where a government has regard to wealth, virtue and numbers as at Carthage that is aristocracy and also where it is regard only to two out of the three as a lesser demon to virtue and numbers and the two principles of democracy and virtue temper each other there are these two forms of aristocracy in addition to the first and perfect state and there is a third form, viz the constitutions which incline more than the so-called polity towards oligarchy section 8 I've yet to speak of the so-called polity and of tyranny, I put them in this order not because a polity or constitutional government is to be regarded as a perversion any more than the above mentioned aristocracies the truth is that they all fall short of the most perfect form of government and so they are reckoned among perversions and the really perverted forms are perversions of these as I said in the original discussion last of all I will speak of tyranny which I placed last in this series because I'm inquiring into the constitutions of states and this is the very reverse of a constitution having explained why I have adopted this order I will proceed to consider constitutional government of which the nature will be clearer now that oligarchy and democracy have been defined for a polity or constitutional government may be described generally as a fusion of oligarchy and democracy but the term is usually applied to those forms of government which incline towards democracy and the term aristocracy to those which incline towards oligarchy because birth and education are commonly the accompaniments of wealth moreover the rich already possess the external advantages the want of which is a temptation to crime and hence they are called noblemen and gentlemen and in as much as aristocracy seeks to give predominance to the best of the citizens people say also of oligarchies that they are composed of noblemen and gentlemen now it appears to be an impossible thing that the state which is governed not by the best citizens but by the worst should be well governed and equally impossible that the state which is ill governed should be governed by the best but we must remember that good laws if they are not obeyed do not constitute good government hence there are two parts of good government one is the actual obedience of citizens to the laws the other part is the goodness of the laws which they obey they may obey bad laws as well as good and there may be a furthest of the vision they may obey either the best laws which are attainable to them or the best absolutely the distribution of offices according to merit is a special characteristic of aristocracy for the principle of an aristocracy is virtue as wealth is of an oligarchy and freedom of a democracy in all of them there of course exists the right of the majority and whatever seems good to the majority of those who share in the government has authority now in most states the form called polity exists for the fusion goes no further than the attempt to unite the freedom of the poor and the rich who commonly take the place of the noble but as there are three grounds on which men claim an equal share in the government freedom, wealth and virtue for the fourth or good birth is the result of the two last being only ancient wealth and virtue it is clear that the mixture of the two elements that is to say of the rich and poor is to be called a polity or constitutional government and the union of the three is to be called aristocracy or the government of the best and more than any other form of government except that true and ideal has a right to this name thus far I've shown the existence of forms of states other than monarchy democracy and oligarchy and what they are and in what aristocracies differ from one another and polities from aristocracies that the two letter are not very unlike is obvious section 9 next we have to consider how by the side of oligarchy and democracy the so called polity or constitutional government springs up and how it should be organized the nature of it will be at once understood in comparison of oligarchy and democracy we must ascertain their different characteristics and taking a portion from each put the two together like the parts of an indenture now there are three modes in which fusions of government may be affected in the first mode we must combine the laws made by both governments say concerning the administration of justice in oligarchies they impose a fine on the rich if they do not serve as judges and to the poor they give no pay but in democracies they give pay to the poor and do not find the rich one the union of these two modes is a common or middle term between them and is therefore characteristic of constitutional government for it is a combination of both this is one mode of uniting the two elements or two a mean may be taken between the enactments of the two thus democracies require no property qualification or only a small one for members of the assembly oligarchies a high one here neither of these is the common term but a mean between them three there is a third mode a mean is borrowed from the oligarchical and something from the democratical principle for example the appointment of magistrates by lot is thought to be democratical and the election of them oligarchical democratical again when there is no property qualification oligarchical when there is in the aristocratical or constitutional state one element will be taken from each from oligarchy the principle of electing to offices from democracy the disregard of qualification such are the various modes of combination there is a true union of oligarchy and democracy when the same state may be termed either democracy or an oligarchy those who use both names evidently feel that the fusion is complete such a fusion there is also in the mean for both extremes appear in it the lessedemonian constitution for example is often described as a democracy because it has many democratical features in the first place the youth receive a democratical education for the sons of the poor are brought up with the sons of the rich who are educated in such a manner as to make it possible for the sons of the poor to be educated by them a similar equality prevails in the following period of life and when the citizens are grown up to manhood the same rule is observed there is no distinction between the rich and poor in light manner they all have the same food at their public tables and the rich wear only such clothing as any poor man can afford again the people elect to one of the two greatest offices of state and in the other they share for they elect the senators and share in the fruity by others the Spartan constitution is said to be an olacarchy because it has many olacarchical elements that all offices are filled by election and none by lot is one of these olacarchical characteristics that the power of inflicting death or banishment rests with a few persons is another and there are others in a well-attempted polity there should appear to be both elements and yet neither also the government should rely on itself and not on foreign aid and on itself not through the goodwill of a majority they might be equally well disposed when there is a vicious form of government but through the general willingness of all classes in the state to maintain the constitution enough of the manner in which a constitutional government and in which the so called aristocracies ought to be framed section 10 of the nature of tyranny I have still to speak in order that it may have its place in our inquiry since even tyranny is reckoned by us to be a form of government although there is not much to be said about it I have already in the former part of this treatise discussed royalty or kingship according to the most usual meaning of the term and considered whether it is or is not advantageous to states and what kind of royalty should be established and from what source and how when speaking of royalty we also spoke of two forms of tyranny which are both according to law and therefore easily pass into royalty among barbarians there are elected monarchs who exercise a despotic power despotic rulers were also elected in ancient hellas called asemnites or dictators these monarchies when compared with one another and they are as I said before royal insofar as the monarch rules according to law over willing subjects but they are tyrannical insofar as he is despotic and rules according to his own fancy there is also a third kind of tyranny which is the most typical form and is the counterpart of the perfect monarchy this tyranny is just that arbitrary power of an individual which is responsible to no one and governs all alike whether equals or better with a view to its own advantage not to that of its subjects and therefore against their will no freemen if he can escape it will endure such a government the kinds of tyranny are such and so many and for the reasons which I have given end of book 4 sections 5 through 10 book 4 sections 11 through 13 of politics by Aristotle this is a lipovox recording all lipovox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit lipovox.org recording by Anna Simon politics by Aristotle recorded by Benjamin Joet book 4 section 11 we have now to inquire what is the best constitution for most states and the best life for most men neither assuming a standard of virtue which is above ordinary persons nor an education which is exceptionally favoured by nature and circumstances nor yet an ideal state which is an aspiration only but having regard to the life in which the majority are able to share and to the form of government which states in general can attain the possibilities as they are called of which we are just now speaking they either lie beyond the possibilities of the greater number of states or they approximate to the so called constitutional government and therefore need no separate discussion and in fact the conclusion at which we arrive respecting all these forms rests upon the same grounds for if what was said in the ethics is true that a happy life is the life according to virtue lived without impediment and that virtue is a mean then the life which is in a mean and the same principles of virtue and vice are characteristic of cities and of constitutions for the constitution is in a figure the life of the city now in all states there are three elements one class is very rich another very poor and a third in a mean it is admitted that moderation and the mean are best and therefore it will clearly be best to possess the gifts of fortune in moderation for in that condition of life men are most ready to follow rational principle but he who greatly excels in beauty strength, birth or wealth or on the other hand who is very poor or very weak or very much disgraced finds it difficult to follow rational principle of these two the one sword grow into violent and great criminals the others into rogues and petty rascals and two sorts of offenses correspond to them the one committed from violence the other from roguery again the middle class is least likely to shrink from rule or to be over ambitious for it both of which are injuries to the state those who have too much of the goods of fortune strength, wealth, friends and the like are neither willing nor able to submit to authority the evil begins at home for when they are boys by reason of the luxury in which they are brought up they never learn even at school the habit of obedience on the other hand the very poor who are on the opposite extreme are too degraded so that the one class cannot obey and can only rule despotically the other knows not how to command and must be ruled like slaves thus arises a city not of free men but of masters and slaves the one despising the other envying and nothing can be more fatal to friendship and good fellowship in states than this for good fellowship springs from friendship when men are at enmity with one another they would rather not even share the same path but a city ought to be composed as far as possible of equals and similars and these are generally the middle classes well for the city which is composed of middle class citizens is necessarily best constituted in respect of the elements of which we say the fabric of the state exists and this is the class of citizens which is most secure in a state for they do not, like the poor covet their neighbor's goods nor do others covet theirs as the poor covet the goods of the rich and as they neither plot against others nor are themselves plotted against they pass through life safely wisely then did faciliters pray many things are best in the mean I desire to be of a middle condition in my city thus it is manifest that the best political community is formed by citizens and that those states are likely to be well administered in which the middle class is large and stronger if possible than both the other classes or at any rate than either singly for the addition of the middle class turns to scale and prevents either of the extremes from being dominant great then is the good fortune of a state in which the citizens have a moderate and sufficient property for where some possess much and the others nothing there may arise an extreme democracy or pure oligarchy or a tyranny may grow out of either extreme either out of the most rampant democracy or out of an oligarchy but it is not so likely to revise out of the middle constitutions and those akin to them I will explain the reason of this hereafter when I speak of the revolutions of states the mean condition of states is clearly best for no other is free from faction and where the middle class is large there are least likely to be factions and dissensions for a similar reason large states are less liable to faction than small ones because in them the middle class is large whereas in small states it is easy to divide all the citizens into two classes who are either rich or poor and to leave nothing in the middle and democracies are safer and more permanent than oligarchies because they have a middle class which is more numerous and has a greater share in the government for when there is no middle class and the poor greatly exceed in number troubles arise and the states soon comes to an end a proof of the superiority of the middle class is that the best legislators have been of a middle condition for example Solon as his own verse testify and Lysurgus for he was not a king and Carondas and almost all legislators these considerations will help us to understand why most governments are either democratical or oligarchical the reason is that the middle class is seldom numerous in them and whichever party whether the rich or the common people transgresses the mean and predominates draws the constitution its own way and thus arises either oligarchy or democracy there is another reason the poor and the rich quarrel with one another and whichever side gets the better instead of establishing a just popular government regards political supremacy as the prize of victory and the one party sets up a democracy and the other an oligarchy further both the parties which have the supremacy in Hellas look only to the interest of their own form of government and established in states the one democracies and the other oligarchies they thought of their own advantage of the public not at all for these reasons the middle form of government has rarely if ever existed and among a very few only one man alone of all who ever ruled in Hellas was induced to give this middle constitution to states but it has now become a habit among the citizens of states not even to care about equality all men are seeking for dominion or if conquered are willing to submit what then is the best form of government and what makes it the best is evident and of other constitutions since we say that there are many kinds of democracy and many of oligarchy it is not difficult to see which has the first and which the second or any other place in the order of excellence now that we have determined which is the best for that which is nearest to the best must of necessity be better and that which is furthest from it worse if we are judging absolutely and not relatively to given conditions I say relatively to given conditions since a particular government may be preferable but another form may be better for some people we have now to consider what and what kind of government is suitable to what and what kind of man I may begin by assuming as a general principle common to all governments that the portion of the state which desires the permanence of the constitution ought to be stronger than that which desires the reverse now every city is composed of quality and quantity by quality I mean freedom wealth education good birth and by quantity superiority of numbers quality may exist in one of the classes which make up the state and quantity in the other for example the meanly born may be more in number than the well-born or the poor than the rich yet they may not so much exceed in quantity as they fall short in quality and therefore there must be comparison of quantity and quality where the number of the poor is more than proportion to the wealth of the rich there will naturally be a democracy faring in form with the sort of people who compose it in each case if for example the husband man exceed in number the first form of democracy will then arise if the artisans and labouring class the last and so with the intermediate forms but where the rich and the notables exceed in quality more than they fall short in quantity there olacarchy arises similarly assuming various forms according to the kind of superiority possessed by the olacarks the legislator should always include the middle class in his government if he makes his laws olacarchical to the middle class let him look if he makes them democratical he should equally by his laws try to attach this class to the state there only can the government ever be stable where the middle class exceeds one or both of the others and in that case there will be no fear the rich will unite with the poor against the rulers for neither of them will ever be willing to serve the other and if they look for some form of government more suitable to both they will find none better than this for the rich and the poor will never consent to rule and turn because they mistrust one another the arbiter is always the one trusted and he who is in the middle is an arbiter the more perfect the mixture of the political elements the more lasting will be the constitution many even of those who desire to form aristocratic governments make a mistake not only in giving too much power to the rich but in attempting to overreach the people there comes a time when out of a false good there arises a true evil since the encroachments of the rich are more destructive to the constitution than those of the people section 13 the devices by which olacarchies deceive the people are 5 in number they relate to 1. the assembly 2. the magistracies 3. the courts of law 4. the use of alms 5. genetic exercises 1. the assemblies are thrown open to all but either the rich only are fined for non-attendance or a much larger fine is inflicted upon them 2. to the magistracies those who are qualified by property cannot decline office upon oath but the poor may 3. in the law courts the rich and the rich only are fined if they do not serve the poor are let off with impunity or as in the laws of corandas a larger fine is inflicted on the rich and a smaller one on the poor states all citizens who have registered themselves are allowed to attend the assembly and to try causes but if after registration they do not attend either in the assembly or at the courts heavy fines are imposed upon them the intention is that through fear of the fines they may avoid registering themselves and then they cannot sit in the law courts or in the assembly concerning 4. the possession of alms and 5. genetic exercises they legislate in a similar spirit for the poor are not obliged to have alms but the rich are fined for not having them and like manna no penalty is inflicted on the poor for non-attendance at the gymnasium and consequently having nothing to fear they do not attend whereas the rich are liable to a fine and therefore they take care to attend these are the devices of olacarchical legislators and in democracies they have counter devices they pay the poor for attending the assemblies and the law courts and they inflict no penalty on the rich for non-attendance it is obvious that he who would duly mix the two principles should combine the practice of both provide that the poor should be paid to attend and the rich find if they do not attend for then all will take part if there is no such combination power will be in the hands of one party only the government should be confined to those who carry alms as to the property qualification no absolute rule can be laid down but we must see what is the highest qualification sufficiently comprehensive to secure that the number of those who have the rights of citizens exceeds the number of those excluded even if they have no share in office only that they are not outraged or deprived of their property will be quiet enough but to secure a gentle treatment for the poor is not an easy thing since the ruling class is not always humane and in time of war the poor are apt to hesitate unless they are fed when fed they are willing enough to fight in some states the government is vested not only in those who are actually serving but also in those who have served among the Malians for example the governing body consisted of the latter while the magistrates were chosen from those who were actually on service and the earliest government which existed among the Hellenes after the overthrow of the kingly power grew up out of the warrior class and was originally taken from the knights for strength and superiority in war at that time depended on cavalry indeed without discipline infantry are useless and in ancient times there was no military knowledge or tactics and therefore the strength of armies lay in their cavalry but when cities increased and heavy armed grew in strength more had a share in the government and this is the reason why the states which we call constitutional governments have been hitherto called democracies ancient constitutions as might be expected were oligarchical and royal their population being small they had no considerable middle class the people were weak in numbers and organization and were therefore more contented to be governed I have explained why there are various forms of government and why there are more than is generally supposed for democracy as well as other constitutions has more than one form and whence they arise and what is the best form of government speaking generally and to whom the various forms of government are best suited all this has now been explained end of book 4 sections 11 through 13 having thus gained an appropriate basis of a discussion we will proceed to speak of the points which follow next in order we will consider the subject not only in general but with reference to particular constitutions all constitutions have three elements concerning which the good lawgiver has to regard what is expedient for each constitution when they are well ordered the constitution is well ordered and as they differ from one another constitutions differ there is one element which deliberates about public affairs secondly, two that concerned with the magistrates the question being what they should be over what they should exercise authority and what should be the mode of electing to them and thirdly, three that which has judicial power the deliberative element has authority in matters of war and peace in making and unmaking alliances it passes laws, inflicts death, exile, confiscation elects magistrates and audits their accounts these powers must be assigned to all the citizens or all to some of them for example to one or more magistracies or different causes to different magistracies or some of them to all and others of them only to some that all things should be decided by all is characteristic of democracy this is the sort of equality which the people desire but there are various ways in which all may share in the government they may deliberate not all in one body but by turns as in the constitution of teleclass the milisian there are other constitutions there are boards of magistrates meet and deliberate but come into office by turns and are elected out of the tribes and the very smallest divisions of the state until everyone has obtained office in his turn the citizens on the other hand are assembled only for the purposes of legislation and to consult about the constitution and to hear the edicts of the magistrates in another variety of democracy the citizens form one assembly but meet only to elect magistrates to pass laws, to advise about war and peace and to make scrutiny are referred severally to special magistrates who are elected by vote or by lot out of all the citizens or again the citizens meet about election to offices and about scrutiny and deliberate concerning war or alliances while other matters are administered by the magistrates who as far as is possible are elected by vote I am speaking of those magistracies in which special knowledge is required a fourth form of democracy is when all the citizens meet to deliberate about everything and the magistrates decide nothing but only make the preliminary enquiries and that is the way in which the last and worst form of democracy corresponding as we maintain to the close family oligarchy and to tyranny is at present administered all these modes are democratical on the other hand that some should deliberate about all this oligarchical this again is a mode which like the democratical has many forms when the deliberative class being elected out of those who have a moderate qualification are numerous and they respect and obey the prohibitions of the law without altering it the required qualification shares in the government then just because of this moderation the oligarchy inclines towards polity but when only selected individuals and not the whole people share in the deliberations of the state then although as in the former case they observe the law the government is a pure oligarchy or again when those who have the power of deliberation are self elected and son succeeds father and they and not the laws are supreme the government is of necessity oligarchical where again particular persons have authority in particular matters for example when the whole people decide about peace and war and whole scrutinies but the magistrates regulate everything else and they are elected by vote then the government is an aristocracy and if some questions are decided by magistrates elected by vote and others by magistrates elected by lot either absolutely or out of select candidates or elected partly by vote partly by lot these practices are partly characteristic of an aristocratic government and partly of a pure constitutional government these are the various forms of the deliberative body they correspond to the various forms of government and the government of each state is administered according to one or other of the principles which have been laid down now it is for the interest of democracy according to the most prevalent notion of it I'm speaking of that extreme form of democracy in which the people are supreme even of the laws with a view to better deliberation to adopt the custom of oligarchies respecting courts of law for in oligarchies the rich who are wanted to be judges are compelled to attend time whereas in democracies the poor are paid to attend and this practice of oligarchies should be adopted by democracies in their public assemblies for they will advise better if they all deliberate together the people with the notables and the notables with the people it is also a good plan that those who deliberate should be elected by vote or by lot in equal numbers out of the different classes and that if the people greatly exceed in number those who have political training pay should not be given to all but only to as many as would balance the number of the notables whether the number in excess should be eliminated by a lot but in oligarchies either certain persons should be co-opted from the mass or a class of officers should be appointed such as exist in some states who are termed probuli and guardians of the law and the citizens should occupy themselves exclusively with matters on which these have previously deliberated for so the people will have a share in the deliberations of the state but will not be able to disturb the principles of the constitution again in oligarchies either the people ought to accept the measures of the government or not to pass anything contrary to them or if all are allowed to share in council the decision should rest with the magistrates the opposite of what is done in constitutional governments should be the rule in oligarchies the veto of the majority should be final their assent not final but the proposal should be referred back to the magistrates whereas in constitutional governments they take the contrary course the few have the negative not the affirmative power the affirmation of everything rests with the multitude these then are our conclusions the affirmative that is the supreme element in states section 15 next we will proceed to consider the distribution of offices this too being a part of politics concerning which many questions arise what shall their number be over what shall they preside and what shall be their duration sometimes they last for 6 months sometimes for less sometimes they are annual while in other cases offices are held for still longer periods shall they be for life or for a long term of years shall the same persons hold them over and over again or once only also about the appointment to them from whom are they to be chosen and by whom and how we should first be in a position to say what are the possible varieties of them and then we may proceed to determine which are suited to different forms of government but what are to be included in the term offices that is a question not quite so easily answered for a political community requires many offices and not everyone who is chosen by vote or by lot is to be regarded as a ruler in the first place there are the priests who must be distinguished from political offices masses of choruses and heralds even ambassadors are elected by vote some duties of superintendents again are political extending either to all the citizens in a single sphere of action like the office of the general who super intends them when they are in the field or to a section of them only like the inspectorships of women or of youth other offices are concerned with household management like that of the corn measures many states and our elected offices there are also menial offices which the rich have executed by their slaves speaking generally those are to be called offices to which the duties are assigned of deliberating about certain measures and of judging and commanding especially the last for the command is the special duty of a magistrate but the question is not of any importance in practice no one has ever brought into court the meaning of the word although such problems have a speculative interest what kinds of offices and how many are necessary to the existence of a state and which if not necessary yet conduced to its well-being are much more important considerations affecting all constitutions but more especially small states for in great states it is possible and indeed necessary that every office should have a special function where the citizens are numerous many may hold office and so it happens that some offices a man holds a second time only after a long interval and others he holds once only and certainly every work is better done which receives the soul and not the divided attention of the worker but in small states it is necessary to combine many offices in a few hands since the small number of citizens does not admit of many holding office for who will there be to succeed them and yet small states at times require the same offices and laws as large ones the difference is that the one want them often the others only after long intervals hence there is no reason why the care of many offices should not be imposed on the same person for they will not interfere with each other when the population is small offices should be like the spits which also serve to hold a lamp we must first ascertain how many mattresses are necessary in every state and also how many are not exactly necessary but are nevertheless useful and then there will be no difficulty in seeing what offices can be combined in one we should also know over which matters several local tribunals are to have jurisdiction and in which authority should be centralized for example should one person keep order in the market and another in some other place or should the same person be responsible everywhere again should offices be divided according to the subjects with which they deal or according to the persons with whom they deal I mean to say should one person see to good order in general or one look after the boys another after the women and so on further under different constitutions should the magistrates be the same or different for example in democracy olacarchy aristocracy monarchy should there be the same magistrates although they are elected not out of equal or similar classes of citizens but differently under different constitutions in aristocracies for example they are chosen from the educated in olacarchy is from the wealthy and in democracies from the free or are there certain differences in the offices answering to them as well and may the same be suitable to some but different offices to others for in some states it may be convenient that the same office should have a more extensive in other states a narrow sphere special offices are peculiar to certain forms of government for example that of probuli which not a democratic office although appeal or counsel is there must be some body men whose duty is to prepare measures for the people in order that they may not be diverted from their business when these are few in number the state inclines to an olacarchy or rather the probuli must always be few and are therefore an olacarchical element but when both institutions exist in a state the probuli are check on the council for the counselors is a democratic element but the probuli are olacarchical even the power of the council disappears when democracy has taken that extreme form in which the people themselves are always meeting and deliberating about everything this is the case when the members of the assembly receive abundant pay for they have nothing to do and are always holding assemblies and deciding everything for themselves a magistracy which controls the boys or the women or any similar office is suited to an aristocracy rather than to a democracy for how can the magistrates prevent the wives of the poor from going out of those neither is it an olacarchical office for the wives of the olacarchs are too fine to be controlled enough of these matters I will now inquire into appointments to offices the varieties depend on three terms and the combinations of these give all possible modes first who appoints secondly from whom and thirdly how each of these three admits of three varieties capital A or the citizens or capital B only some appoint either one the magistrates are chosen out of all or two out of some who are distinguished either by property qualification or by birth or merit or for some special reason as a Magara only those were eligible who would return from exile and fought together against the democracy they may be appointed either A by vote or B by lot again these several varieties may be coupled I mean that capital C some offices may be elected by some others by all and three some again out of some and others out of all and C some by vote and others by lot each variety of these terms admits of four modes for either capital A one A all may appoint from all by vote or capital A one B all from all by lot or capital A two A all from some by vote or capital A two B all from some by lot and from all either by sections as for example by tribes and wards and fraud trees until all the citizens have been gone through or the citizens may be in all cases eligible indiscriminately or again capital A one C capital A two C to some offices in the one way, to some and the other again if it is only some that point they may do so either capital B one A from all by vote or capital B one B from all by lot or capital B two A from some by vote or capital B to B from some by lot or to some offices in one way to others in the other, i.e capital B one C from all to some offices by vote to some by lot and capital B to capital C sum, to some offices by vote, to some by lot. Thus, the modes that arise apart from 2, capital C, 3, out of the three couplings number 12, of these systems two are popular, that all should appoint from all, capital A1A by vote, or capital A1B by lot, or capital A1C by both. That all should not appoint at once, but should appoint from all or from some, either by lot or by vote or by both, or appoint to some offices from all and to others from some, by both meaning to some offices by lot, to others by vote, is characteristic of a polity, and capital B1C, that some should appoint from all, to some offices by vote, to others by lot, is also characteristic of a polity, but more of a carcical than the former method, and capital A3ABC, capital B3ABC, to appoint from both, to some offices from all, to others from some, is characteristic of a polity with a leaning towards aristocracy, that capital B2, some should appoint from some, is olacarchical, even capital B2B, that some should appoint from some by lot, and if this does not actually occur, it's nonetheless olacarchical in character, or capital B2C, that some should appoint from some by both. Capital B1A, that some should appoint from all, and capital A2A, that all should appoint from some, by vote, is aristocratic. These are the different modes of constituting magistrates, and these correspond to different forms of government, which are proper to which, or how they ought to be established, will be evident when we determine the nature of their powers. By powers I mean such powers as magistrate exercises of the revenue, or in defence of the country, for there are various kinds of power, the power of the general, for example, is not the same with that which regulates contracts in the market. Section 16. Of the three parts of government, the judicial remains to be considered, and this we shall divide on the same principle. There are three points on which the varieties of law courts depend. The persons from whom they are appointed, the methods with which they are concerned, and the manner of their appointment. I mean, one, are the judges taken from all, or from some only? Two, how many kinds of law courts are there? Three, are the judges chosen by vote, or by lot? First, let me determine how many kinds of law courts there are. There are eight in number. One is the Court of Audits or Scruziness. A second takes cognisance of ordinary offenses against the state. A third is concerned with treason against the constitution. The fourth determines disputes respecting penalties, whether raised by magistrates or by private persons. The fifth decides the most important civil cases. The sixth tries cases of homicide, which are of various kinds. A, premeditated, B, involuntary, C, cases in which the guild is confessed but the justice is disputed, and there may be a fourth court, D, in which murderers who are fled from justice are tried after their return, such as the Court of Friato is said to be at evidence. But cases of this sort rarely happen at all, even in large cities. The different kinds of homicide may be tried either by the same or by different courts. Seven, there are courts for strangers. Of these there are two subdivisions. A, for the settlement of their disputes with one another. B, for the settlement of disputes between them and the citizens. And besides all these there must be eight, courts for small suits about sums of a drachma up to five drachmas, or a little more, which have to be determined but they do not require many judges. Nothing more need be said of these small suits nor of the courts for homicide or for strangers. I would rather speak of political cases which, when mismanaged, create division and disturbances in constitutions. Now, if all the citizens judge in all the different cases which I have distinguished, they may be appointed by vote or by lot, or sometimes by lot and sometimes by vote. Or when a single class of causes are tried, the judges who decide they may be appointed some by vote and some by lot. These then are the four modes of appointing judges from the whole people and they will be likewise four modes if they are elected from a part only, for they may be appointed from some by vote and a judge in all causes, or they may be appointed from some by lot and judge in all causes, or they may be elected in some cases by vote and in some cases taken by lot, or some courts, even when judging the same causes, may be composed of members some appointed by vote and some by lot. These modes then, as was said, answer to those previously mentioned. Once more, the modes of appointment may be combined. I mean that some may be chosen out of the whole people, others out of some, some out of both. For example, the same tribunal may be composed of some who are elected out of all and of others who are elected out of some, either by vote or by lot or by both. In how many forms law courts can be established has now been considered. The first form is that in which the judges are taken from all the citizens and in which all causes are tried is democratical. The second, which is composed of a few only who try all causes, or the carcical. The third, in which some courts are taken from all classes and some from certain classes only, aristocratical and constitutional. End of book full, sections 14 through 16. Book five, sections one through four of Politics by Aristotle. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Leon Meyer. Politics by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book five, sections one through four. One. The design which we propose to ourselves is now nearly completed. Next in order followed the causes of revolution in states, how many and of what nature they are, what modes of destruction apply to particular states and out of what, and into what they mostly change. Also what are the modes of preservation in states generally or in a particular state and by what means each state may be best preserved. These questions remain to be considered. In the first place, we must assume as our starting point that in the many forms of government which have sprung up, there's always been an acknowledgement of justice and proportionate equality, although mankind failed taking them as I've already explained. Democracy, for example, arises out of the notion that those who are equal in any respect are equal in all respects. Because men are equally free, they claim to be absolutely equal. oligarchy is based on the notion that those who are unequal in one respect are in all respects unequal. Being unequal that is in property, they suppose themselves to be unequal absolutely. The Democrats think that as they are equal they ought to be equal in all things, while the oligarchs, under the idea that they are unequal, claim too much, which is one form of inequality. All these forms of government have a kind of justice, but tried by an absolute standard they are faulty, and therefore both parties, whenever their share in the government does not accord with their preconceived ideas, stir up revolution. Those who excel in virtue have the best right of all to rebel, for they alone can with reason be deemed absolutely unequal, but then they are of all men the least inclined to do so. There is also a superiority which is claimed by men of rank, for they are thought noble because they spring from wealthy and virtuous ancestors. Here then, so to speak, are open the very springs and fountains of revolution, and hence arise two sorts of changes in governments, the one affecting the constitution, when men seek to change from an existing form into some other, for example from democracy into oligarchy and from oligarchy into democracy, or from either of them into constitutional government or aristocracy and conversely, the other not affecting the constitution, when without disturbing the form of government, whether oligarchy or monarchy or any other, they try to get the administration into their own hands. Further, there was a question of degree. An oligarchy, for example, may become more or less oligarchical, and a democracy more or less democratical, and in like manner the characteristics of the other forms of government may be more or less strictly maintained. Or, the revolution may be directed against a portion of the constitution only. For example, the establishment or overthrow of a particular office. As at Sparta, it is said that Lysander attempted to overthrow the monarchy, and King Posenius, the everalty. An epidamnus, too, the change was partial, for instead of phylarchs or heads of tribes, a council was appointed, but to this day the magistrates are the only members of the ruling class who are compelled to go to the Helaea when an election takes place, and the office of the single Archon was another oligarchical feature. Everywhere inequality is a cause of revolution, but an inequality in which there is no proportion, for instance a perpetual monarchy among equals, and always it is the desire of equality which rises in rebellion. Now equality is of two kinds, numerical and proportional. By the first I mean sameness or equality in number or size, by the second equality of ratios. For example, the excess of three over two is numerically equal to the excess of two over one, whereas four exceeds two in the same ratio in which two exceeds one, for two is the same part of four that one is of two, namely the half. As I was saying before, men agree that justice and the abstract is proportion, but they differ in that something that if they are equal in any respect they are equal absolutely, others that if they are unequal in any respect they should be unequal in all. Hence there are two principal forms of government, democracy and oligarchy, for good birth and virtue are rare, but wealth and numbers are more common. In what city shall we find a hundred persons of good birth and a virtue, whereas the rich everywhere are bound? That a state should be ordered simply and wholly according to either kind of equality is not a good thing, the proof is the fact that such forms of government never last, they are originally based on a mistake, and as they begin badly cannot fail to end badly. The inference is that both kinds of equality should be employed, numerical in some cases and proportionate in others. Still democracy appears to be safer and less liable to revolution in oligarchy, for in oligarchies there is the double danger of the oligarchs falling out among themselves and also with the people, but in democracies there is only the danger of a quarrel with the oligarchs, no dissension worth mentioning arises among the people themselves, and we may further remark that a government which is composed of the middle class more nearly approximates to democracy than to oligarchy, and is the safest of the imperfect forms of government. Section two. In considering how dissensions and political revolutions arise, we must first of all ascertain the beginnings and causes of them which affect constitutions generally. They may said to be three in number, and we have now to give an outline of each. We want to know one, what is the feeling, two, what are the motives of those who make them, three, whence arise political disturbances and quarrels. The universal and chief cause of this revolutionary feeling has already been mentioned, this the desire of equality, when men think that they are equal to others who have more than themselves, or again the desire of inequality and superiority. When conceiving themselves to be superior, they think that they have not more, but the same or less than their inferiors, pretensions which may and may not be just. Inferiors revolt in order that they may be equal, and equals that they may be superior. Such is the state of mind which creates revolutions. The motives for making them are the desire of gain and honor, or the fear of dishonor and loss. The authors of them want to divert punishment or dishonor from themselves or their friends. The causes and reasons of revolutions, whereby men are themselves affected in the way described, and about the things which I have mentioned, viewed in one way may be regarded as seven, and in another is more than seven. Two of them have already been noticed, but they act in a different manner, for men are excited against one another by the love of gain and honor, not as in the case which I have disopposed, in order to obtain them for themselves, but at seeing others, justly or unjustly, in grossing them. Other causes are insolence, fear, excessive predominance, contempt, disproportionate increase in some part of the state. Causes of another sort are election intrigues, carelessness, neglect about trifles, dissimilarity of elements. Section 3. What share insolence and avarice have in creating revolutions and how they work is plain enough. When the magistrates are insolent and grasping, they conspire against one another, and also against the constitution from which they derive their power, making their gains either at the expense of individuals or of the public. It is evident again, what an influence honor exerts and how it is a cause of revolution. Men who are themselves dishonored and who see others obtaining honors rise in rebellion. The honor or dishonor when undeserved is unjust, and just when awarded according to merit. Again, superiority is a cause of revolution when one or more persons have a power which is too much for the state and the power of the government. This is a condition of affairs out of which there arises a monarchy, or a family oligarchy. And therefore in some places, as at Athens and Argos, they have recourse to ostracism. But how much better to provide from the first that there should be no such preeminent individuals instead of letting them come into existence and then finding remedy. Another cause of revolution is fear. Either men have committed wrong and are afraid of punishment, or they are expecting to suffer wrong and are desirous of anticipating their enemy. Thus at Rhodes the notables conspired against the people through fear of the suits that were brought against them. Contempt is also a cause of insurrection and revolution. For example, in oligarchies, when those who have no share in the state of the majority, they revolt, because they think that they are the stronger. Or again, in democracies, the rich despise the disorder and anarchy of the state. At Thebes, for example, where after the battle of Enotheta, the bad administration of the democracy led to its ruin. At Megaba, the fall of the democracy was due to a defeat occasioned by disorder and anarchy. And at Syracuse, the democracy aroused contempt before the tyranny of Gilo or Rose. At Rhodes, before the insurrection. Political revolutions also spring from a disproportionate increase in any part of the state. For as a body is made up of many members, and every member ought to grow in proportion, that symmetry may be preserved. But loses its nature at the foot before Cupid's long and the rest of the body too spans. And should the abnormal increase be one of quality as well as of quantity, may even take the form of another animal. Even so, a state has many parts of which some one may often grow imperceptibly. For example, the number of poor in democracies and in constitutional states. And this disproportion may sometimes happen by an accident, as a torrentum, from a defeat in which many of the Notables were slain in a battle with the Epigians, just after the Persian War. The constitutional government in consequence becoming a democracy. Or as was the case at Ardos, where the Argyves, after their army had been cut to pieces on the seventh day of the month by Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, were compelled to admit to citizen some of their Perii Isai. And at Athens, when after frequent debates of their infantry, at the time of the Peloponnesian War, the Notables were reduced in number, because the soldiers had to be taken from the role of citizens. Revolutions arise from this cause as well, in democracies as in other forms of government, but not to so great an extent. When the rich grow numerous or properties increase, the form of government changes into an oligarchy or a government of families. Forms of government also change, sometimes even without revolution, owing to election contests, as at Haria, where instead of electing their magistrates, they took them by lot, because the electors were in the habit of choosing their own partisans. Or owing to carelessness, when disloyal persons are allowed to find their way into the highest offices, as at Orium, where upon the accession of Heracliodorus to office, the oligarchy was overthrown, and changed by him into a constitutional and democratic government. Again, the revolution may be facilitated by the slightness of the change. I mean that a great change may sometimes slip into the constitution through neglect of a small matter. At Embracia, for instance, the qualification for office, small at first, was eventually reduced to nothing. For the Embraciots thought that a small qualification was much the same as none at all. Another cause of revolution is difference of races, which do not at once acquire common spirit. For a state is not the growth of a day, any more than it grows out of a multitude brought together by accident. Hence, the reception of strangers in colonies, either at the time of their foundation or afterwards, has generally produced revolution. For example, the Achaeans who joined the Trezynians in the foundation of Sibiris, becoming later the more numerous expelled them. Hence the curse fell upon Sibiris. At Theriae, the Sibirites quarreled with their fellow colonists, thinking that the land belonged to them. They wanted too much of it and were driven out. At Byzantium, the new colonists were detected in a conspiracy, and were expelled by force of arms. The people of Antissa, who had received the Cayenne exiles, fought with them and drove them out. And the same Cleans, after having received the Samians, were driven by them out of their own city. The citizens of Apollonia, on the Uxsine, after the introduction of a fresh body of colonists, had a revolution. The Seracusans, after the expulsion of their tyrants, having admitted strangers and mercenaries to the rights of citizenship, quarreled and came to blows. The people of Amphipolis, having received Calcidian colonists, were nearly all expelled by them. Now in Algarquies, the masses make revolution under the idea that they are unjustly treated, because, as I said before, they are equals, and have not an equal share. And in democracies, the Notables revolt, because they are not equals, and yet have only an equal share. Again, the situation of cities is a cause of revolution, when the country is not naturally adapted to preserve the unity of the state. For example, the Cytanes at Clasamany did not agree with the people of the island, and the people of Colophon quarreled with the Notians. At Athens, too, the inhabitants of the Pyreas are more democratic than those who live in the city. For just as in war, the impediment of a ditch, though ever so small, may break a regiment, so every cause of difference, however slight, makes a breach in a city. The greatest opposition is confessedly that of virtue and vice. Next comes that of wealth and poverty, and there are other antagonistic elements, greater or less, of which one is the difference of place. In revolutions, the occasions may be trifling, but great interests are at stake. Even trifles are most important when they concern the rulers, as was the case of old at Syracuse. For the Syracusan constitution was once changed by a love quarrel of two young men who were in the government. The story is that while one of them was away from home, his beloved was gained over by his companion, and he, to revenge himself, seduced the other's wife. They then drew in class into their quarrel, and so split all the people into portions. We learn from this story that we should be on our guard against the beginnings of such evils, and should put an end to the quarrels of chiefs in mighty The mistake lies in the beginning, as the proverb says, well begun is half done. So an error at the beginning, though quite small, bears the same ratio to the errors in the other parts. In general, when the notable's quarrel, the whole city is involved, as happened in Hasdia after the Persian War. The occasion was the division of an inheritance, one of two brothers refused to give an account of their father's property and the treasure which he had found, so the poorer of the two quarreled with him and enlisted in his cause the popular party, the other, who was very rich, the wealthy classes. At Delphi again, a quarrel about a marriage was the beginning of all the troubles which followed. In this case, the bridegroom, fancying some occurrence to be of evil omen, came to the bride and went away without taking her, whereupon her relations, thinking that they were insulted by him, put some of the sacred treasure among his offerings while he was sacrificing, and then slew him, pretending that he had been robbing the temple. At Metellini too, a dispute about heiresses was the beginning of many misfortunes, and led to the war with the Athenians in which Pages took their city. A wealthy citizen named Tomophanes left two daughters, Dexander, another citizen, wanted to obtain them for his sons, but he was rejected in a suit whereupon he stirred up a revolution, and instigated the Athenians, of whom he was proxenous, to interfere. A similar quarrel about an heiress arose at Phosas, between Naceus, the father of Nason, and Uthicates, the father of Onomarchus. This was the beginning of the sacred war. A marriage quarrel was also the cause of a change in the government of Epidamnes. A certain man betrothed his daughter to a person whose father, having been made a magistrate, find the father of the girl, and the latter, stung by the insult, conspired with unenfranchised classes to overthrow the state. Governments also changed into oligarchy or into democracy, or into a constitutional government, because the magistrates, or some other section of the state, increase in power or renown. Thus at Athens, the reputation gained by the court of the Areopagus in the Persian war seemed to tighten the reins of government. On the other hand, the victory of Salamis, which was gained by the common people who served in the fleet, and won for the Athenians, the empire due to the command of the sea, strengthened the democracy. At Argos, the Notables, having distinguished themselves against the Lacedemonians and the Battle of Mantania, attempted to put down the democracy. At Syracuse, the people, having been the chief authors of the victory in the war with the Athenians, changed the constitutional government into democracy. At Calces, the people, uniting with the Notables, killed Phosas, the tyrant, and then seized the government. At Ambrosia, the people, in life manner, having joined with the conspirators and expelling the tyrant periander, transferred the government to themselves. And generally it should be remembered that those who have secured power to the state, whether private citizens or magistrates or tribes or any other part or section of the state, are apt to cause revolutions. For either envy of their greatness draws others into rebellion, or they themselves, in their pride of superiority, are unwilling to remain on a level with others. Revolutions also break out when opposite parties, for example the rich and the people, are equally balanced, and there is little or no middle class, for if either party were manifestly superior, the other would not risk an attack upon them. And, for this reason, those who are eminent in virtue usually do not stir up insurrections, always being a minority, such are the beginnings and causes of the disturbances and revolutions to which every form of government is liable. Revolutions are affected in two ways, by force and by fraud. Force may be applied either at the time of making the revolution or afterwards. Fraud again is of two kinds, for one, sometimes the citizens are deceived into acquiescing and a change of government, and afterwards they are held in subjection against their will. This was what happened in the case of the 400, who deceived the people by telling them that the king would provide money for the war against the Lacedaemonians, and, having cheated the people, still endeavored to retain the government. Two, in other cases the people are persuaded at first, and afterwards, by a repetition of the persuasion, their good will and allegiance are retained. The revolutions which affect constitutions generally spring from the above mentioned causes. End of Book 5, Sections 1 through 4. Book 5, Sections 5 through 7, of Politics, by Aristotle. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Leon Meyer. Politics, by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book 5, Sections 5 through 7. 5. And now, taking each constitution separately, we must see what follows from the principles already laid down. Revolutions and democracies are generally caused by the intemperance of demagogues, who either in their private capacity lay information against rich men until they compel them to combine, for a common danger unites even the bitterest enemies, or, coming forward in public, stir up the people against them. The truth of this remark is proved by a variety of examples. At cost, the democracy was overthrown because wicked demagogues arose and the notables combined. At roads, the demagogues not only provided pay for the multitude, but prevented them from making good to the triorarchs, the sums which had been expended by them, and they, in consequence of the suits which were brought against them, were compelled to combine and put down the democracy. The democracy at Heraclia was overthrown shortly after the foundation of the colony by the injustice of the demagogues, which drove out the notables, who came back in a body and put an end to the democracy. Much in the same manner, the democracy at Megara was overturned. There, the demagogues drove out many of the notables in order that they might be able to confiscate their property. At length, the exiles, becoming numerous, returned, and, engaging in defeating the people, established the oligarchy. The same thing happened with the democracy of Simey, which was overthrown by Thrasymachus. And we may observe that in most states the changes have been of this character, for sometimes the demagogues, in order to curry favor with the people, wrong the notables, and so force them to combine. Either they make a division of their property, or diminish their incomes by the imposition of public services, and sometimes they bring accusations against the rich that they may have their wealth to confiscate. Of old, the demagogue was also a general, and then democracies changed into tyrannies. Most of the ancient tyrants were originally demagogues. They are not so now, but they were then, and the reason is that they were generals and not orators, for oratory had not yet come into fashion. Whereas in Arde, when the art of rhetoric has made such progress, the orators lead the people, but their ignorance of military matters prevents them from usurping power. At any rate, instances to the contrary are few and slight. Tyrannies were more common formerly than now, for this reason also, that great power was placed in the hands of individuals. Thus a tyranny arose at Miletus, out of the office of the Pritonus, who had supreme authority in many important matters. Moreover, in those days, when cities were not large, the people dwelt in the fields, busy at their work, and their chiefs, if they possessed any military talent, seized the opportunity, and, winning the confidence of the masses by professing their hatred of the wealthy, they succeeded in obtaining the tyranny. Thus at Athens, Pysistratus led a faction against the men of the plain, and Theogenes at Megara slaughtered the cattle of the wealthy, which he had found by the riverside, where they had put them to graze and land not their own. Dionysius, again, was thought worthy of the tyranny, because he denounced Daphneus and the rich, his enmity to the notables, one for him the confidence of the people. Changes also take place from the ancient to the latest form of democracy. For, where there is a popular election at the magistrates, and no property qualification, the aspirants for office get hold of the people, and can thrive at last even to set them above the laws. A more or less complete cure for this state of things is for the separate tribes, and not the whole people, to elect the magistrates. These are the principal causes of revolutions in democracies. 6. There are two patent causes of revolutions in oligarchies. 1. First, when the oligarchs oppress the people, for then anybody is good enough to be their champion, especially if he be himself a member of the oligarchy, as Ligdomus at Naxos, who afterwards came to be tyrant. But revolutions which commence outside the governing class may be further subdivided. Sometimes, when the government is very exclusive, the revolution is brought about by persons of the wealthy class who were excluded, as happened at Masalia, in Istras, in Heraklia, and other cities. Those who had no share in the government created a disturbance, until first the elder brothers and then the younger were admitted, for in some places, father and son, in others, elder and younger brothers, do not hold office together. At Masalia the oligarchy became more like a constitutional government, but at Istras ended in a democracy, and at Heraklia was enlarged to six hundred. At Nidos, again, the oligarchy underwent a considerable change, for the Notables fell out among themselves, because only a few shared in the government. There existed among them the rule already mentioned, that father and son not hold office together, and if there were several brothers only the eldest was admitted. The people took advantage of the quarrel, and choosing one of the Notables to be their leader, attacked and conquered the oligarchs who were divided, and division is always a source of weakness. The city of Ere III, too, in old times was ruled and ruled well by the Basility, but the people took offense at the narrowness of the oligarchy, and changed the constitution. Two. Of internal causes of revolutions in oligarchies, one is the personal rivalry of the oligarchs, which leads them to play the demagogue. Now the oligarchal demagogue is of two sorts, either A, he practices upon the oligarchs themselves, for although the oligarchy are quite a small number, there may be a demagogue among them, as at Athens, Caraclies's party won power by courting the thirty, that of Frenicus by courting the four hundred, or B, the oligarchs may play the demagogue with the people. This was the case at Larissa, where the guardians of the citizens endeavored to gain over the people because they were elected by them, and such is the fate of all oligarchies in which the magistrates are elected, as at Abidas, not by the class to which they belong, but by the heavy armed or by the people, although they may be required to have a high qualification, or to be members of a political club. Or, again, where the law courts are composed of persons outside the government, the oligarchs flatter the people in order to obtain a decision in their own favor, and so they change the constitution. This happened at Heraklia in Pontus. Again, oligarchies change whenever any attempt is made to narrow them, for then, those who desire equal rights are compelled to call in the people. Changes in the oligarchy also occur when the oligarchs waste their private property by extravagant living, for then they want to innovate, and either try to make themselves tyrants, or install someone else in the tyranny, as Heparinus did Dionysius at Syracuse, and as at Amphipolis, a man named Cleotomus introduced Calcydian colonists, and when they arrived, stirred them up against the rich. For a like reason in Aginia, the person who carried on the negotiation with Calrys endeavored to revolutionize the state. Sometimes a party among the oligarchs tried directly to create a political change. Sometimes they robbed the treasury, and then either the thieves, or as happened at Apollonia in Pontus, those who resist them in their thieving, quarrel with the rulers. But an oligarchy which is at unity with itself is not easily destroyed from within. Of this we may see an example at Pharsalus, for there, although the rulers are few in number, they govern a large city, because they have a good understanding among themselves. Oligarchies, again, are overthrown when another oligarchy is created within the original one. That is to say, when the whole governing body is small, and yet they do not all share in the highest offices. Thus at Elis, the governing body was a small Senate, and very few ever found their way into it, because the Senators were only 90 in number, and were elected for life, and out of certain families, in a manner similar to the Lacedemonian Elders. Oligarchy is liable to revolutions, alike in war and in peace. In war because, not being able to trust the people, the oligarchs are compelled to hire mercenaries, and the general who is in command of them often ends in becoming a tyrant, as Tomophanes did at Corinth. Or if there are more generals than one, they make themselves into a company of tyrants. Sometimes the oligarchs, fearing this danger, give the people a share in the government because their services are necessary to them. And in time of peace, from mutual distrust, the two parties hand over the defense of the state to the army and to an arbiter between the two factions, who often ends the master of both. This happened at Larissa, when Simas the Iluet had the government, and at Avidus in the days of Afiades and the political clubs. Revolutions also arise out of marriages or lawsuits, which lead to the overthrow of one party among the oligarchs by another. Of quarrels about marriages, I have already mentioned some instances. A nether occurred at Eritrea, where Diagarus overturned the oligarchy of the knights because he had been wronged about a marriage. A revolution at Heraclia and another at Thebes, both erodes out the decisions of law courts upon a charge of adultery. In both cases, the punishment was just, but executed in the spirit of party at Heraclia upon Eritrean and at Thebes upon Arcaias. For their enemies were jealous of them, and so had them pilloried in the Agara. Many oligarchies have been destroyed by some members of the ruling class, taking offense at their excess of despotism. For example, the oligarchy at Naitis and at Caes. Changes of constitutional governments, and also of oligarchies which limit the office of counselor, judge, or other magistrate to persons having a certain money qualification, often incurred by accident. The qualification may have been originally fixed, according to the circumstances of the time, in such a manner as to include in an oligarchy a few only, or in a constitutional government the middle class. But after a time of prosperity, whether arising from peace or some other good fortune, the same property becomes many times as valuable, and then everybody participates in every office. This happens sometimes gradually and insensibly, and sometimes quickly. These are the causes of changes and revolutions in oligarchies. We must remark generally both of democracies and oligarchies that they sometimes change, not into the opposite forms of government, but only into another variety of the same class. I mean to say, from those forms of democracy and oligarchy which are regulated by law, into those which are arbitrary, and conversely. 7. In aristocracies revolutions are stirred up when a few only share in the honors of the state, a cause which has already been shown to affect oligarchies, for an aristocracy is a sort of oligarchy, and like an oligarchy is the government of a few, although few not for the same reason, hence the two are often confounded. And revolutions will be most likely to happen, and must happen, when the mass of the people are of the high-spirited kind, and have a notion that they are as good as their rulers. Thus at Lassa Demon, the so-called Parthenii, who were the illegitimate sons of the Spartan peers, attempted a revolution, and, being detected, were sent away to colonize Tarentum. Again, revolutions occur when great men who are at least of equal merit are dishonored by those higher in office, as Lysander was by the kings of Sparta, or when a brave man is excluded from the honors of the state, like Synodon, who conspired against the Spartans in the reign of a Jeselaus, or again, when some are very poor and others very rich, a state of society which is most often the result of war, as at Lassa Demon in the days of the Messenian War. This is proved from the poem of Tertius, entitled Good Order, for he speaks of certain citizens who were ruined by the war and wanted to have a redistribution of the land. Again, revolutions arise when an individual who is great and might be greater wants to rule alone, as at Lassa Demon, Pausanias, who was general in the Persian War, or like Hanno at Carthage. Constitutional governments and aristocracies are commonly overthrown owing to some deviation from justice in the Constitution itself. The cause of the downfall is, in the former, the ill mingling of the two elements, democracy and oligarchy. In the latter of the three elements, democracy, oligarchy, and virtue, but especially democracy and oligarchy. For, to combine these is the endeavor of constitutional governments, and most of the so-called aristocracies have a like game, but differ from polities in the mode of combination, hence some of them are more and some less permanent. Those which incline more to oligarchy are called aristocracies, and those which incline to democracy, constitutional governments. And therefore, the latter are the safer of the two, for the greater the number, the greater the strength, and when men are equal, they are contented. But the rich, if the Constitution gives them power, are apt to be insolent and avaricious, and in general, whichever way the Constitution inclines, in that direction it changes as either party gains strength, a constitutional government becoming a democracy, an aristocracy, and oligarchy. But the process may be reversed, and aristocracy may change into democracy. This happens when the poor, under the idea that they are being wronged, force the Constitution to take an opposite form. In like manner, constitutional governments change into oligarchies. The only stable principle of government is equality according to proportion, and for every man to enjoy his own. What I've just mentioned actually happened at Theorie I, where the qualification for office, at first high, was therefore reduced, and the magistrates increased in number. The notables had previously acquired the whole of the land contrary to law, for the government tended to oligarchy, and they were able to encroach. But the people, who had been trained by war, soon got the better of the guards kept by the oligarchs, until those who had had too much gave up their land. Again, since all aristocratic governments inclined to oligarchy, the notables are apt to be grasping. Thus at Lassa Demon, where property tends to pass in a few hands, the notables can do too much as they like, and they were allowed to marry whom they please. The city of Lowcry was ruined by a marriage connection with Dionysius, but such a thing could never have happened in a democracy or in a well-balanced aristocracy. I have already remarked that in all states, revolutions are occasioned by trifles. In aristocracies, above all, they are of a gradual and imperceptible nature. The citizens begin by giving up some part of the constitution, and so with greater ease, the government changed something else, which is a little more important, until they have undermined the whole fabric of the state. At Theriae, there was a law that general should only be re-elected after an interval of five years, and some young men who were popular with the soldiers of the guard for their military prowess, despising the magistrates in thinking that they would easily gain their purpose, wanted to abolish this law, and allow their generals to hold perpetual commands, for they well knew that the people would be glad enough to elect them. Whereupon the magistrates who had charged these matters, and who were called councilors, at first determined to resist, but they afterwards consented, thinking that, if only this one law was changed, no further in-road would be made on the constitution. But other changes soon followed, which they in vain attempted to oppose, and the state passed into the hands of the revolutionists, who established a dynastic oligarchy. All constitutions are overthrown either from within or from without, the latter, when there is some government close at hand, having an opposite interest, or at a distance but powerful. This was exemplified in the old times of the Athenians and Elacidemonians, the Athenians everywhere put down the oligarchies and the Elacidemonians, the democracies. I have now explained what are the chief causes of revolutions and dissentions in states. 8. We have next to consider what means there are of preserving constitutions in general and in particular cases. In the first place it is evident that if we know the causes which destroy constitutions, we also know the causes which preserve them, for opposites produce opposites, and destruction is the opposite of preservation. In all well-attempered governments, there is nothing which should be more jealously maintained than the spirit of obedience to the law, more especially in small matters, for transgression creeps in unperceived and at last ruins the state, just as the constant recurrence of small expenses in time eats up a fortune. The expense does not take place at once, and therefore is not observed, the mind is deceived, as in the fallacy which says that if each part is little, then the whole is little. This is true in one way but not in another, for the whole and the all are not little, although they are made up of littles. In the first place then, men should guard against the beginning of change, and in the second place they should not rely upon the political devices of which I have already spoken invented only to deceive the people, for they are proved by experience to be useless. Further, we note that oligarchies as well as aristocracies may last not from any inherent stability in such forms of government, but because the rulers are in good terms, both with the unenfranchised and with the governing classes, not maltreating any who are excluded from the government, but introducing into it the leading spirits among them. They should never wrong the ambitious in a matter of honor, or the common people in a matter of money, and they should treat one another and their fellow citizen in a spirit of equality. The equality which the friends of democracy seek to establish for the multitude is not only just, but likewise expedient among equals. Hence, that the governing class are numerous, many democratic institutions are useful. For example, the restriction of the tenure of offices to six months, that all those who are of equal rank may share in them. Indeed, equals or peers when they are numerous become a kind of democracy, and therefore demagogues are very likely to arise among them, as I have already remarked. The short tenure of office prevents oligarchies and aristocracies from falling into the hands of families. It is not easy for a person to do any great harm when his tenure of office is short, whereas long possession begets tyranny in oligarchies and democracies. For the aspirants to tyranny are either the principal men of the state, who in democracies are demagogues and in oligarchies members of ruling houses, or those who hold great offices, and have a long tenure of them. Constitutions are preserved when their destroyers are at a distance, and sometimes also because they are near, for the fear of them makes the government keep in hand the constitution. Wherefore, the ruler who has a care of the constitution should invent terrors, and bring distant dangers near, in order that the citizens may be on their guard, and, like sentinels in a night-wash, never relax their attention. He should endeavor too, by help of the laws, to control the contentions and quarrels of the notables, and to prevent those who have not hitherto taken part in them from catching the spirit of contention. No ordinary man can discern the beginning of evil, but only the true statesman. As to the change produced in oligarchies and constitutional governments, by the alteration of the qualification, when this arises, not out of any variation in the qualification, but only out of the increase of money, it is well to compare the general valuation of property with that of past years, annually in those cities in which the census is taken annually, and in larger cities every third or fifth year. If the whole is many times greater or many times less, than when the ratings recognized by the constitution were fixed, there should be power given by law to raise or lower the qualification as the amount is greater or less. Where this is not done, a constitutional government passes into an oligarchy, and an oligarchy is narrow to a rule of families, or in the opposite case, constitutional government becomes democracy, and oligarchy either constitutional government or democracy. It is a principle common to democracy, oligarchy, and every other form of government, not to allow the disproportionate increase of any citizen, but to give moderate honor for a long time, rather than great honor for a short time. For men are easily spoiled, not everyone can bear prosperity, but if this rule is not observed, at any rate the honors which are given all at once should be taken away by degrees and not all at once, especially should the laws provide against anyone having too much power, whether derived from friends or money. If he has, he should be sent clean out of the country, and since innovations creep in through the private life of individuals also, there ought to be a magistracy which will have an eye to those whose life is not in harmony with the government, whether oligarchy or democracy or any other. And for a like reason, an increase in prosperity in any part of the state should be carefully watched. The proper remedy for this evil is always to give the management of affairs and offices of state to opposite elements. Such opposites are the virtuous and the many, or the rich and the poor. Another way is to combine the poor and the rich in one body, or to increase the middle class. Thus an end will be put to the revolutions which arise from inequality. But above all, every state should be so administered and so regulated by law that its magistrates cannot possibly make money. In oligarchies, special precautions should be used against this evil. For the people do not take any great offense at being kept out of the government. Indeed, they are rather pleased and otherwise at having leisure for their private business. But what irritates them is to think that their rulers are stealing the public money. Then they are doubly annoyed, for they lose both honor and profit. If office brought no profit, then and then only could democracy and aristocracy be combined, for both notables and people might have their wishes gratified. All would be able to hold office, which is the aim of democracy, and the notables would be magistrates, which is the aim of aristocracy. And this result may be accomplished when there is no possibility of making money out of the offices, for the poor will not want to have them when there was nothing to be gained from them, they would rather be attending to their own concerns, and the rich, who do not want money from the public treasury, will be able to take them, and so the poor will keep to their work and grow rich, and the notables will not be governed by the lower class. In order to avoid speculation of the public money, the transfer of the revenue should be made at a general assembly of the citizens, and duplicates of the accounts deposited with the different brotherhoods, companies, and tribes. In honor should be given by law to magistrates who have the reputation of being incorruptible. In democracies, the rich should be spared, not only should their property not be divided, but their incomes also, which in some states are taken from them imperceptibly, should be protected. It is a good thing to prevent the wealthy citizens, even if they are willing, from undertaking expensive and useless public services, such as the giving of choruses, tort races, and the like. And in oligarchy on the other hand, great care should be taken of the poor, and lucrative offices should go to them. If any of the wealthy classes insult them, the offender should be punished more severely than if he had wronged one of his own class. Provision should be made that the estates pass by inheritance and not by gift, and no person should have more than one inheritance, for in this way properties will be equalized, and more of the poor rise to competency. It is also expedient, both in a democracy and in an oligarchy, to assign to those who have less share in the government, i.e. to the rich in a democracy and to the poor in an oligarchy, in equality or preference, and all but the principal offices of states. The latter should be entrusted chiefly or only to members of the governing class. 9. There are three qualifications required in those who have to fill the highest offices. 1. First of all, loyalty to the established constitution. 2. The greatest administrative capacity. 3. Virtue and justice of the kind proper to each form of government. 4. If what is just is not the same in all governments, the quality of justice must also differ. There may be a doubt, however, when all these qualities do not meet in the same person, how the selection is to be made. Suppose, for example, a good general is a bad man and not a friend to the constitution, and another man is loyal and just, which should we choose? In making the election, ought we not to consider two points, what qualities are common and what are rare? Thus, in the choice of a general, we should regard his skill rather than his virtue, for few have military skill, but many have virtue. In any office of trust or stewardship, on the other hand, the opposite rule should be observed, for more virtue than ordinary is required in the holder of such an office, but the necessary knowledge is of a sort which all men possess. It may, however, be asked, what a man wants with virtue if he have political ability and is loyal, since these two qualities alone will make him do what is for the public interest. But may not men have both of them and yet be deficient in self-control? If, knowing and loving their own interests, they do not always attend to them, may they not be equally negligent of the interests of the public? Speaking generally, we may say that whatever legal enactments are held to be for the interest of various constitutions, all these preserve them, and the great preserving principle is the one which has been repeatedly mentioned, to have a care that the loyal citizen should be stronger than the disloyal. Neither should we forget the mean, which at the present day is lost side of in perverted forms of government, for many practices which appear to be democratic are the ruin of democracies, and many which appear to be oligarchical are the ruin of oligarchies. Those who think that all virtue is to be found in their own party principles push matters to extremes, they do not consider that disproportion destroys a state. A nose, which varies from the ideal of straightness to a hook or snub, may still be of good shape and agreeable to the eye, but if the excess be very great all symmetry is lost, and the nose at last ceases to be a nose at all on account of some excess in one direction or defect in the other, and this is true of every other part of the human body. The same law of proportion equally holds in states. Oligarchy or democracy, although a departure from the most perfect form, may yet be a good enough government, but if anyone attempts to push the principles of either to an extreme, he will begin by spoiling the government and end by having done it all. Wherefore, the legislator and the statesman ought to know what democratic measures save and what destroy a democracy, and what oligarchical measures save or destroy an oligarchy, for neither the one nor the other can exist or continue to exist unless both rich and poor are included in it. If equality of property is introduced, the state must of necessity take another form, for when by laws carried to excess, one or other element in the state is ruined, the constitution is ruined. There is an error common both to oligarchies and to democracies. In the latter, the demagogues, when the multitude or above the law, are always cutting the city in two by quarrels with the rich, whereas they should always profess to be maintaining their cause. Just as in oligarchies, the oligarch should profess to maintaining the cause of the people, and should take oaths the opposite of those which they now take. For there are cities in which they swear, I will be an enemy to the people, and will devise all the harm against them which I can, but they ought to exhibit and to entertain the very opposite feeling. In the form of their oath, there should be an express declaration, I will do no wrong to the people. But of all the things which I had mentioned, that which most contributes to the permanence of constitutions is the adaptation of education to the form of government, and yet in our own day this principle is universally neglected. The best laws, though sanctioned by every citizen of the state, will be of no avail unless the young are trained by habit and education in the spirit of the constitution, if the laws are democratical, democratically, or oligarchically if the laws are oligarchical. For there may be a want of self-discipline in states as well as in individuals. Now, to have been educated in the spirit of the constitution is not to perform the actions in which oligarchs or democrats delight, but those by which the existence of an oligarchy or of a democracy is made possible. Whereas among ourselves, the sons of the ruling class and an oligarchy live in luxury, but the sons of the poor are hardened by exercise and toil, and hence they are both more inclined and better able to make a revolution. And in democracies of the more extreme type, there is arisen a false idea of freedom, which is contradictory to the true interests of the state. For two principles are characteristic of democracy, the government of the majority and freedom. Men think that what is just is equal, and that equality is the supremacy of the popular will, and that freedom means the doing what a man likes. In such democracies everyone lives as he pleases, or in the words of Euripides, according to his fancy. But this is all wrong. Men should not think it's slavery to live according to the rule of the constitution, for it is their salvation. I have now discussed generally the causes of the revolution and destruction of states, and the means of their preservation and continuance. End of Book 5, Sections 8 through 9. Book 5, Section 10 of Politics, by Aristotle. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Leon Meyer. Politics, by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book 5, Section 10. I have still to speak of monarchy and the causes of its destruction and preservation. What I have said already, respecting forms of constitutional government, applies almost equally to royal and to tyrannical rule. For royal rule is of the nature of an aristocracy, and a tyranny is a compound of oligarchy and democracy and their most extreme forms. It is therefore most injurious to its subjects being made up of two evil forms of government, and having the perversions and errors of both. These two forms of monarchy are contrary in their very origin. The appointment of a king is the resource of the better classes against the people, and he is elected by them out of their own number, because either he himself or his family excel in virtue and virtuous actions, whereas a tyrant is chosen from the people to be their protector against the notables, and in order to prevent them from being injured. History shows that almost all tyrants have been demagogues who gain the favor of the people by their accusation of the notables. At any rate, this was the manner in which the tyrannies arose in the days when cities had increased in power. Others which were older originated in the ambition of kings, wanting to overstep the limits of their hereditary power and become despots. Others again grew out of the class which were chosen to be chief magistrates, for in ancient times the people who elected them gave the magistrates, whether civil or religious, a long tenure. Others arose out of the custom which oligarchies had of making some individual supreme over the highest offices. In any of these ways, an ambitious man had no difficulty if he desired in creating a tyranny, since he had the power in his hands already, either as king or as one of the officers of state. Thus Fiden and Argos and several others were originally kings, and ended by becoming tyrants. Phalaris, on the other hand, and the Ionian tyrants, acquired the tyranny by holding great offices. Whereas Penetrius at Leontinai, Sipselis at Corinth, Posistratus at Athens, Dionysius at Syracuse, and several others who afterwards became tyrants were at first demagogues. And so, as I was saying, royalty ranks with aristocracy, for it is based upon merit, whether of the individual or of his family, or on benefits conferred, or on these claims with power added to them. For all who have obtained this honor have benefited, or had in their power to benefit, states and nations. Some, like Padres, have prevented the state from being enslaved in war. Others, like Cyrus, have given their country freedom, or have settled or gained a territory like the Lacedaemonian, Macedonian, and Milatian kings. The idea of a king is to be a protector of the rich against unjust treatment, of the people against insult and oppression. Whereas a tyrant, as has often been repeated, has no regard to any public interest, except as conducive to his private ends. His aim is pleasure, the aim of a king, honor. Wherefore also in their desires they differ. The tyrant is desirous of riches, the king of what brings honor, and the guards of a king are citizens, but of a tyrant mercenaries. That tyranny has all the vices both of democracy and oligarchy is evident. As of oligarchy, so of tyranny, the end is wealth. For by wealth only can the tyrant maintain either his guard or his luxury. Both mistrust the people, and therefore deprive them of their arms. Both agree too in injuring the people, and driving them out of the city and dispersing them. From democracy, tyrants have borrowed the art of making war upon the notables, and destroying them secretly or openly, or of exiling them because they are rivals and stand in the way of their power, and also because plots against them are contrived by men of this status, who either want to rule or to escape subjection. Hence Periander advised Thrasybulus by cutting off the tops of the tallest years of corn, meaning that he must always put out of the way the citizens who overtopped the rest. And so, as I have already intimated, the beginnings of change are the same in monarchies as in forms of constitutional government. Subjects attack their sovereigns out of fear or contempt, or because they have been unjustly treated by them. And of injustice, the most common form is insult. Another is confiscation of property. The ends sought by conspiracies against monarchies, whether tyrannies or royalties, are the same as the ends sought by conspiracies against other forms of government. Monarchs have great wealth and honor, which are objects of desire to all a mankind. The attacks are made sometimes against their lives, sometimes against the office, where the sense of insult is the motive against their lives. Any sort of insult, and there are many, may stir up anger, and when men are angry, they commonly act out of revenge and not from ambition. For example, the attempt made upon the postastratity arose out of the public dishonor offered to the sister of harmonious, and the insult to himself. He attacked the tyrant for his sister's sake, and Aristigetan joined in the attack for the sake of harmonious. A conspiracy was also formed against Ariander, the tyrant of Ambrosia, because, when drinking with a favorite youth, he asked him whether by this time he was not with child by him. Philip, too, was attacked by Pausanias because he prevented him to be insulted by Adelis and his friends, and Amentis the Little by Dirtis because he boasted of having enjoyed his youth. Avagaris of Cyprus, again, was slain by the eunuch to revenge an insult, for his wife had been carried out by Avagaris' son. Many conspiracies have originated in shameful attempts made by sovereigns on the persons of their subjects. Such was the attack of Cretias upon Archelaus. He had always hated the connection with him, and so when Archelaus, having promised him one of his two daughters in marriage, did not give him either of them, but broke his word and married the elder to the king of Elimea, when he was hard-pressed in a war against Cerys and Arbius, and the younger to his own son Amentis, under the idea that Amentis would then be less likely to quarrel with his son by Cleopatra, Cretias made this slight a pretext for attacking Archelaus, though even a less reason would have sufficed, for the real cause of the estrangement was the disgust which he felt at his connection with the king. And from a like motive, Hellenocrates of Larissa conspired with him, for when Archelaus, who was his lover, did not fulfill his promise of restoring him to his country, he thought that the connection between them had originated not in affection, but in the wantonness of power. Hitho too and Heraclides of Enes slew Coddis in order to avenge their father, and Atimus revolted from Coddis in revenge for the wanton outrage which he had committed in mutilating him when a child. Many, too, irritated at blows inflicted on the person which they deemed an insult, have either killed or attempted to kill officers of state and royal princes by whom they have been injured. Thus, at Metellini, Megacles and his friends attacked and slew the pentility, as they were going about in striking people with clubs. At a later date, Coddis Mirtis, who had been beaten and torn away from his wife by Pontillus, slew him. In the conspiracy against Archelaus, Decannecus stimulated the fury of the assassins and led the attack. He was enraged because Archelaus had delivered him to Euripides to be scourged, for the poet had been irritated at some remark made by Decannecus on the foulness of his breath. Many other examples might be cited of murders and conspiracies which have arisen from similar causes. Fear is another motive which, as we have said, has caused conspiracies as well in monarchies, as in more popular forms of government. Thus, Archiphanes conspired against Xerxes and slew him, fearing that he would be accused of hanging Darius against his orders. He, having been under the impression that Xerxes would forget what he had said in the middle of a meal, and that the offense would be forgiven. Another motive is contempt, as in the case of Sardinopelus, whom someone saw according wool with his women, if the storytellers stay truly. And the tale may be true, if not of him, of someone else. Dion attacked the younger Dionysius because he despised him, and saw that he was equally despised by his own subjects, and that he was always drunk. Even the friends of a tyrant will sometimes attack him out of contempt, for the confidence which he reposes in them breeds contempt, and they think that they will not be found out. The expectation of success is likewise a sort of contempt. The assailants are ready to strike, and think nothing of the danger, because they seem to have the power in their hands. Thus, generals of armies attack monarchs, as, for example, Cyrus attacked the sastrategies, despising the effeminency of his life, and believing that his power was worn out. Thus again, Seuthis, the Thracian, conspired against Amaticus, whose general he was. And sometimes men are actuated by more than one motive, like Mithridates, who conspired against Ariobarzenes, partly out of contempt, and partly from the love of gain. Bold natures, placed by their sovereigns on a high military position, are most likely to make the attempt in the expectation of success. For courage is emboldened by power, and the union of the two inspires them with the hope of an easy victory. Attempts of which the motive is ambition arise in a different way, as well as in those already mentioned. There are men who will not risk their lives in the hope of gains and honors, however great, but who nevertheless regard the killing of a tyrant simply as an extraordinary action, which will make them famous and honorable in the world. They wish to acquire not a kingdom, but a name. It is rare, however, to find such men. He who would kill a tyrant must be prepared to lose his life if he fail. He must have the resolution of Dion, who, when he made war upon Dionysius, took with him very few troops, saying that whatever measure of success he might attain would be enough for him, even if he were to die the moment he landed. Such a death would be welcome to him. This is a temper to which few can attain. Once more, tyrannies, like all other governments, are destroyed from without by some opposite and more powerful form of government. That such a government will have the will to attack them is clear, for the two are opposed in principle, and all men, if they can, do what they will. Democracy is antagonistic to tyranny, on the principle of Hesiod, Hatter hates Potter, because they are nearly a kin, for the extreme form of democracy is tyranny, and royalty and aristocracy are both alike opposed to tyranny, because they are constitutions of a different type. And therefore the Lassidemonians put down most of the tyrannies, and so did the Syracusans during the time when they were well governed. Again, tyrannies are destroyed from within when the reigning family are divided among themselves, as that of Gilo was, and more recently that of Dionysius. In the case of Gilo, because Thrasybulus, the brother of Hiro, flattered the son of Gilo, and led him into excesses in order that he might rule in his name, whereupon the family got together a party to get rid of Thrasybulus and save the tyranny. But those of the people who conspired with them seized the opportunity and drove them all out. In the case of Dionysius, Dion, his own relative, attacked and expelled him with the assistance of the people. He afterwards perished himself. There are two chief motives which induce men to attack tyrannies, hatred and contempt. Hatred of tyrants is inevitable, and contempt is also a frequent cause of their destruction. Thus we see that most of those who have acquired have retained their power, but those who have inherited have lost it almost at once. For, living in luxurious ease, they become contemptible, and offer many opportunities to their assailants. Anger, too, must be included under hatred, and produces the same effects. It is, often times, even more ready to strike. The angry are more impetuous in making an attack, for they do not follow rational principle. And men are very apt to give way to their passions when they are insulted. To this cause is to be attributed the fall of the posistratity, and of many others. Hatred is more reasonable, for anger is accompanied by pain, which is an impediment to reason, whereas hatred is painless. In a word, all the causes which I have mentioned as destroying the last and most unmixed form of all darky, and the extreme form of democracy, may be assumed to affect tyranny. Indeed, the extreme forms of both are only tyrannies distributed among several persons. Kingly rule is little affected by external causes, and is therefore lasting. It is generally destroyed from within. There are two ways in which destruction may come about. One, when the members of the royal family quarrel among themselves, and two, when the kings attempt to administer the state too much after the fashion of a tyranny, and to extend their authority contrary to the law. Royalties do not now come into existence where such forms of government arise, they are rather monarchies or tyrannies. For the rule of a king is over voluntary subjects, and he is supreme in all important matters. But in our own day, men are more upon an equality, and no one is so immeasurably superior to others as to represent adequately the greatness and dignity of the office. Hence mankind will not, if they can help, endure it, and anyone who obtains power by force or fraud is at once thought to be a tyrant. In hereditary monarchies, a further cause of destruction is the fact that kings often fall into contempt, and although possessing not tyrannical powers, but only royal dignity, are apt to outrage others. Their overthrow is then readily affected, for there is an end to the king when his subjects do not want to have him, but the tyrant lasts whether they like him or not. The destruction of monarchies is to be attributed to these and the like causes. And of Book 5, Section 10. Book 5, Sections 11-12 of Politics by Aristotle. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Leon Meyer. Politics by Aristotle. Translated by Benjamin Jowett. Book 5, Sections 11-12. 11. And they are preserved to speak generally by the opposite causes. Or if we consider them separately, one, royalty is preserved by the limitation of its powers. The more restricted the functions of kings, the longer their power will last unimpaired. For then they are more moderate and not so despotic in their ways, and they are less envied by their subjects. This is the reason why the kingly office has lasted so long among the Miloshians. And for a similar reason, it is continued among the Lacedaemonians, because there it was always divided between two, and afterwards further limited by the O'Papas, in various respects, more particularly by the establishment of the efferalty. He diminished the power of the kings, but established on a more lasting basis the kingly office, which was thus made in a certain sense not less, but greater. There is a story that, when his wife once asked him whether he was not ashamed to leave to his sons a royal power which was less than he had inherited from his father, no indeed he replied, for the power which I leave to them will be more lasting. As to two tyrannies, they are preserved in two most opposite ways. One of them is the old traditional method in which most tyrants administer their government. Of such arts, periander of Corinth is said to have been the great master, and many similar devices may be gathered from the Persians and the administration of their government. There are firstly the prescriptions mentioned some distance back for the preservation of a tyranny in so far as this is possible, vis that the tyrant should lob off those who are too high. He must put to death men of spirit. He must not allow common meals, clubs, education, and the like. He must be upon his guard against anything which is likely to inspire either courage or confidence among subjects. He must prohibit literary assemblies or other meetings for discussion, and he must take every means to prevent people from knowing one another. For acquaintance begets mutual confidence. Further, he must compel all persons staying in the city to appear in public and live at his gates. Then he will know what they are doing. If they are always kept under, they will learn to be humble. In short, he should practice these and the like Persian and barbaric arts, which all have the same object. A tyrant should also endeavor to know what each of the subjects says or does and should employ spies like the female detectives at Syracuse and the eavesdroppers whom Hyero was in the habit of sending to any place of resort or meeting. For the fear of informers prevents people from speaking their minds, and if they do they're more easily found out. Another art of the tyrant is to sew quarrels among the citizens. Friends should be embroiled with friends, the people with notables, and the rich with one another. Also, he should impoverish his subjects. He thus provides against the maintenance of a guard by the citizen, and the people having to keep hard at work are prevented from conspiring. The pyramids of Egypt afford an example of this policy. Also the offerings of the family of Sipsilis, and the building of the Temple of Olympian Zeus by the Puzestratidae, and the Great Polycrotene Monuments at Samus. All these works were like intended to occupy the people and keep them poor. Another practice of tyrants is to multiply taxes after the manner of Dionysius at Syracuse, who contrived that within five years his subjects should bring into treasury their whole property. The tyrant is also fond of making war in order that his subjects may have something to do and be always in want of a leader. And whereas the power of a king is preserved by his friends, the characteristic of a tyrant is to distrust his friends, because he knows that all men want to ever throw him, and they above all have the power. Again, the evil practices of the last and worst form of democracy are all found in tyrannies. Such are the power given to women and their families in the hope that they will inform against their husbands, and the license which is allowed to slaves in order that they may betray their masters. For slaves and women do not conspire against tyrants, and they are of course friendly to tyrannies and also to democracies, since under them they have a good time. For the people too would fame be a monarch, and therefore by them as well as by the tyrant the flatterer is held in honor. In democracies he is the demagogue, and the tyrant also has those who associate with him in a humble spirit, which is a work of flattery. Hence tyrants are always fond of bad men, because they love to be flattered, but no man who has a spirit of a free man in him will lower himself by flattery. Good men love others, or at any rate do not flatter them. Moreover, the bad are useful for bad purposes. Nail knocks out nail as the proverb says. It is characteristic of a tyrant to dislike everyone who has dignity or independence. He wants to be alone in his glory, but anyone who claims a like dignity or asserts his independence encroaches upon his prerogative, and is hated by him as an enemy to his power. Another mark of a tyrant is that he likes foreigners better than citizens, and lives with them and invites them to his table, for the one are enemies, but the others enter into no rivalry with him. Such are the notes of the tyrant and the arts by which he preserves his power. There is no wickedness too great for him. All that we have said may be summed up under three heads, which answer to the three aims of the tyrant. These are, one, the humiliation of his subjects. He knows that a mean spirited man will not conspire against anybody. Two, the creation of mistrust among them, for a tyrant is not overthrown until men begin to have confidence in one another. And this is the reason why tyrants are at war with the good. They are under the idea that their power is endangered by them, not only because they would not be ruled despotically, but also because they are loyal to one another, and to other men, and do not inform against one another or against other men. Three, the tyrant desires that his subjects shall be incapable of action. Four, no one attempts what is impossible, and they will not attempt to overthrow tyranny if they are powerless. Under these three heads, the whole policy of a tyrant may be summed up, and to one or other of them all his ideas may be referred. One, he sows distrust among his subjects. Two, he takes away their power. Three, he humbles them. This then is one of the two methods by which tyrannies are preserved, and there is another which proceeds upon an almost opposite principle of action. The nature of this latter method may be gathered from a comparison of the causes which destroyed kingdoms. Four, as one mode of destroying kingly power is to make the office of king more tyrannical, so the salvation of a tyranny is to make it more like the rule of a king. But of one thing the tyrant must be careful. He must keep power enough to rule over his subjects, whether they like him or not. For if he once gives this up, he gives up his tyranny. But though power must be retained as the foundation, in all else the tyrant should act or appear to act in the character of a king. In the first place, he should pretend to care the public revenues, and not waste money in making presence of a sort at which the common people get excited when they see their hard-won earnings snatched from them, and lavished on courtesans, and strangers, and artists. He should give an account of what he receives and of what he spends, a practice which has been adopted by some tyrants, for then he will seem to be a steward of the public rather than a tyrant. Nor need he fear that, while he is lord of the city, he will ever be in want of money. Such a policy is, at all events, much more advantageous for the tyrant when he goes from home than to leave behind him a horde, for then the garrison who remain in the city will be less likely to attack his power, and a tyrant when he is absent from home has more reason to fear the guardians of his treasure than the citizens, for the one accompany him, but the others remain behind. In the second place, he should be seen to collect taxes and to require public services only for state purposes, and that he may form a fund in case of war, and generally he ought to make himself the guardian and treasurer of them, as if they belong not to him, but to the public. He should appear not harsh but dignified, and when men meet him, they should look upon him with reverence and not with fear. Yet it is hard for him to be respected if he inspires no respect, and therefore whatever virtues he may neglect, at least he should maintain the character of a great soldier, and produce the impression that he is one. Neither he nor any of his associates should ever be guilty of the least defense against modesty towards the young of either sex who are his subjects, and the women of his family should observe alike self-control towards other women. The insolence of women has ruined many tyrannies. In the indulgence of pleasures, he should be the opposite of our modern tyrants, who not only begin at dawn and pass whole days in sensuality, but want other men to see them, that they may admire their happy and blessed lot. In these things, a tyrant should, if possible, be moderate, or at any rate, should not parade his vices to the world. For a drunken and drowsy tyrant is soon despised in attack, not so he who is temperate and wide awake. His conduct should be the very reverse of nearly everything which has been said before about tyrants. He ought to adorn and improve his city, as though he were not a tyrant but the guardian of the state. Also, he should appear to be particularly earnest in the service of the gods. For if men think that a ruler is religious, and has a reverence for the gods, they are less afraid of suffering injustice at his hands, and they are less disposed to conspire against him, because they believe him to have the very gods fighting on his side. At the same time, his religion must not be thought foolish, and he should honor men of merit, and make them think that they would not be held in more honor by the citizens if they had a free government. The honor he should distribute himself, but the punishment should be inflicted by officers and courts of law. It is a precaution which is taken by all monarchs not to make one person great, but if one, then two or more should be raised, that they may look sharply after one another. If after all someone has to be made great, he should not be a man of bold spirit, for such dispositions are ever most inclined to strike. And if anyone is to be deprived of his power, let it be diminished gradually, not taken from him all at once. The tyrant should abstain from all outrage, in particular from personal violence and from wanton conduct towards the young. He should be especially careful of his behavior to men who are lovers of honor, for as the lovers of money are offended when their property is touched, so are the lovers of honor and the virtuous when their honor is affected. Therefore, a tyrant ought either not to commit such acts at all, or he should be thought only to employ fatherly correction, and not to trample upon others. And his acquaintance with youth should be supposed to arise from affection, and not from the insolence of power, and in general he should compensate the appearance of dishonor by the increase of honor. Of those who attempt assassination, they are the most dangerous, and require to be most carefully watched, who do not care to survive if they affect their purpose. Therefore, special precaution should be taken about any who think that either they or those for whom they care have been insulted, for when men are led away by passion to assault others, they are regardless of themselves. As Heraclitus says, it is difficult to fight against anger, for a man will buy revenge with his soul. And whereas states consist of two classes, a poor man and a rich, the tyrant should lead both to imagine that they are preserved and prevented from harming one another by his rule, and whichever of the two is stronger, he should attach to his government. For, having this advantage, he has no need either to emancipate slaves or to disarm the citizens. Either party added to the force which he already has will make him stronger than his assailants. But enough of these details. What should be the general policy of the tyrant is obvious. He ought to show himself to his subjects in the light, not of a tyrant, but of a steward and a king. He should not appropriate what is theirs, but should be their guardian. He should be moderate, not extravagant in his way of life. He should win the notables by companionship, and the multitude by flattery. For then his rule will of necessity be nobler and happier, because he will rule over better men whose spirits are not crushed, over men to whom he himself is not an object of hatred, and of whom he is not afraid. His power too will be more lasting. His disposition will be virtuous, or at least half-virtuous, and he will not be wicked, but half-wicked only. 12. Yet no forms of government are so short-lived as oligarchy and tyranny. The tyranny which lasted the longest was that of Orthagoras and his sons at Sisyon. This continued for a hundred years. The reason was that they treated their subjects with moderation, and to a great extent observed the laws, and in various ways gained the favor of the people by the care which they took of them. Hysthenes, in particular, was respected for his military ability. If the report may be believed, he crowned the judge who decided against him in the games, and as some say, the sitting statue in the Agorah of Sisyon is the likeness of this person. A similar story is told of Pisistratus, who has said on one occasion to have allowed himself to be summoned and tried before the Areopagus. Next, in duration, to the tyranny of Orthagoras, was that of the Sepsility at Corinth, which lasted 73 years and 6 months. Sepsilis reigned 30 years, Periander 40 and a half, and Semiticus, the son of Gorgas III. Their continuance was due to similar causes. Sepsilis was a popular man, who during the whole time of his rule, never had a bodyguard, and Periander, although he was a tyrant, was a great soldier. Third in duration was the rule of the Pisistrati and Athens, but it was interrupted, for Pisistratus was twice driven out, so that during 3 and 30 years he reigned only 17, and his sons reigned 18 altogether 35 years. Of other tyrannies, that of Hyero and Gilo at Syracuse was the most lasting. Even this, however, was short, not more than 18 years and all, for Gilo continued tyrant for 7 years, and died in the 8th, Hyero reigned for 10 years, and Thrasibulus was driven out in the 11th month. In fact, tyrannies generally have been a quite short duration. I have now gone through almost all the causes by which constitutional governments and monarchies are either destroyed or preserved. In the Republic of Plato, Socrates treats of revolutions, but not well, for he mentions no cause of change which peculiarly affects the first or perfect state. He only says that the cause is that nothing is abiding, but all things change in a certain cycle, and that the origin of the change consists in those numbers of which 4 and 3, married with 5, furnished two harmonies. He means when the number of this figure becomes solid. He can see as that nature, at certain times, produces bad men who will not submit to education, in which latter particular he may very likely be not far wrong, for there may well be some men who cannot be educated to make virtuous. But why is such a cause of change peculiar to his ideal state and not rather common to all states made to everything which comes into being at all? And is it by the agency of time which as he declares makes all things change, that things which did not begin together change together? For example, if something has come into being the day before the completion of the cycle, will it change with things that came into being before? Further, why should the perfect state change into the Spartan? For governments more often take an opposite form than one akin to them. The same remark is applicable to the other changes. He says that the Spartan constitution changes into an oligarchy and this into a democracy and this again into a tyranny. And yet the contrary happens quite as often. For a democracy is even more likely to change into an oligarchy than into a monarchy. Further, he never says whether tyranny is or is not liable to revolutions and if it is what is the cause of them or into what form it changes. And the reason is that he could not very well have told for there is no rule. According to him it should revert to the first and best and then there would be a complete cycle. But in point of fact a tyranny often changes into a tyranny as that excision changed from the tyranny of Myron into that of Klycenes into oligarchy as the tyranny of Antilion did to Calces into democracy and that of Gilo's family did at Syracuse into aristocracy as at Carthage and the tyranny of Carleus and Lassadiman. Often an oligarchy changes into a tyranny like most of the ancient oligarchies in Sicily. For example the oligarchy and the Antini change into the tyranny of Penetius that at Gila into the tyranny of Cleander that at Regium into the tyranny of Anaxelaus. The same thing has happened in many other states. And it is absurd to suppose that the state changes into an oligarchy merely because the ruling class are lovers and makers of money and not because the very rich think it unfair that the very poor should have an equal share in the government with themselves. Moreover in many oligarchies there are laws against making money and trade. But at Carthage which is a democracy there is no such prohibition and yet to this day the Carthaginians have never had a revolution. It is absurd too for him to say that an oligarchy is two cities one of the rich and the other of the poor. Is not this just as much the case in the Spartan Constitution or in any other in which either all do not possess equal property or all are not equally good men? Nobody need be poorer than he was before and yet the oligarchy may change all the same into a democracy if the poor form the majority and a democracy may change into an oligarchy if the wealthy class are stronger than the people and the one are energetic the other indifferent. Once more although the causes of the change are very numerous he mentions only one which is that the citizens become poor through dissipation and debt as though he thought that all or the majority of them were originally rich. This is not true though it is true that when any of the leaders lose their property they are right for revolution. But when anybody else it is no great matter and an oligarchy does not even then more often pass into a democracy than into any other form of government. Again if men are deprived of the honors of state and are wronged and insulted they make revolutions and change forms of government even although they have not wasted their substance because they might do what they liked of which extravagance he declares excessive freedom to be the cause. Finally although there are many forms of oligarchies and democracies Sakriti speaks of their revolutions as though there were only one form of either of them. End of Book 5 Sections 11 through 12 Book 6 Sections 1 through 4 of Politics by Aristotle This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org Recording by Leon Meyer Politics by Aristotle Translated by Benjamin Jowett Book 6 Section 1 We have now considered the varieties of the deliberative or supreme power in states and the various arrangements of law courts in state offices and which of them are adapted to different forms of government. We have also spoken of the destruction and preservation of constitutions how and from what causes they arise. Of democracy and all other forms of government there are many kinds and it will be well to assign to them separately the modes of organization which are proper and advantageous to each adding what remains to be said about them. Moreover we ought to consider the various combinations of these modes themselves for such combinations make constitutions overlap one another so that aristocracies have an oligarchical character and constitutional governments inclined to democracies. When I speak of the combinations which remain to be considered and thus far have not been considered by us I mean such as these when the deliberative part of the government and the election of officers is constituted oligarchically and the law courts aristocratically or when the courts and the deliberative part of the state are oligarchical and the election to office aristocratical or when in any other way there is a want of harmony in the composition of a state. I have shown already what forms of democracy are suited to particular cities and what of oligarchy to particular peoples and to whom each of the other forms of government is suited. Further we must not only show which of these governments is the best for each state but also briefly proceed to consider how these and other forms of government are to be established. First of all let us speak of democracy which will also bring to light the opposite form of government commonly called oligarchy. For the purposes of this inquiry we need to ascertain all the elements and characteristics of democracy since from the combinations of these the varieties of democratic government arise. There are several of these differing from each other and the difference is due to two causes. One has already been mentioned differences of population for the popular element may consist of husband men or of mechanics or of laborers and if the first of these be added to the second or the third to the two others not only does the democracy become better or worse but its very nature has changed. A second cause remains to be mentioned. The various properties and characteristics of democracy when variously combined make a difference. For one democracy will have less and another will have more and another will have all of these characteristics. There is an advantage in knowing them all whether a man wishes to establish some new form of democracy or only to remodel an existing one. Founders of state try to bring together all the elements which accord with the ideas of the several constitutions but this is a mistake of theirs as I've already remarked when speaking of the destruction and preservation of states. We will now set forward the principles characteristics and aims of such states. Section 2 The basis of a democratic state is liberty which according to the common opinion of men can only be enjoyed in such a state. This they affirm to be the great end of every democracy. One principle of liberty is for all to rule and be ruled in turn and indeed democratic justice is the application of numerical not proportionate to quality. Whence it follows that the majority must be supreme and that whatever the majority approve must be the end and the just. Every citizen it is said must have equality and therefore in a democracy the poor have more power than the rich because there are more of them and the will of the majority is supreme. This then is one note of liberty which all democrats affirm to be the principle of their state. Another is that a man should live as he likes. This they say is the privilege of a free man since on the other hand not to live as a man likes is the mark of a slave. This is the second characteristic of democracy. Whence has arisen the claim of men to be ruled by none if possible or if this is impossible to rule and be ruled in turns and so it contributes to the freedom based upon equality. Such being our foundation and such the principle from which we start the characteristics of democracy are as follows the election of officers by all out of all and that all should rule over each and each in his turn over all that the appointment to all officers or to all but those which require experience and skill should be made by lot that no property qualification should be required for offices or only a very low one that a man should not hold the same office twice or not often or in the case of a few except military offices that the tenure of all offices or of as many as possible should be brief that all men should sit in judgment or that judges selected out of all should judge in all matters or in most and in the greatest and most important such as the scrutiny of accounts the constitution and private contracts that the assembly should be supreme over all causes or at any rate over the most important and a magistrates over none or only over a very few of all magistracies a council is the most democratic when there is not the means of paying all the citizens but when they are paid even this is robbed of its power for the people then draw all cases to themselves as I said in the previous discussion the next characteristic of democracy is payment for services assembly law courts magistrates everybody receives pay when it is to be had or when it is not to be had for all then it is given to the law courts and to the stated assemblies to the council and to the magistrates or at least to any of them who are compelled to have their meals together and whereas oligarchy is characterized by birth wealth and education the notes of democracy appear to be the opposite of these low birth poverty mean employment another note is that no magistracy is perpetual but if any such have survived some ancient change in the constitution it should be stripped of its power and the holder should be elected by lot and no longer by vote these are the points common to all democracies but democracy and demos in their truest form are based upon the recognized principle of democratic justice that all should count equally for equality implies that the poor should have no more share in the government than the rich and should not be the only rulers but that all should rule equally according to their numbers and in this way men think that they will secure equality and freedom in their state section three next comes the question how is this equality to be obtained? are we to assign to a thousand poor men the property qualifications of five hundred rich men? and shall we give the thousand a power equal to that of the five hundred? or if this is not to be the mode ought we still retaining the same ratio to take equal numbers from each and give them the control of the elections and of the courts? which, according to the democratic notion is the juster form of the constitution this or one based on numbers only democrats say that justice is that to which the majority agree oligarchs that to which the wealthier class in their opinion the decision should be given according to the amount of property in both principles there is some inequality and injustice for if justice is the will of the few any one person who has more wealth than all the rest of the rich put together ought upon the oligarchical principle to have the sole power but this would be tyranny or if justice is the will of the majority as I was before saying they will unjustly confiscate the property of the wealthy minority to find a principle of equality which they both agree we must inquire into their respective ideas of justice now they agree in saying that whatever is decided by the majority of the citizens is to be deemed law granted but not without some reserve since there are two classes out of which a state is composed the poor and the rich that is to be deemed law on which both or the greater part of both agree and if they disagree that which is approved by the greater number and by those that have the higher qualification for example suppose that they are ten rich and twenty poor and some measure is approved by six of the rich and is disapproved by fifteen of the poor and the remaining four of the rich join with the party of the poor and the remaining five of the poor with that of the rich in such a case the will of those whose qualifications when both sides are added up are the greatest should prevail if they turn out to be equal there is no greater difficulty than at present when if the assembly or the courts are divided recourses had to the lot or to some similar expedient but although it may be difficult in theory to know what is just and equal the practical difficulty of inducing those to forbear who can if they like encroach is far greater for the weaker are always asking for equality and justice but the stronger care for none of these things section four of the four kinds of democracy as was said in the previous discussion the best is that which comes first in order it is also the oldest of them all i'm speaking of them according to the natural classification of their inhabitants for the best material of democracy is an agricultural population there is no difficulty in forming a democracy where the mass of the people live by agriculture or tending of cattle being poor they have no leisure and therefore do not often attend the assembly and not having the necessaries of life they are always at work and do not cover the property of others indeed they find their employment pleasanter than the cares of government or office where no great gains can be made out of them for the many are more desires of gain than of honor a proof is that even the ancient tyrannies were patiently endured by them as they still endure oligarchies if they are allowed to work and are not deprived of their property for some of them grow quickly rich and the others are well enough off moreover they have the power of electing the magistrates and calling them to account their ambition if they have any is thus satisfied and in some democracies although they do not all share in the appointment of offices except the representatives elected in turn out of the whole people as at Mantinea yet if they have the power of deliberating the many are contented even this form of government may be regarded as a democracy and was such at Mantinea hence it is both expedient and customary in the aforementioned type of democracy that all should elect to offices and conduct scrutinies and sit in the law courts but that the great offices should be filled up by election and from persons having a qualification the greater requiring a greater qualification or if there be no offices for which qualification is required then those who are marked out by special ability should be appointed under such a form of government the citizens are sure to be governed well for the offices will always be held by the best persons the people are willing enough to elect them and are not jealous of the good the good and the notables will then be satisfied for they will not be governed by men who are their inferiors and the persons elected will rule justly because others will call them to account every man should be responsible to others nor should anyone be allowed to do justice he pleases for where absolute freedom is allowed there is nothing to restrain the evil which is inherent in every man but the principle of responsibility secures that which is the greatest good in states the right persons rule and are prevented from doing wrong and the people have their due it is evident that this is the best kind of democracy and why because the people are drawn from a certain class some of the ancient laws of most states were all of them useful with a view to making the people husband men they provided either that no one should possess more than a certain quantity of land or that if he did the land should not be within a certain distance from the town or the acropolis formally in many states there was a law forbidding anyone to sell his original allotment of land there is a similar law attributed to oxylus which is to the effect that there should be a certain portion of every man's land on which he could not borrow money a useful corrective to the evil of which I am speaking would be the law of the aphydians who although they are numerous and do not possess much land are all of them husband men for their properties are reckoned in the census not entire but only in such small portions that even the poor may have more than the amount required next best to an agricultural and in many respects similar are a pastoral people who live by their flocks they are the best trained of any for war robust in body and able to camp out the people of whom other democracies consist are far inferior to them for their life is inferior there is no room for moral excellence in any of their employments whether they be mechanics or traders or laborers besides people of this class can readily come to the assembly because they are continually moving about in the city and in the agorah whereas husband men are scattered over the country and do not meet or equally feel the want of assembling together where the territory also happens to extend to a distance from the city there is no difficulty in making an excellent democracy or constitutional government for the people are compelled to settle in the country and even if there is a town population the assembly ought not to meet in democracies when the country people cannot come we have thus explained how the first and best form of democracy should be constituted it is clear that the other or inferior sorts will deviate in a regular order and the population which is excluded will at each stage be of a lower kind the last form of democracy that in which all share alike is one which cannot be born by all states and will not last long unless well regulated by laws and customs the more general causes which tend to destroy this or other kinds of government have been pretty fully considered in order to constitute such a democracy and strengthen the people the leaders have been in the habit including as many as they can and making citizens not only of those who are legitimate but even of the illegitimate and of those who have only one parent a citizen whether father or mother for nothing of this sort comes amiss to such a democracy this is the way in which demagogues proceed whereas the right thing would be to make no more additions when the number of the commonality exceeds that of the notables and of the middle class beyond this not to go when in excess of this point the constitution becomes disorderly and the notables grow excited and impatient of the democracy as in the insurrection at sirene for no notice is taken of a little evil but when it increases it strikes the eye measures like those which Kleisthenes passed when he wanted to increase the power of the democracy at Athens or such as were taken by the founders of popular government at sirene are useful in the extreme form of democracy fresh tribes and brotherhood should be established the private rights of families should be restricted and converted into public ones in short every contrivance should be adopted which will mingle the citizens with one another and get rid of old connections again the measures which are taken by tyrants appear all of them to be democratic such for instance as the license permitted to slaves which may be to a certain extent advantageous and also that of women and children and the flowing everybody to live as he likes such a government will have many supporters for most persons would rather live in a disorderly then in a sober manner and of book six sections one through four book six sections five through eight of politics by Aristotle this is a libervox recording all libervox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit libervox.org recording by Leon Meyer politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book six section five the mere establishment of a democracy is not the only or principal business of the legislator or of those who wish to create such a state for any state however badly constituted may last one two or three days a far greater difficulty is the preservation of it the legislator should therefore endeavor to have a firm foundation according to the principles already laid down concerning the preservation and destruction of states he should guard against the destructive elements and should make laws whether written or unwritten which will contain all the preservatives of states he must not think the truly democratical or oligarchical measure to be that which will give the greatest amount of democracy or oligarchy but that which will make them last longest the demagogues of our own day often get property confiscated in the law courts in order to please the people but those who have the welfare of the state at heart should counteract them and make a law that the property of the condemned should not be public and go into the treasury but be sacred thus offenders will be as much afraid for they will be punished all the same and the people having nothing to gain will not be so ready to condemn the accused care should also be taken that state trials are as few as possible and heavy penalties should be inflicted on those who bring groundless accusations for it is the practice to indict not members of the popular party but the notables although the citizens ought to be all attached to the constitution as well or at any rate should not regard their rulers as enemies now since in the last and worst form of democracy the citizens are very numerous and can hardly be made to assemble unless they are paid and to pay them where there are no revenues presses hardly upon the notables for the money must be obtained by property tax and confiscations and corrupt practices of the courts things which have before now overthrown many democracies where I say there are no revenues the government should hold few assemblies and the law court should consist of many persons but said for a few days only this system has two advantages first the rich do not fear the expense even although they are unpaid themselves when the poor are paid and secondly causes are better tried for wealthy persons although they do not like to be long absent from their own affairs do not mind going for a few days to the law courts where there are revenues the demagogue should not be allowed after their manner to distribute the surplus the poor are always receiving and always wanting more and more for such help is like water poured into a leaky cask yet the true friend of the people should see that they be not too poor for extreme poverty lowers the character of the democracy measures therefore should be taken which will give them lasting prosperity and as this is equally the interest of all classes the proceeds of the public revenues should be accumulated and distributed among its poor if possible in such quantities as may enable them to purchase a little farm or at any rate make a beginning in trade or husbandry and if this benevolence cannot be extended to all money should be distributed in turn according to tribes or other divisions and in the meantime the rich should pay the fee for the attendance of the poor at the necessary assemblies and should in return be excused from useless public services by administering the state in this spirit the carthaginians retain the affections of the people their policy is from time to time to send some of them into their dependent towns where they grow rich it is also worthy of a generous and sensible nobility to divide the poor amongst them and give them the means of going to work the example of the people of Tarentum is also well deserving of imitation for by sharing the use of their own property with the poor they gain their goodwill moreover they divide all their offices into two classes some of them being elected by vote the others by lot the latter that the people may participate in them and the former that the state may be better administered a like result may be gained by dividing the same offices so as to have two classes of magistrates one chosen by vote the other by lot enough has been said of the manner in which democracies ought to be constituted section six from these considerations there will be no difficulty in seeing what should be the constitution of oligarchies we have only to reason from opposites and compare each form of oligarchy with the corresponding form of democracy the first and best tempered of oligarchies is akin to a constitutional government in this there ought to be two standards of qualification the one high the other low the lower qualifying for the humbler yet indispensable offices and the higher for the superior ones he who acquires the prescribed qualification should have the rights of citizenship the number of those admitted should be such as will make the entire governing body stronger than those who are excluded and the new citizen should always be taken out of the better class of the people the principal narrowed a little gives another form of oligarchy until at length we reach the most clickish and tyrannical of them all answering to the extreme democracy which being the worst requires vigilance in proportion to its badness for as healthy bodies and ships well provided with sailors may undergo many mishaps and survive them whereas sickly constitutions and rotten ill man ships are ruined by the very least mistake so do the worst forms of government require the greatest care the populist nests of democracies generally preserves them for the state need not be much increased since there is no necessity that number is to democracy in the place of justice based on proportion whereas the preservation of an oligarchy clearly depends on an opposite principle viz good order section seven as there are four chief divisions of the common people husband men mechanics retail traders laborers so also there are four kinds of military forces the cavalry the heavy infantry the light armed troops the navy when the country is adapted for cavalry then a strong oligarchy is likely to be established for the security of the inhabitants depends upon a force of this sort and only rich men can afford to keep horses the second form of oligarchy prevails when the country is adapted to heavy infantry for this service is better suited to the rich than to the poor but the light armed and the naval element are wholly democratic and nowadays where they are numerous if the two parties quarrel the oligarchy are often worsted by them in the struggle a remedy for the state of things may be found in the practice of generals who combine a proper contingent of light armed troops with cavalry and heavy armed and this is the way in which the poor get the better of the rich in civil contests being lightly armed they fight with advantage against cavalry and heavy infantry an oligarchy which raises such a force out of the lower classes raises a power against itself and therefore since the ages of the citizens fairy and some are older and some younger the fathers should have their own sons while they are still young taught the agile movements of light armed troops and these when they have been taken out of the ranks of the youth should become light armed warriors in reality the oligarchy should also yield a share in the government to the people either as I said before to those who have a property qualification or as in the case of thieves to those who have abstained for a certain number of years from mean employments or as at misalia to men of merit who are selected for their worthiness whether previously citizens or not the magistracies of the highest rank which ought to be in the hands of the governing body should have expensive duties attached to them and then the people will not desire them and will take no offense at the privileges of the rulers when they see that they pay a heavy fine for their dignity it is fitting also that the magistrates on entering office should offer magnificent sacrifices or erect some public edifice and then the people who participate in the entertainments and see the city decorated with vote of offerings and buildings will not desire an alteration in the government and the notables will have memorials of their munificence this however is anything but the fashion of our modern oligarchs who are as covetous of gain as they are of honor oligarchies like theirs may well be described as petty democracies enough of the manner in which democracies and oligarchies should be organized section eight next in order follows the right distribution of offices their number their nature their duties of which indeed we have already spoken no state can exist not having the necessary offices and no state can be well administered not having the offices which tend to preserve harmony and good order in small states as we have already remarked there must not be many of them but in larger there must be a larger number and we should carefully consider which offices may properly be united and which separated first among necessary offices is that which has the care of the market a magistrate should be appointed to inspect contracts and to maintain order for in every state there must inevitably be buyers and sellers who will supply one another's wants this is the readiest way to make a state self-sufficing and so fulfill the purpose for which men come together into one state a second office of a similar kind undertakes the supervision and embellishment of public and private buildings the maintaining and repairing of houses and roads the prevention of disputes about boundaries and other concerns of alike nature this is commonly called the office of city warden and has various departments which in more populous towns are shared among different persons one for example taking charge of the walls another of the fountains a third of harbors there is another equally necessary office and of a similar kind having to do with the same matters without the walls and in the country the magistrates who hold this office are called wardens of the country or inspectors of the woods besides these three there is a fourth office of receivers of taxes who have under their charge the revenue which is distributed among the various departments these are called receivers or treasurers another officer registers all private contracts and decisions of the courts all public indictments and also all preliminary proceedings this office again is sometimes subdivided in which case one officer is appointed over all the rest these officers are called recorders or sacred recorders presidents and the like next to these comes an office of which the duties are the most necessary and also the most difficult vis that to which is committed the execution of punishments or the exaction of fines from those who are posted up according to the registers and also the custody of prisoners the difficulty of this office arises out of the odium which is attached to it no one will undertake it unless great profits are made and anyone who does is loath to execute the law still the office is necessary for judicial decisions are useless if they take no effect and if society cannot exist without them neither can it exist without the execution of them it is an office which being so unpopular should not be entrusted to one person but divided among several taken from different courts in like manner an effort should be made to distribute among different persons the writing up of those who are on register of public debtors some sentences should be executed by the magistrates also and in particular penalties due to the outgoing magistrates should be exacted by the incoming ones and as regards those due to magistrates already in office when one court has given judgment another should exact the penalty for example the wardens of the city should exact the fines imposed by the wardens of the agrar and others again should exact the fines imposed by them for penalties are more likely to be exacted when less odium attaches to the exaction of them but a double odium is incurred when the judges who have passed also execute the sentence and if they are always the executioners they will be the enemies of all in many places while one magistracy executes the sentence another has the custody of the prisoners as for example the 11 at Athens it is well to separate off the jailership also and try by some device to render the office less unpopular for it is quite as necessary as that of the executioners but good men do all they can to avoid it and worthless persons cannot safely be trusted with it for they themselves require a guard and are not fit to guard others they're ought not therefore to be a single or permanent officer set apart for this duty but it should be entrusted to the young wherever they are organized into a band or guard and different magistrates acting in turn should take charge of it these are the indispensable officers and should be ranked first next in order follow others equally necessary but of higher rank in requiring great experience and fidelity such are the officers to which are committed the guard of the city and other military functions not only in time of war but of peace their duty will be to defend the walls and gates and to muster and marshal the citizens in some states there are many such offices in others there are a few only while small states are content with one these officers are called generals or commanders again if a state has cavalry or light arm troops or archers or naval force it will sometimes happen that each of these departments has separate officers who are called admirals or generals of cavalry or of light arm troops and there are subordinate officers called naval captains and captains of light arm troops and a force having others under them all these are included in the department of war thus much of military command but since many not to say all of these offices handle the public money there must of necessity be another office which examines and audits them and has no other functions such officers are called by various names scrutineers, auditors, accountants, controllers besides all these offices there is another which is supreme over them and to this it is often entrusted both the introduction and the ratification of measures or at all events it presides in a democracy over the assembly for there must be a body which convenes the supreme authority in the state in some places they are called probuli because they hold previous deliberations but in a democracy more commonly counselors these are the chief political offices another set of officers is concerned with the maintenance of religion priests and guardians see to the preservation and repair of the temples of the gods and to other matters of religion one office of this sort may be enough in small places but in larger ones there are a great many besides the priesthood for example superintendents of public worship guardians of shrines treasurers of the sacred revenues nearly connected with these there are also the officers appointed for the performance of the public sacrifices except any which the law assigns to the priests such sacrifices derive their dignity from the public heart of the city they are sometimes called archons sometimes kings and sometimes print knees these then are the necessary offices which may be summed up as follows offices concerned with matters of religion with war with the revenue and expenditure with the market with the city with the harbors with the country also with the courts of law with the records of contracts with execution of sentences with custody of prisoners with audits and scrutiny and accounts of magistrates lastly there are those which preside over the public deliberations of the state there are likewise magistracies characteristic of states which are peaceful and prosperous and at the same time have a regard to good order such as the offices of guardians of women guardians of the law guardians of children and directors of gymnastics also superintendents of gymnastic and Dionysia contests and of other similar spectacles some of these are clearly not democratic offices for example the guardianships of women and children the poor not having any slaves must employ both their women and children as servants once more there are three offices according to whose directions the highest magistrates are chosen in certain states guardians of the law pro-buli counselors of these the guardians of the law are an aristocratical the pro-buli and oligarchical the counsel a democratical institution enough of the different kinds of offices and of book six sections five through eight book seven sections one through three of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe it book seven sections one through three book seven one he who would duly inquire about the best form of state ought first to determine which is the most eligible life while this remains uncertain the best form of the state must also be uncertain for in the natural order of things those may be expected to lead the best life who are governed in the best manner of which their circumstances admit we ought therefore to ascertain first of all which is the most generally eligible life and then whether the same life is or is not the best for the state and for individuals assuming that enough has already been said in discussions outside the school concerning the best life we will now only repeat what is contained in them certainly no one will dispute the propriety of that partition of goods which separates them into three classes viz external goods goods of the body and goods of the soul or deny that the happy man must have all three for no one would maintain that he is happy who has not in him a particle of courage or temperance or justice or prudence who is afraid of every insect which flutters past him and who will commit any crime however great in order to gratify his lust of meat or drink who will sacrifice to his dearest friend for the sake of half a farthing and is as feeble and false in mind as a child or madman these propositions are almost universally acknowledged as soon as they are uttered but men differ about the degree or relative superiority of this or that good something that a very moderate amount of virtue is enough but set no limit to their desires of wealth property power reputation and the like to whom we reply by an appeal to facts which easily prove that mankind do not acquire or preserve virtue by the help of external goods but external goods by the help of virtue and that happiness whether consisting in pleasure or virtue or both is more often happy with those who are most highly cultivated in their mind and in their character and have only a moderate share of external goods then among those who possess external goods to a useful extent but are deficient in higher qualities and this is not only a matter of experience but if reflected upon will easily appear to be in accordance with reason for whereas external goods have a limit like any other instrument and all things useful are of such a nature that where there is too much of them they must either do harm or at any rate to be of no use to their possessors every good of the soul the greater it is is also greater use if the epithet useful as well as noble is appropriate to such subjects no proof is required to show that the best state of one thing in relation to another corresponds in degree of excellence to the interval between the natures of which we say that these very states are states so that if the soul is more noble than our possessions or our bodies both absolutely and in relation to us it must be admitted that the best state of either has a similar ratio to the other again it is for the sake of the soul that goods external and goods of the body are eligible at all and all wise men ought to choose them for the sake of the soul and not the soul for the sake of them let us acknowledge then that each one has just so much of happiness as he has a virtue in wisdom and a virtuous and wise action god is a witness to us of this truth for he is happy and blessed not by reason of any external good but in himself and by reason of his own nature and herein of necessity lies the difference between good fortune and happiness for external goods come of themselves and chance is the author of them but no one is just or temperate by or through chance in like manner and by a similar train of argument the happy state may be shown to be that which is best and which acts rightly and rightly it cannot act without doing right actions and neither individual nor state can do right actions without virtue and wisdom thus the courage justice and wisdom of a state have the same form and nature as the qualities which give the individual who possesses them the name of just wise or temperate thus much may suffice by way of preface for I could not avoid touching upon these questions neither could I go through all the arguments affecting them these are the business of another science let us assume then that the best life both for individuals and states is the life of virtue when virtue has external goods enough for the performance of good actions if there are any who contribute our assertion we will in this treatise pass them over and consider their objections here after there remains to be discussed the question whether the happiness of the individual is the same as that of the state or different here again there can be no doubt no one denies that they are the same for those who hold that the well-being of the individual consists in his wealth also think that riches make the happiness of the whole state and those who value most highly the life of a tyrant deem that city the happiest which rules over the greatest number while they who approve an individual for his virtue say that the more virtuous the city is the happier it is two points here present themselves for consideration which is the more eligible life that of a citizen who is a member of a state or that of an alien who has no political ties and again to which is the best form of constitution or the best condition of a state either on the supposition that political privileges are desirable for all or for majority only since the good of the state and not of the individual is the proper subject of political thought and speculation and we are engaged in a political discussion while the first of these two points has a secondary interest for us the latter will be the main subject of our inquiry now it is evident that the form of government is best in which every man whoever he is can act best and live happily but even those who agree in thinking that the life of virtue is the most eligible raise a question whether the life of business and politics is or is not more eligible than one which is wholly independent of external goods i mean than a contemplative life which by some is maintained to be the only one worthy of a philosopher for these two lives the life of a philosopher and the life of the statesman appear to have been preferred by those who have been the most keen in the pursuit of virtue both in our own and in other ages which is the better is a question of no small moment for the wise man like the wise state will necessarily regulate his life according to the best end there are some who think that while a despotic rule over others is the greatest injustice to exercise a constitutional rule over them even though not unjust is a great impediment to a man's individual well-being others take an opposite view they maintain that the true life of man is the practical and political and that every virtue admits of being practiced quite as much by statesmen and rulers as by private individuals others again are of opinion that arbitrary and tyrannical rule alone consists with happiness indeed in some states the entire aim both of the laws and of the constitution is to give men despotic power over their neighbors and therefore although in most cities the law may be said generally to be in a chaotic state still if they aim at anything they aim at the maintenance of power thus and like a daemon and creed the system of education and the greater part of the laws are framed with a view to war and in all nations which are able to gratify their ambition military power is held in esteem for example among the sithians and persians and thracians and kelts in some nations there are even laws tending to stimulate the warlike virtues as at carthage where we are told that men obtain the honor of wearing as many armlets as they have served in campaigns there was once a law in massedonia that he who had not killed an enemy should wear a halter and among the sithians no one who had not slain his man was allowed to drink out of the cup which was handed round at a certain feast among the iberians a warlike nation the number of enemies whom a man has slain is indicated by the number of obelisks which are fixed in the earth round his tomb and there are numerous practices among other nations of a like kind some of them established by law and others by custom yet to a reflecting mind it must appear very strange that the statesman should be always considering how he can dominate and tyrannize over others whether they will or will not how can that which is not even lawful be the business of the statesman or the legislator unlawful it certainly is to rule without regard to justice for there may be might where there is no right the other arts and sciences offer no parallel a physician is not expected to persuade or coerce his patients nor a pilot the passengers in his ship yet most men appear to think that the art of despotic government is statesmanship and what men affirm to be unjust and inexpedient in their own case they are not ashamed of practicing towards others they demand just rule for themselves but where other men are concerned they care nothing about it such behavior is irrational unless the one party is and the other is not born to serve in which case men have a right to command not indeed all their fellows but only those who are intended to be subjects just as we ought not to hunt mankind whether for food or sacrifice but only the animals which may be hunted for food or sacrifice this is to say such wild animals as are edible and surely there may be a city happy in isolation which we will assume to be well governed for it is quite possible that a city thus isolated might be well administered and have good laws but such a city would not be constituted with any view to war or the conquest of enemies all that sort of thing must be excluded hence we see very plainly that warlike pursuits although generally to be deemed honorable are not the supreme end of all things but only means and the good law giver should inquire how states and races of men in communities may participate in a good life and in the happiness which is attainable by them his enactments will not always be the same and where there are neighbors he will have to see what sort of studies should be practiced in relation to their several characters or how the measures appropriate in relation to each are to be adopted the end at which the best form of government should aim may be properly made a matter of future consideration three now let us address those who while they agree that the life of virtue is the most eligible differ about the manner of practicing it for some renounce political power and think that the life of the free man is different from the life of the statesman and the best of all but others think the life of the statesman best the argument of the latter is that he who does nothing cannot do well and that virtuous activity is identical with happiness to both we say you are partly right and partly wrong first class are right in affirming that the life of the freeman is better than the life of the despot for there is nothing grand or noble in having the use of a slave insofar as he is a slave or in issuing commands about necessary things but it is an error to suppose that every sort of rule is despotic like that of a master over slaves for there is is great a difference between the rule over freemen and the rule over slaves as there is between slavery by nature and freedom by nature about which I have said enough at the commencement of this treatise and it is equally a mistake to place inactivity above action for happiness is activity and the actions of the just and wise are the realization of much that is noble but perhaps someone on accepting these premises may still maintain that supreme power is the best of all things because the possessors of it are able to perform the greatest number of noble actions if so the man who is able to rule instead of giving up anything to his neighbor ought rather to take away his power and the father should make no account of his son nor the son of his father nor friend of friend they should not bestow a thought on one another in comparison with this higher object for the best is the most eligible and doing eligible and doing well is the best there might be some truth in such a view if we assume that robbers and plunderers attain the chief good but this can never be their hypothesis is false for the actions of a ruler cannot really be honorable unless he is as much superior to other men as a husband is to a wife or a father to his children or master to his slaves and therefore he who violates the law can never recover by any success however great what he has already lost in departing from virtue for equals the honorable and the just consist in sharing alike as just and equal but that the unequal should be given to equals and the unlike to those who are like is contrary to nature and nothing which is contrary to nature is good if therefore there is any one superior in virtue and in the power of performing the best actions him we ought to follow and obey but he must have the capacity for action as well as virtue if we are right in our view and happiness is assumed to be virtuous activity the act of life will be the best both for every city collectively and for individuals not that a life of action must necessarily have relation to others as some persons think nor are these ideas only to be regarded as practical which are pursued for the sake of practical results but much more the thoughts and contemplations which are independent and complete in themselves since virtuous activity and therefore a certain kind of action is an end and even in the case of external actions the directing mind is most truly said to act neither again is it necessary that states which are cut off from others and choose to live alone should be inactive for activity as well as other things may take place by sections there are many ways in which the sections of a state act upon one another the same thing is equally true of every individual if this were otherwise God in the universe who have no external actions over and above their own energies would be far enough from perfection hence it is evident that the same life is best for each individual and for states and for mankind collectively end of book seven sections one through three book seven sections four through nine of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joett book seven sections four through nine four thus far by way of introduction in what has preceded I have discussed other forms of government in what remains the first point to be considered is what should be the conditions of the ideal or perfect state for the perfect state cannot exist without a due supply of the means of life and therefore we must presuppose many purely imaginary conditions but nothing is impossible there will be a certain number of citizens a country in which to place them and the like as the weaver or shipbuilder or any other artisan must have the material proper for his work and in proportion as this is better prepared so will the result of his art be nobler so the statesmen or legislature must also have the materials suited to him first among the materials required by the statesmen is population he will consider what should be the number and character of the citizens and then what should be the size and character of the country most people think that a state in order to be happy ought to be large but even if they are right they have no idea what is a large and what a small state for they judge the size of the city by the number of the inhabitants whereas they ought to regard not their number but their power a city too like an individual has a work to do and that city which is best adapted to the fulfillment of its work is to be deemed greatest in the same sense of the word great in which Hippocrates might be called greater not as a man but as a physician then someone else who was taller and even if we reckon greatness by numbers we ought not to include everybody for there must always be in cities a multitude of slaves and sojourners and foreigners but we should only include those who are members of the state and who form an essential part of it the number of the latter is a proof of the greatness of the city but a city which produces numerous artisans and comparatively few soldiers cannot be great for a great city is not to be confounded with a populist one moreover experience shows that a very populist city can rarely if ever be well governed since all cities which have a reputation for good government have a limit of population we may argue on grounds of reason and the same result will follow for lies order and good law is good order but a very great multitude cannot be orderly to introduce order into the unlimited is the work of a divine power of such a power as holds together the universe beauty is realized in number and magnitude and the state which combines magnitude with good order must necessarily be the most beautiful to the size of states there is a limit as there is to other things plants animals implements for none of these retain their natural power when they are too large or too small but they either wholly lose their nature or are spoiled for example a ship which is only a span long will not be a ship at all nor a ship a quarter of a mile long yet there may be a ship of a certain size either too large or too small which will still be a ship but bad for sailing in a like manner a state when composed of too few is not as a state ought to be self-sufficing one of too many though self-sufficing in all mere necessities as a nation may be it is not a state being almost incapable of constitutional government for who can be the general of such a vast multitude or who the herald unless you have the voice of a stentor a state then only begins to exist when it has attained a population sufficient for a good life in the political community it may indeed if it somewhat exceeds this number be a greater state but as I was saying there must be a limit what should be the limit will be easily ascertained by experience for both governors and governed have duties to perform the special functions of a governor to command and to judge but if the citizens of a state are to judge and to distribute offices according to merit then they must know each other's characters where they do not possess this knowledge both the election to offices and the decision of lawsuits will go wrong when the population is very large they are manifestly settled at haphazard which clearly ought not to be besides in an overpopulous state foreigners and medics will acquire the rights of citizens for who will find them out clearly then the best limit of the population of a state is the largest number which suffices for the purposes of life and can be taken in at a single view enough concerning the size of a state five much the same principle will apply to the territory of the state everyone would agree in praising the territory which is most entirely self-sufficing and that must be the territory which is all producing for to have all things and to want nothing is sufficiency in size and extent it should be such as may enable the inhabitants to live at once temporarily and liberally in the enjoyment of leisure whether we are right or wrong in laying down this limit we will inquire more precisely hereafter when we have occasion to consider what is the right use of property and wealth a matter which is much disputed because men are inclined to rush into one of two extremes some into meanness others into luxury it is not difficult to determine the general character of the territory which is required there are however some points on which military authorities should be heard it should be difficult of access to the enemy and easy of egress to the inhabitants further we require that the land as well as the inhabitants of whom we were just now speaking should be taken in at a single view for a country which is easily seen can be easily protected as to the position of the city if we could have what we wish it should be well situated in regard both to sea and land this then is one principle that it should be a convenient center for the protection of the whole country the other is that it should be suitable for receiving the fruits of the soil and also for the bringing in of timber and any other products that are easily transported six whether a communication with the sea is beneficial to a well-ordered state or not is a question which has often been asked it is argued that the introduction of strangers brought up under other laws and the increase of population will be adverse to good order the increase arises from their using the sea and having a crowd of merchants coming and going and is inimical to good government apart from these considerations it would be undoubtedly better both with a view to safety and the provision of necessaries that the city and territory should be connected with the sea the defenders of a country if they are to maintain themselves against an enemy should be easily received both by land and by sea and even if they are not able to attack by sea and land at once they will have less difficulty in doing mischief to their assailants on one element if they themselves can use both moreover it is necessary that they should import from abroad what is not found in their own country and that they should export what they have in excess for a city ought to be a market not indeed for others but for herself those who make themselves a market for the world only do so for the sake of revenue and if a state ought not to desire profit of this kind it ought not to have such an emporium nowadays we often see in countries and cities dockyards and harbors very conveniently placed outside the city but not too far off and they are kept independence by walls and similar fortifications cities thus situated manifestly reap the benefit of intercourse with their ports and any harm which is likely to accrue may be easily guarded against by the laws which will pronounce and determine who may hold communication with one another and who may not there can be no doubt that the possession of a moderate naval force is advantageous to a city the city should be formidable not only to its own citizens but to some of its neighbors or if necessary able to assist them by sea as well as by land the proper number or magnitude of this naval force is relative to the character of the state for if her function is to take a leading part in politics her naval power should be commensurate with the scale of her enterprises the population of the state need not be much increased since there is no necessity that the sailors should be citizens the marines who have the control and command will be free men and belong also to the infantry and wherever there is a dense population of periochi and husbandmen there will always be sailors more than enough of this we see instances at the present day the city of Heraklia for example although small in comparison with many others can man a considerable fleet such are our conclusions respecting the territory of the state its harbors its towns its relations to the sea and its maritime power seven having spoken of the number of the citizens we will proceed to speak of what should be their character this is a subject which can be easily understood by anyone who casts his eye on the more celebrated states of helas and generally on the distribution of races in the habitable world those who live in a cold climate and in europe are full of spirit but wanting an intelligence and skill and therefore they retain comparative freedom but have no political organization and are incapable of ruling over others whereas the natives of asia are intelligent and inventive but they are wanting a spirit and therefore they are always in a state of subjection and slavery but the helenic race which is situated between them is likewise intermediate in character being high spirited and also intelligent hence it continues free and is the best governed of any nation and if it could be formed into one state would be able to rule the world there are also similar differences in the different tribes of helas for some of them are of a one-sided nature and are intelligent or courageous only while in others there is a happy combination of both qualities and clearly those on whom the legislature will be most easily led to virtue may be expected to be both intelligent and courageous some say that the guardians should be friendly towards those whom they know fears towards those whom they do not know now passion is the quality of the soul which begets friendship and enables us to love notably the spirit within us is more stirred against our friends and acquaintances than against those who are unknown to us when we think that we are despised by them for which reason arkilakis complaining of his friends very naturally addresses his soul in these words for surely thou art plagued on account of friends the power of command and the love of freedom are in all men based upon this quality for passion is commanding and invincible nor is it right to say that the guardians should be fierce towards those whom they do not know for we ought not to be out of temper with anyone and a lofty spirit is not fierce by nature but only when excited against evildoers and this as i was saying before is a feeling which men show most strongly towards their friends if they think they have received wrong at their hands as indeed is reasonable for besides the actual injury they seem to be deprived of a benefit by those who owe them one hence the saying cruel is the strife of brethren and again they who love in excess also hate in excess thus we have nearly determined the number and character of the citizens of our state and also the size and nature of their territory i say nearly for we ought not to require the same minuteness and theory as in the facts given by perception eight as another natural compounds the conditions of a composite whole are not necessarily organic parts of it so in a state or in any other combination forming a unity not everything is a part which is a necessary condition the members of an association have necessarily some one thing the same and common to all in which they share equally or unequally for example food or land or any other thing but when there are two things of which one is a means and the other an end they have nothing in common except that the one receives what the other produces such for example is the relation which workmen and tools stand to their work the house and the builder have nothing in common but the art of the builder is for the sake of the house and so states require property but property even though living beings are included in it is no part of a state for a state is not a community of living beings only but a community of equals aiming at the best life possible now whereas happiness is the highest good being a realization and perfect practice of virtue which some can attain while others have little or none of it the various qualities of men are clearly the reason why there are various kinds of states and many forms of government for different men seek after happiness in different ways and by different means and so make for themselves different modes of life and forms of government we must see also how many things are indispensable to the existence of a state for what we call the parts of a state will be found among the indispensables let us enumerate the functions of a state and we shall easily elicit what we want first there must be food secondly arts for life requires many instruments thirdly there must be arms for the members of a community have need of them and in their own hands too in order to maintain authority both against disobedient subjects and against external excellence fourthly there must be a certain amount of revenue both for internal needs and for purposes of war fifthly or rather first there must be a care of religion which is commonly called worship sixthly and most necessary of all there must be a power of deciding what is for the public interest and what is just in men's dealings with one another these are the services which every state may be said to need for a state is not a mere aggregate of persons but a union of them sufficing for the purposes of life and if any of these things be wanting it is as we maintain impossible that the community can be absolutely self-sufficing a state then should be framed with a view to the fulfillment of these functions there must be husband men to procure food and artisans and a warlike and a wealthy class and priests and judges to decide what is necessary and expedient nine having determined these points we have in the next place to consider whether all ought to share in every sort of occupation shall every man be at once husband men artisan counselor judge or shall we suppose the several occupations just mentioned assigned to different persons or thirdly shall some employment be assigned to individuals and others common to all the same arrangement however does not occur in every constitution as we were saying all may be shared by all or not all by all but only by some and hence arise the differences of constitutions for in democracies all share in all in oligarchies the opposite practice prevails now since we are here speaking of the best form of government i.e. that under which the state will be the most happy and happiness as has been already said cannot exist without virtue it clearly follows that in the state which is best governed and possesses men who are just absolutely and not merely relatively to the principle of the constitution the citizens must not lead the life of mechanics or tradesmen for such a life is ignoble and inimical to virtue neither must they be husband men since leisure is necessary both for the development of virtue and the performance of political duties again there is in a state a class of warriors and another of counselors who advise about the expedient and determined matters of law and these seem in a special manner parts of a state now should these two classes be distinguished or are both functions to be assigned to the same persons here again there is no difficulty in seeing that both functions will in one way belong to the same in another to different persons to different persons in so far as these i.e. the physical and the employment are suited to different primes of life for the one requires mental wisdom and the other strength but on the other hand since it is an impossible thing that those who are able to use or to resist force should be willing to remain always in subjection from this point of view the persons are the same for those who carry arms can always determine the fate of the constitution it remains therefore that both functions should be entrusted by the ideal constitution to the same persons not however at the same time but in the order prescribed by nature who has given to young men strength and to older men wisdom such a distribution of duties would be expedient and also just and is founded upon a principle of conformity to merit besides the ruling class should not be the owners of property for they are citizens and the citizens of a state should be in good circumstances whereas mechanics or any other class which is not a producer of virtue have no share in the state this follows from our first principle for happiness cannot exist without virtue and a city is not to be termed happy in regard to a portion of the citizens but in regard to them all and clearly property should be in their hands since the husbandman will of necessity be slaves or barbarian periochi of the classes enumerated there remain only the priests and the manner in which their offices to be regulated is obvious no husbandman or mechanic should be appointed to it for the gods should receive honor from the citizens only now since the body of the citizen is divided into two classes the warriors and the counselors it is be seeming that the worship of the gods should be duly performed and also a rest provided in their service for those who from age have given up active life to the old men of these two classes should be assigned the duties of the priesthood we have shown what are the necessary conditions and what the parts of a state husbandmen craftsmen and laborers of all kinds are necessary to the existence of states but the parts of the state are the warriors and counselors and these are distinguished several one from another the distinction being in some cases permanent in others not End of book seven sections four through nine book seven sections 10 through 12 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe it book seven sections 10 through 12 10 it is not a new or recent discovery of political philosophers that the state ought to be divided into classes and that the warriors should be separated from the husbandmen this system has continued in Egypt and Crete to this day and was established as tradition says by a law of sassastras in Egypt and of Minos in Crete the institution of common tables also appears to be of ancient date being in Crete as old as the reign of Minos and in Italy far older the Italian historians say that there was a certain Italis king of Anotria from whom the Anotrians were called Italians and who gave the name of Italy to the promontory of Europe lying within the syllabic and lumenic gulfs which are distant from one another only half a day's journey they say that this Italis converted the Anotrians from shepherds into husbandmen and besides other laws which he gave them was the founder of their common meals even in our day some who are derived from him retain this institution and certain other laws of his on the one side of Italy towards Terania throughout the Opieci who are now as of old called asonades and on the side towards Eopegia and the Ionian gulf in the district called Siritus the Chonis who are likewise of Anotrian race from this part of the world originally came the institution of common tables the separation into case from Egypt for the reign of sassastras is a far greater antiquity than that of Minos it is true indeed that these and many other things have been invented several times over in the course of ages or rather times without number for necessity may be supposed to have taught men the inventions which were absolutely required and when these were provided it was natural that other things which would adorn and enrich life should grow up by degrees and we may infer that in political institutions the same rule holds Egypt witnesses to the antiquity of all these things for the Egyptians appear to be of all people the most ancient and they have laws and a regular constitution existing from time immemorial we should therefore make the best use of what has already been discovered and try to supply defects I have already remarked that the land ought to belong to those who possess arms and have a share in the government and that the husbandmen ought to be a class distinct from them and I have determined what should be the extent and nature of the territory let me proceed to discuss the distribution of the land and the character of the agricultural class for I do not think that property ought to be common as some maintain but only that by friendly consent there should be a common use of it and that no citizen should be in want of subsistence as to common meals there is a general agreement that a well ordered city should have them and we will hear after explain what are our own reasons for taking this view they ought however to be open to all the citizens and yet it is not easy for the poor to contribute the requisite some out of their private means and to provide also for their household the expense of religious worship should likewise be a public charge the land must therefore be divided into two parts one public and the other private and each part should be subdivided part of the public land being appropriated to the service of the gods and the other part used to defray the cost of the common meals while of the private land part should be near the border and the other near the city so that each citizen's having two lots they may all of them have land in both places there is justice and fairness in such a division and it tends to inspire unanimity among the people in their border wars where there is not this arrangement some of them are too ready to come to blows with their neighbors while others are so cautious that they quite lose the sense of honor where for there is a law in some places which forbids those who dwell near the border to take part in public deliberations about wars with neighbors on the ground that their interest will pervert their judgment for the reasons already mentioned then the land should be divided in the manner described the very best thing of all would be that the husbandmen should be slaves taken from among men who are not all of the same race and not spirited for if they have no spirit they will be better suited for their work and there will be no danger of their making a revolution the next best thing would be that they should be pereochi a foreign race and of a like inferior nature some of them should be the slaves of individuals and employed in the private estates of men of property the remainder should be the property of the state and employed on the common land I will hear after explain what is the proper treatment of slaves and why it is expedient that liberty should be always held out to them as the reward of their services eleven we have already said that the city should be open to the land and to and to the whole country as far as possible in respect of the place itself our wish would be that its situation should be fortunate in four things the first health this is a necessity cities which lie towards the east and are blown upon by winds coming from the east are the healthiest next in healthfulness are those which are sheltered from the north wind for they have a milder winter the side of the city should likewise be convenient both for political administration and for war with a view to the ladder it should afford easy egress to the citizens and at the same time be inaccessible and difficult to capture to the enemies there should be a natural abundance of springs and fountains in the town or if there is a deficiency of them great reservoirs may be established for the collection of rainwater such as will not fail when the inhabitants are cut off from the country by war special care should be taken of the health of the inhabitants which will depend chiefly on the healthiness of the locality and of the quarter to which they are exposed and secondly on the use of pure water this latter point is by no means a secondary consideration for the elements which we use most and often is for the support of the body contribute most to the health and among these are water and air where for in all wise states if there is a want of pure water and the supply is not all equally good the drinking water ought to be separated from that which is used for other purposes as to strong holds what is suitable to different forms of government varies thus an acropolis is suited to an oligarchy or a monarchy but a plane to democracy neither to an aristocracy but rather a number of strong places the arrangement of private houses is considered to be more agreeable and generally more convenient if the streets are regularly laid out after the modern fashion which hippodamus introduced but for security in war the antiquated mode of building which made it difficult for strangers to get out of a town and for a silence to find their way in is preferable a city should therefore adopt both plans of building it is possible to arrange the houses irregularly as husbandmen plant their vines and what are called clumps the whole town should not be laid out in straight lines but only certain quarters and regions thus security and beauty will be combined as to walls those who say that cities making any pretension to military virtue should not have them are quite out of date in their notions and they may see the cities which prided themselves on this fancy confuted by facts true there is little courage shown in seeking for safety behind a rampart when an enemy is similar in character and not much superior in number but the superiority of the besiegers may be and often is too much both for ordinary human valor and for that which is found only in a few and if they are to be saved and to escape defeat and outrage the strongest wall will be the truest soldierly precaution more especially now that missiles and siege engines have been brought to such perfection to have no walls would be as foolish as to choose a site for a town in an exposed country and to level the heights or as if an individual were to leave his house unwalled less the inmates should become cowards nor must we forget that those who have their cities surrounded by walls may either take advantage of them or not but cities which are unwalled have no choice if our conclusions are just not only should cities have walls but care should be taken to make them ornamental as well as useful for warlike purposes and adapted to resist modern inventions for as the assailants of a city do all they can to gain an advantage so the defenders should make use of any means of defense which have already been discovered and should devise and invent others for when men are well prepared no enemy even thinks of attacking them 12 as the walls are to be divided by guardhouses and towers built at suitable intervals and the body of citizens must be distributed at common tables the idea will naturally occur that we should establish some of the common tables in the guardhouses these might be arranged as has been suggested while the principal common tables of the magistrates will occupy a suitable place and there also will be the buildings appropriated to religious worship except in the case of those rights which the law or the pithian oracle has restricted to a special locality the site should be a spot seen far and wide which gives due elevation to virtue and towers over the neighborhood below this spot should be established in agorah such as that which the Thessalians called the freemen's agorah from all this trade should be excluded and no mechanic husband men or any such person allowed to enter unless he be summoned by the magistrates it would be a charming use of the place if the gymnastic exercises of the elder men were performed there for in this noble practice different ages should be separated and some of the magistrates should stay with the boys while the grown up men remain with the magistrates for the presence of the magistrates is the best mode of inspiring true modesty and ingenious fear there should also be a traitors agorah distinct and apart from the other in a situation which is convenient for the reception of goods both by sea and land but in speaking of the magistrates we must not forget another section of the citizens biz the priests for whom public tables should likewise be provided in their proper place near the temples the magistrates who deal with contracts indictments summonses and the like and those who have the care of the agorah and of the city respectively ought to be established near an agorah and in some public place of meeting the neighborhood of the traitors agorah will be a suitable spot the upper agorah we devote to the life of leisure the other is intended for the necessities of trade the same order should prevail in the country for there too the magistrates called by some inspectors of forests and by others wardens of the country must have guardhouses and common tables while they are on duty temples should also be scattered throughout the country dedicated some to gods and some to heroes but it would be a waste of time for us to linger over details like these the difficulty is not in imagining but carrying them out we may talk about them as much as we like but the execution of them will depend upon fortune wherefore let us say no more about these matters for the present end of book seven sections 10 through 12 book seven sections 13 and 14 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by benjamin joe book seven sections 13 and 14 13 returning to the constitution itself let us seek to determine out of what and what sort of elements the state which is to be happy and well-governed should be composed there are two things in which all well being consists one of them is the choice of a right end and aim of action and the other the discovery of the actions which are meant towards it for the means and the end may agree or disagree sometimes the right end is set before men but in practice they fail to attain it and in other cases they are successful in all the means but they propose to themselves a bad end and sometimes they fail in both take for example the art of medicine physicians do not always understand the nature of health and also the means which they use may not affect the desired end in all arts and sciences both the end and the means should be equally within our control the happiness and well-being which all men manifestly desire some have the power of attaining but to others from some accident or defective nature the attainment of them is not granted for a good life requires a supply of external goods in a less degree when men are in a good state in a greater degree when they are in a lower state others again who possess the conditions of happiness go utterly wrong from the first in the pursuit of it but since our object is to discover the best form of government that namely under which a city will be best governed and since the city is best governed which has the greatest opportunity of obtaining happiness it is evident that we must clearly ascertain the nature of happiness we maintain and have said in the ethics if the arguments there adieu star of any value that happiness is the realization and perfect exercise of virtue and this is not conditional but absolute and i used the term conditional to express that which is indispensable and absolute to express that which is good in itself take the case of just actions just punishments and chastisements do indeed spring from a good principle but they are good only because we cannot do without them it would be better that neither individuals nor states should need anything of the sort but actions which aim at honor and advantage are absolutely the best the conditional action is the only choice of a lesser evil whereas these are the foundation and creation of good a good man may make the best even of poverty and disease and the other ills of life but he can only obtain happiness under the opposite conditions for this also has been determined in accordance with ethical arguments that the good man is he for whom because he is virtuous the things that are absolutely good are good and it is also plain that his use of these goods must be virtuous in the absolute sense of good this makes men fancy that external goods are the cause of happiness yet we might as well say that a brilliant performance on the liar was to be attributed to the instrument and not to the skill of the performer it follows then from what has been said that some things the legislature must find ready in his hand in a state others he must provide and therefore we can only say may our state be constituted in such a manner as to be blessed with the goods of which fortune disposes for we acknowledge her power whereas virtue and goodness in the state are not a matter of chance but the result of knowledge and purpose a city can be virtuous only when the citizens who have a share in the government are virtuous and in our state all the citizens share in the government let us then inquire how a man becomes virtuous for even if we could suppose the citizen body to be virtuous without each of them being so yet the latter would be better for in the virtue of each the virtue of all is involved there are three things which make men good and virtuous these are nature habit rational principle in the first place everyone must be born a man and not some other animal so too he must have a certain character both of body and soul but some qualities there is no use in having at birth for they are altered by habit and there are some gifts which by nature are made to be turned by habit into good or bad animals lead for the most part a life of nature though in lesser particulars some are influenced by habit as well man has rational principle in addition and man only where for nature habit and rational principle must be in harmony with one another for they do not always agree men do many things against habit and nature if rational principle persuades them that they ought we have already determined what natures are likely to be most easily molded by the hands of the legislator and else is the work of education we learn some things by habit and some by instruction 14 since every political society is composed of rulers and subjects let us consider whether the relations of one to the other should interchange or be permanent for the education of the citizens will necessarily vary with the answer given to this question now if some men excelled others in the same degree in which gods and heroes are supposed to excel mankind in general having in the first place a great advantage even in their bodies and secondly in their minds so that the superiority of the governors was indisputed and patent to their subjects it would clearly be better that once for all the one class should rule and the other serve but since this is unattainable and kings have no marks superiority over their subjects such as sillax affirms to be found among the indians it is obviously necessary on many grounds that all the citizens alike should take their turn of governing and being governed equality consists in the same treatment of similar persons and no government can stand which is not founded upon justice for if the government must be unjust everyone in the country unites with the governed in the desire to have a revolution and it is an impossibility that the members of the government can be so numerous as to be stronger than all their enemies put together yet that governor should excel their subjects is undeniable how all this is to be affected and in what way they will respectively share in the government the legislature has to consider the subject has been already mentioned nature herself has provided the distinction when she made a difference between old and young within the same species of whom she fitted the one to govern and the other to be governed no one takes offense at being governed when he is young nor does he think himself better than his governors especially if he will enjoy the same privilege when he reaches the required age we conclude that from one point of view governors and governed are identical and from another different and therefore their education must be the same and also different for he who would learn to command well must as men say first of all learn to obey as I observed in the first part of this treatise there is one rule which is for the sake of the rulers and another rule which is for the sake of the ruled the former is a despotic the latter a free government some commands differ not in the thing commanded but in the intention with which they are imposed where for many apparently menial offenses are in honor to the free youth by whom they are performed for actions do not differ as honorable or dishonorable in themselves so much as in the end and intention of them but since we say that the virtue of the citizen and ruler is the same as that of the good man and that the same person must first be a subject and then a ruler the legislature has to see that they became good men and by what means this may be accomplished and what is the end of the perfect life now the soul of man is divided into two parts one of which has a rational principle in itself and the other not having a rational principle in itself is able to obey such a principle and we call a man in any way good because he has the virtues of these two parts in which of them the end is more likely to be found is no matter of doubt to those who adopt our division for in the world both of nature and of art the inferior always exists for the sake of the better or superior and the better or superior is that which has a rational principle this principle too in our ordinary way of speaking is divided into two kinds for there is a practical and a speculative principle this part then must evidently be similarly divided and there must be a corresponding divisions of actions the actions of the naturally better part are to be preferred by those who have it in their power to attain to two out of the three or to all for that is always to everyone the most eligible which is the highest attainable by him the whole of life is further divided into two parts business and leisure war and peace and of actions some aim at what is necessary and useful and some at what is honorable and the preference given to one or the other class of actions must necessarily be like the preference given to one or the other part of the soul and its actions over the other there must be war for the sake of peace business for the sake of leisure things useful and necessary for the sake of things honorable all these points the statesman should keep in view when he frames his laws he should consider the parts of the soul and their functions and above all the better and the end he should also remember the diversities of human lives and actions for men must be able to engage in business and go to war but leisure and peace are better they must do what is necessary and indeed what is useful but what is honorable is better on such principles children and persons of every age which requires education should be trained whereas even the helens of the present day who are reputed to be best governed and the legislators who gave them their constitutions do not appear to have framed their governments with regard to the best end or to have given them laws and education with a view to all the virtues but in a vulgar spirit have fallen back on those which promise to be more useful and profitable many modern writers have taken in a similar view they commend the lackademonian constitution and praise the legislator for making conquest and war his soul aim a doctrine which may be refuted by argument and has long ago been refuted by facts for most men desire empire in the hope of accumulating the goods of fortune and on this ground thibbren and all those who have written about the lackademonian constitution have praised their legislator because the lackademonians by being trained to meet dangers gained great power but surely they are not a happy people now that their empire has passed away nor was their legislator right how ridiculous is the result if when they are continuing in the observance of his laws and no one interferes with them they have lost the better part of life these writers further air about the sort of government which the legislator should approve for the government of free men is nobler and implies more virtue than despotic government neither is a city to be deemed happy or a legislator to be praised because he trains his citizens to conquer and obtain dominion over their neighbors for there is a great evil in this on a similar principle any citizen who could should obviously try to obtain the power in his own state the crime which the lackademonians accused king posanius of attempting although he had so great honor already no such principle and no law having this object is either statesman like or useful or right for the same things are best both for individuals and for states and these are the things which the legislator ought to implant in the minds of his citizens neither should men study war with a view to the enslavement of those who do not deserve to be enslaved but first of all they should provide against their own enslavement and in the second place obtain empire for the good of the governed and not for the sake of exercising in general despotism and in the third place they should seek to be masters only over those who deserve to be slaves facts as well as arguments prove that the legislator should direct all his military and other measures to the provision of leisure and the establishment of peace for most of these military states are safe only while they are at war but fall when they have acquired their empire like unused iron they lose their temper in time of peace and for this the legislator is to blame he never having taught them how to lead the life of peace end of book seven sections 13 and 14 book seven sections 15 through 17 of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe it book seven sections 15 through 17 15 since the end of individuals and of states is the same the end of the best man and of the best constitution must also be the same it is therefore evident that there ought to exist in both of them the virtues of leisure for peace as has often been repeated is the end of war and leisure of toil but leisure and cultivation may be promoted not only by those virtues which are practiced in leisure but also by some of those which are useful to business for many necessaries of life have to be supplied before we can have leisure therefore a city must be temperate and brave and able to endure for truly as the proverb says there is no leisure for slaves and those who cannot face danger like men are the slaves of any invader courage and endurance are required for business and philosophy for leisure temperance and justice for both and more especially in times of peace and leisure for war compels men to be just and temperate whereas the enjoyment of good fortune and the leisure which comes with peace tend to make them insolent those then who seem to be the best off and to be in the possession of every good have special need of justice and temperance for example those if such there be as the poets say who dwell in the islands of the blessed they above all will need philosophy and temperance and justice and all the more the more leisure they have living in the midst of abundance there is no difficulty in seeing why the state that would be happy and good ought to have these virtues if it be disgraceful and men not to be able to use the goods of life it is peculiarly disgraceful not to be able to use them in time of leisure to show excellent qualities in action and war and when they have peace and leisure to be no better than slaves wherefore we should not practice virtue after the manner of the lackademonians for they while agreeing with other men in their conception of the highest goods differ from the rest of mankind in thinking that they are to be obtained by the practice of a single virtue and since they think these goods and the enjoyment of them greater than the enjoyment derived from the virtues and that it should be practiced for its own sake is evident from what has been said we must now consider how and by what means it is to be obtained we have already determined that nature and habit and rational principle are required and of these the proper nature of the citizens has also been defined by us but we still have to consider whether the training of early life is to be that of rational principle or habit for these two must accord and when in accord they will then form the best of harmonies the rational principle may be mistaken and fail in attaining the highest ideal of life and there may be a like evil influence of habit this much is clear in the first place that as in all other things birth implies an antecedent beginning and that there are beginnings whose end is relative to a further end now in men rational principle in mind are the end towards which nature strives so that the birth and moral discipline of the citizens ought to be ordered with a view to them in the second place as the soul and body are too we see also that there are two parts of the soul the rational and the irrational and two corresponding states reason and appetite and as the body is prior in order of generation to the soul so the irrational is prior to the rational the proof is that anger and wishing and desire are implanted in children from their very birth but reason and understanding are developed as they grow older wherefore the care of the body ought to proceed that of the soul and training of the appetite of part should follow nonetheless our care of it must be for the sake of the reason and our care of the body for the sake of the soul 16 since the legislators should begin by considering how the frames of the children whom he is rearing may be as good as possible his first care will be about marriage at what age should his citizens marry and who are fit to marry in legislating on this subject he ought to consider the persons and the length of their life that their procreative life may terminate at the same period and that they may not differ in their bodily powers as will be the case if the man is still able to beget children while the woman is unable to bear them or the woman able to bear while the man is unable to beget for from these causes arise quarrels and differences between married persons secondly he must consider the time at which the children will succeed to their parents there ought not to be too great an interval of age for then the parents will be too old to derive any pleasure from their affection or to be of any use to them nor ought they be too nearly of an age too youthful marriages there are many objections the children will be wanting in respect to the parents who will seem to be their contemporaries and disputes will arise in the management of the household thirdly and this is the point from which we digressed the legislator must mold to his will the frames of newly born children almost all these objects may be secured by attention to one point since the time of generation is commonly limited within the age of seventy years in the case of a man and of fifty in the case of a woman the commencement of the union should conform to these periods the union of male and female when too young is bad for the procreation of children in all other animals the offspring of the young are small and in developed and with a tendency to produce female children and therefore also in man as proved by the fact that in those cities in which men and women are accustomed to marry young the people are small and weak in childbirth also younger women suffer more and more of them die some persons say that this was the meaning of the response once given to the trozenans the oracle really meant that many died because they married too young it had nothing to do with the in-gathering of the harvest it also conduces to temperance not to marry too soon for women who marry early are apt to be wanting and in men too the bodily frame is stunted if they marry while the seed is growing for there is a time when the growth of the seed also ceases or continues to but a slight extent women should marry when they are about eighteen years of age and men at seven and thirty then they are in the prime of life and the decline in the powers of both will coincide further the children if their birth takes place too soon as may reasonably be accepted will secede in the beginning of their prime when their fathers are already in the decline of life and have nearly reached their term of three score years and ten thus much of the proper age for marriage the season of the year should also be considered according to our present custom people generally limit marriage to the season of winter and they are right the precepts of physicians and natural philosophers about generation should also be studied by the parents themselves the physicians give good advice about the favorable conditions of the body and the natural philosophers about the winds of which they prefer the north to the south what constitution in the parent is most advantageous to the offspring is a subject which we will consider more carefully when we speak of the education of children and we will only make a few general remarks at present the constitution of an athlete is not suited to the life of a citizen or to health or to the procreation of children any more than the valitudinarian or exhausted constitution but one which is in a mean between them a man's constitution should be inured to labor but not to labor which is excessive or of one sort only such as is practiced by athletes he should be capable of all the actions of a free man these remarks apply equally to both parents women who are with child should be careful of themselves they should take exercise and have a nourishing diet the first of these precautions the legislator will easily carry into effect by requiring that they shall take a walk daily to some temple where they can worship the gods who preside over birth their minds however unlike their bodies they ought to keep quiet for the offspring derive their natures from their mothers as plants do from the earth as to the exposure in rearing of children let there be a law that no deformed child shall live but that on the ground of an excess in the number of children if the established customs of the state forbid this for an hour state population has a limit no child is to be exposed but when couples have children in excess let abortion be procured before sense and life have begun what may or may not be lawfully done in these cases depends on the question of life and sensation and now having determined at what ages men and women are to begin their union let us also determine how long they shall continue to beget and bear offspring for the state men who are too old like men who are too young produce children who are defective in body and mind the children of a very old men are weakly the limit then should be the age which is the prime of their intelligence and this in most persons according to the notion of some poets who measure life by periods of 7 years is about 50 at 4 or 5 years later they should cease from having families and from that time forward only co-habit with one another for the sake of health or for some similar reason as to adultery let it be held disgraceful in general for any man or woman to be found in any way unfaithful when they are married and called husband and wife if during the time of burying children anything of the sort occur let the guilty person be punished with a loss of privileges in proportion to the offense 17 after the children have been born the manner of rearing them may be supposed to have a great effect on their bodily strength it would appear from the example of animals and of those nations who desire to create the military habit that the food which has most milk in it is best suited to human beings but the less wine the better if they would escape diseases also all the motions to which children can be subjected at their early age are very useful but in order to preserve their tender limbs from distortion some nations have had recourse to mechanical appliances which straighten their bodies to accustomed children to the cold from their earliest years is also an excellent practice which greatly conduces to health and hardens them for military service hence many barbarians have a custom of plunging their children at birth into a cold stream others like the Celts clothe them in a light wrapper only for human nature should be early habituated to endure all which by habit it can be made to endure but the process must be gradual and children from their natural warmth may be easily trained to bear cold such care should attend them in the first stage of life the next period lasts to the age of five during this no demand should be made upon the child for study or labor lest its growth be impeded and there should be sufficient motion to prevent the limbs from being inactive this can be secured among other ways by amusement but the amusement should not be vulgar or tiring or effeminate the directors of education as they are termed should be careful what tales or stories the children here for all such thing are designed to prepare the way for the business of latter life and should be for the most part imitations of the occupations which they will hear after pursue in earnest those are wrong who in their laws attempt to check the loud crying and screaming of children for these contribute towards their growth and in a manner exercise their bodies straining the voice has a strengthening effect similar to that produced by the retention of the breath in violent exertions the directors of education should have an eye to their bringing up and in particular should take care that they are left as little as possible with slaves for until they are seven years old they must live at home and therefore even at this early age it is to be expected that they should acquire a taint of meanness from what they hear and see indeed there is nothing which the legislators should be more careful to drive away than in decency of speech for the light utterance of shameful words leads soon to shameful actions the young especially should never be allowed to repeat or hear anything of the sort a free man who has found saying or doing what is forbidden if he be too young as yet to have the privilege of reclining at the public tables should be disgraced and beaten and an elder person degraded as his slavish conduct deserves and since we do not allow improper language clearly we should also banish pictures or speeches from the stage which are indecent let the rulers take care that there be no image or picture representing unseemly actions except in the time the temples of those gods at whose festivals the law permits even rivalry and whom the law also permits to be worshiped by persons of mature age on behalf of themselves their children and their wives but the legislators should not allow youth to be spectators of iambi or of comedy until they are of an age to sit at the public tables and to drink strong wine by that time education will have armed them against the evil influences of such representations we have made these remarks in a cursory manner they are enough for the present occasion but hereafter we will return to the subject and after a fuller discussion determined whether such liberty should or should not be granted and in what way granted if at all theodorus the tragic actor was quite right in saying that he would not allow any other actor not even if he were quite second rate to enter before himself because the spectators grew fond of the voices which they first heard and the same principle applies universally to association with things as well as with persons for we always like best whatever comes first and therefore youth should be kept strangers to all that is bad and especially to things which suggest vice or hate when the five years have passed away during the two following years they must look upon the pursuit which they are hereafter to learn there are two periods of life with reference to which education has to be divided from seven to the age of puberty and onwards to the age of one and twenty the poets who divide ages by sevens are in the main right but we should observe the divisions actually made by nature for the deficiencies of nature are what art and education seek to fill up let us then first inquire if any regulations are to be laid down about children and secondly whether the care of them should be the concern of the state or private individuals which latter is in our own day the common custom and in the third place what these regulations should be end of book seven sections fifteen through seventeen book number eight sections one through four of politics by Aristotle this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Jowett book number eight sections one through four book eight section one no one will doubt that the legislator should direct his attention above all to the education of youth for the neglect of education does harm to the constitution the citizen should be molded to suit the form of government under which he lives for each government for each government has a peculiar character which originally formed and which continues to preserve it the character of democracy creates democracy and the character of oligarchy creates oligarchy and always the better the character the better the government again for the exercise of any faculty or art a previous training and habituation are required clearly therefore for the practice of virtue and since the whole city has one end it is manifest that education should be one and the same for all and that it should be public and not private not as at present when everyone looks after his own child separately and gives them separate instruction of the sort which he thinks best the training in things which are of common interest should be the same for all neither must we suppose that any one of the citizens belongs to himself for they all belong to the state and are each of them a part of the state and the care of each part is inseparable from the care of the whole in this particular as in some others the lackademonians are to be praised for they take the greatest pains about their children and make education the business of the state two that education should be regulated by law and should be an affair of the state is not to be denied but what should be the character of this public education and how young persons should be educated are questions which remain to be considered as things are there is a disagreement about the subjects for mankind are by no means agreed about the things to be taught whether we look to virtue or the best life neither is it clear whether education is more concerned with intellectual or with moral virtue the existing practice is perplexing no one knows on what principle we should proceed should the useful in life or should the higher knowledge be the aim of our training all three opinions have been entertained again about the means there is no agreement for different persons starting with different ideas about the nature of virtue naturally disagree about the practice of it there can be no doubt that children should be taught those useful things which are really necessary but not all useful things for occupations are divided into liberal and illiberal and two young children should be imparted only such kinds of knowledge as will be useful to them without vulgarizing them and any occupation art or science which makes the body or soul or mind of the free man less fit for the practice or exercise of virtue is vulgar where for we call those arts vulgar which tend to deform the body and likewise all paid employments for they absorb and degrade the mind there are also some liberal arts quite proper for a free man to acquire but only in a certain degree and if he attend to them too closely in order to attain perfection in them the same evil effects will follow the object also which a man sets before him makes a great difference if he does or learns anything for his own sake or for the sake of his friends or with a view to excellence the action will not appear illiberal but if done for the sake of others the very same action will be thought menial and servile the received subjects of instruction as I have already remarked are partly of a liberal and partly of an illiberal character three the customary branches of education are in number four they are one reading and writing two gymnastic exercises three music to which sometimes is added for drawing of these reading and writing and drawing are regarded as useful for the purposes of life in a variety of ways and gymnastic exercises are thought to infuse courage concerning music a doubt may be raised in our own day most men cultivate it for the sake of pleasure but originally it was included in education because nature herself as has been often said requires that we should be able not only to work well but to use leisure well for as I must repeat once again the first principle of all action is leisure both are required but leisure is better than occupation and is its end and therefore the question must be asked what ought we to do when at leisure clearly we ought not to be amusing ourselves for then amusement would be the end of life but if this is inconceivable and amusement is needed more amid serious occupations than at other times for he who is hard at work has need of relaxation and amusement gives relaxation whereas occupation is always accompanied with exertion and effort we should introduce amusements only at suitable times and they should be our medicines for the emotion they create in the soul is a relaxation and from the pleasure we obtain rest but leisure of itself gives pleasure and happiness and enjoyment of life which are experienced not by the busy man but by those who have leisure for he who is occupied has in view some end which he has not attained but happiness is an end since all men deem it to be accompanied with pleasure and not with pain this pleasure however is regarded differently by different persons and varies according to the habit of individuals the pleasure of the best man is the best and springs from the noblest sources it is clear then that there are branches of learning and education which we must study merely with a view to leisure spent in intellectual activity and these are not to be valued for their own sake whereas those kinds of knowledge which are useful in business are to be deemed necessary and exist for the sake of other things and therefore our fathers admitted music into education not on the ground either of its necessity or utility for it is not necessary nor indeed useful in the same manner as reading and writing which are useful in money making in the management of a household in the acquisition of knowledge and in political life nor like drawing useful for a more correct judgment of the works of artists nor again like gymnastics which gives health and strength for neither of these is to be gained from music there remains then the use of music for intellectual enjoyment in leisure which is in fact evidently the reason of its introduction this being one of the ways in which it is thought that a free man should pass his leisure as Homer says but he who alone should be called to the pleasant feast and afterwards he speaks of others whom he describes as inviting the bard who would delight them all and in another place Odysseus says there is no better way of passing life than when men's hearts are merry and the banqueters in the hall sitting in order hear the voice of the minstrel it is evident then that there is a sort of education in which parents should train their sons not as being useful or necessary but because it is liberal or noble whether it is of one kind only or of more than one and if so what they are and how they are to be imparted must hereafter be determined this much we are now in a position to say that the ancients witness to us for their opinion may be gathered from the fact that music is one of the received and traditional branches of education further it is clear that children should be instructed in some useful things for example in reading and writing not only for their usefulness but also because many other sorts of knowledge are acquired through them with a like view they may be taught drawing not to prevent their making mistakes in their own purchases or in order that they may not be imposed upon in the buying or selling of articles but perhaps rather because it makes them judges of the beauty of the human form to be always seeking after the useful does not become free and exalted souls now it is clear that in education practice must be used before theory and the body be trained before the mind and therefore boys should be handed over to the trainer who creates in them the proper habit of body and to the wrestling master who teaches them their exercises 4. Of those states which in our own day seem to take the greatest care of children some aim at producing in them an athletic habit but they only injure their forms and stunt their growth although the Lackid demonians have not fallen into this mistake yet they brutalize their children by laborious exercises which they think will make them courageous but in truth as we have often repeated education should not be exclusively or principally directed to this end and if we suppose the Lackid demonians to be right in their end they do not attain it for among barbarians and among animals courage is found associated not with the greatest ferocity but with a gentle and lion-like temper there are many races who are ready enough to kill and eat men such as the Achaeans and the Heneoxi who both live about the Black Sea and there are other mainland tribes as bad or worse who all live by plunder but have no courage it is notorious that the Lackid demonians themselves while they alone are assiduous in their laborious drill were superior to others but now they are beaten both in war and gymnastic exercises for their ancient superiority did not depend on their motive training their youth but only on the circumstance that they trained them when their only rivals did not hence we may infer that what is noble not what is brutal should have the first place no wolf or wild animal will face a really noble danger such dangers are for the brave man and parents who devote their children to gymnastics while they neglect their necessary education in reality vulgarize them for they make them useful to the art of statesmanship in one quality only and even in this the argument proves them to be inferior to others we should judge the Lackid demonians not from what they have been but from what they are for now they have rivals who compete with their education formerly they had none it is an admitted principle that gymnastic exercises should be employed in education and that for children they should be of a lighter kind avoiding severe diet or painful toil lest the growth of the body be impaired the evil of excessive training in early years is strikingly proved by the example of the olympic victors for not more than two or three of them have gained a prize both as boys and as men their early training and severe gymnastic exercises exhausted their constitutions when boyhood is over three years should be spent in other studies the period of life which follows may then be devoted to hard exercise and strict diet men ought not to labor at the same time with their minds and with their bodies for the two kinds of labor are opposed to one another the labor of the body impedes the mind and the labor of the mind the body end of book 8 sections 1 through 4 recording by robert scott mojo move 411.com mojo move 411.com august 22nd 2007 book 8 sections 5 through 7 of politics by aerostotl this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org politics by aerostotl translated by benjamin joeit book 8 sections 5 through 7 section 5 concerning music there are some questions which we have already raised these we may now resume and carry further and our remarks will serve as a prelude to this or any other discussion of the subject it is not easy to determine the nature of music or why anyone should have a knowledge of it shall we say for the sake of amusement and relaxation like sleep or drinking which are not good in themselves but are pleasant and at the same time care to cease as Euripides says and for this end men also appoint music and make use of all three alike sleep drinking and music to which some add dancing or shall we argue that music conduces to virtue on the ground that it can form our minds and habituate us to true pleasures as our bodies are made by gymnastics to be of a certain character or shall we say that it contributes to the enjoyment of leisure and mental cultivation which is the third alternative now obviously youths are not to be instructed with a view to their amusement for learning is no amusement but is accompanied with pain neither is intellectual enjoyment suitable to boys of that age for it is the end and that which is imperfect cannot attain the perfect or end but perhaps it may be said that boys learn music for the sake of the amusement which they will have when they are grown up if so why should they learn themselves and not like the Persian and Median kings enjoy the pleasure and instruction which is derived from hearing others for surely persons who have made music the business and profession of their lives will be better performers than those who practice only long enough to learn if they must learn music on the same principle they should learn cookery which is absurd and even granting that music may form the character the objection still holds why should we learn ourselves why cannot we attain true pleasure and form a correct judgment from hearing others like the Lachodemonians for they without learning music nevertheless can correctly judge as they say of good and bad melodies or again if music should be used to promote cheerfulness and refined intellectual enjoyment the objection still remains why should we learn ourselves instead of enjoying the performance of others we may illustrate what we are saying by our conception of the gods for in the poet Zeus does not himself sing or play on the leer nay we call professional performers vulgar no freeman would play or sing unless he were intoxicated or ingest but these matters may be left for the present the first question is whether music is or is not to be a part of education of the three things mentioned in our discussion which does it produce education or amusement or intellectual enjoyment for it may be reckoned under all three and seems to share in the nature of all of them amusement is for the sake of relaxation and relaxation is of necessity sweet for it is the remedy of pain caused by toil and intellectual enjoyment is universally acknowledged to contain an element not only of the noble but of the pleasant for happiness is made up of both all men that agree that music is one of the pleasantest things whether with or without songs as museus says sing to mortals of all things the sweetest hence and with good reason it is introduced into social gatherings and entertainments because it makes the hearts of men glad so that on this ground alone we may assume that the young ought to be trained in it for innocent pleasures are not only in harmony with the perfect end of life but they also provide relaxation and whereas men rarely attain the end but often rest by the way and amuse themselves not only with a view to a further end but also for the pleasure's sake it may be well at times to let them find a refreshment in music it sometimes happens that men make amusement the end for the end probably contains some element of pleasure though not any ordinary or lower pleasure but they mistake the lower for the higher and in seeking for the one find the other since every pleasure has a likeness to the end of action for the end is not eligible for the sake of any future good nor do the pleasures which we have described exist for the sake of any future good but of the past that is to say they are the alleviation of past toils and pains and we may infer this to be the reason why men seek happiness from these pleasures but music is pursued not only as an alleviation of past toil but also as providing recreation and who can say whether having this use it may not also have a nobler one in addition to this common pleasure felt and shared by all for the pleasure given by music is natural and therefore adapted to all ages and characters may not it also have some influence over the character and the soul it must have such an influence if characters are affected by it and that they are so affected is proved in many ways and not least by the power which the songs of olympus exercise for beyond question they inspire enthusiasm and enthusiasm is an emotion of the ethical part of the soul besides when men hear imitations even apart from the rhythms and tunes themselves their feelings move in sympathy since then music is a pleasure and virtue consists in rejoicing and in loving and hating a right there is clearly nothing which we are so much concerned to acquire and to cultivate as the power of forming right judgments and of taking delight in good dispositions and noble actions rhythm and melody supply imitations of anger and gentleness and also of courage and temperance and of all the qualities contrary to these and of the other qualities of character which hardly fall short of the actual affections as we know from our own experience for in listening to such strains our souls under cola change the habit of feeling pleasure or pain at mere representations is not far removed from the same feeling about realities for example if anyone delights in the side of a statue for its beauty only it necessarily follows that the side of the original will be pleasant to him the objects of no other sense such as taste or touch have any resemblance to moral qualities invisible objects there is only a little for there are figures which are of a moral character but only to a slight extent and all do not participate in the feelings about them again figures and colors are not imitations but signs of moral habits indications which the body gives of states of feeling the connection of them with morals is slight but insofar as there is any young men should be taught to look not at the works of paulson but at those of polygnosis or any other painter or sculptor who expresses moral ideas on the other hand even in mere melodies there is an imitation of character for the musical modes differ essentially from one another and those who hear them are differently affected by each some of them make men sad and grave like the so-called mixolydian others enfeeble the mind like the relaxed modes another again produces a moderate and subtle temper which appears to be the peculiar effect of the dorian the phyrgian inspires enthusiasm the whole subject has been well treated by philosophical writers on this branch of education and they confirm their arguments by facts the same principles apply to rhythm some have a character of rest others of motion and of these latter again some have a more vulgar others a nobler movement enough has been said to show that music has a power forming the character and should therefore be introduced into the education of the young the study is suited to the stage of youth for young persons will not if they can help endure anything which is not sweetened by pleasure and music has a natural sweetness there seems to be in us a sort of affinity to musical modes and rhythms which makes some philosophers say that the soul is a tuning others that it possesses tuning six and now we have to determine the question which has been already raised whether children should be themselves taught to sing and play or not clearly there is a considerable difference made in the character by the actual practice of the art it is difficult if not impossible for those who do not perform to be good judges of the performance of others besides children should have something to do and the rattle of architas which people give to their children in order to amuse them and prevent them from breaking anything in the house was a capital invention for a young thing cannot be quiet the rattle is a toy suited to the infant mind and education is a rattle or toy for children of a larger growth we conclude then that they should be taught music in such a way as to become not only critics but performers the question what is or is not suitable for different ages may be easily answered nor is there any difficulty in meeting the objection of those who say that the study of music is vulgar we reply one in the first place that they who are to be judges must also be performers and that they should begin to practice early although when they are older they may be spared the execution they must have learned to appreciate what is good and to delight in it thanks to the knowledge which they acquired in their youth as to to the vulgarizing effect which music is supposed to exercise this is a question which we shall have no difficulty in determining when we have considered to what extent free men who are being trained to political virtue should pursue the art what melodies and what rhythms they should be allowed to use and what instruments should be employed in teaching them to play for even the instrument makes a difference the answer to the objection turns upon these distinctions for it is quite possible that certain methods of teaching and learning music do really have a degrading effect it is evident then that the learning of music ought not to impede the business of ripe or years or to degrade the body or render it unfit for civil or military training whether for bodily exercises at the time or for later studies the right measure will be attained if students of music stop short of the arts which are practiced in professional contests and do not seek to acquire those fantastic marvels of execution which are now the fashion in such contests and from these have passed into education let the young practice even such music as we have prescribed only until they are able to feel delight in noble melodies and rhythms and not merely in that common part of music in which every slave or child and even some animals find pleasure from these principles we may also infer what instruments should be used the flute or any other instrument which requires great skill as for example the heart ought not to be admitted into education but only such as will make intelligent students of music or of the other parts of education besides the flute is not an instrument which is expressive of moral character it is too exciting the proper time for using it is when the performance aims not at instruction but at the relief of passions and there's a further objection the impediment which the flute presents to the use of the voice detracts from its educational value the ancients therefore were right in forbidding the flute to youths and freemen although they had once allowed it for when their wealth gave them a greater inclination to leisure and they had loftier notions of excellence being also elated with their success both before and after the persian war with more zeal than discernment they pursued every kind of knowledge and so they introduced the flute into education at like a daemon there was a coragus who led the chorus with a flute and it Athens the instrument became so popular that most freemen could play upon it the popularity is shown by the tablet which Thrasipus dedicated when he furnished the chorus to ecfantities later experience enabled men to judge what was or was not really conducive to virtue and they rejected both the flute and several other old fashioned instruments such as the Lydian heart the many stringed lear the heptagon triangle Sambuca the like which are intended only to give pleasure to the hearer and require extraordinary skill of hand there is a meaning also in the myths of the ancients which tells how Athene invented the flute and then threw it away it was not a bad idea of theirs that the goddess disliked the instrument because it made the face ugly but with still more reason may we say that she rejected it because the requirement of flute playing contributes nothing to the mind since to Athene we ascribe both knowledge and art thus then we reject the professional instruments and also the professional mode of education in music and by professional we mean that which is adopted in contests for in this the performer practices the art not for the sake of his own improvement but in order to give pleasure and that of a vulgar sort to his hearers for this reason the execution of such music is not the part of a freemen but of a paid performer and the result is that the performers all vulgarized for the end at which they aim is bad the vulgarity of the spectator tends to lower the character of the music and therefore of the performers they look to him he makes them what they are and fashions even their bodies by the movements which he expects them to exhibit seven we have also to consider rhythms and modes and their use in education shall we use them all or make a distinction and shall the same distinction be made for those who practice music with a view to education or shall it be some other now we see that music is produced by melody and rhythm and we ought to know what influence these have respectively on education and whether we should prefer excellence in melody or excellence in rhythm but as the subject has been very well treated by many musicians of the present day and also by philosophers who have had considerable experience of musical education to these we would refer the more exact student of the subject we shall only speak of it now after the manner of the legislator stating the general principles we accept the division of melodies proposed by certain philosophers into ethical melodies melodies of action and passionate or inspiring melodies each having as they say a mode corresponding to it but we maintain further that music should be studied not for the sake of one but of many benefits that is to say with a view to one education to purgation the word purgation we use it present without explanation but when hereafter we speak of poetry we will treat the subject with more precision music may also serve three for enjoyment for relaxation and for recreation after exertion it is clear therefore that all the modes must be employed by us but not all of them in the same manner in education the most ethical modes are to be preferred but in listening to the performances of others we may admit the modes of action and passion also for feelings such as pity and fear or again enthusiasm exist very strongly in some souls and have more or less influence overall some persons fall into a religious frenzy whom we see as a result of the sacred melodies when they have used the melodies that excite the soul to mystic frenzy restored as though they had found healing and purgation those who are influenced by pity or fear and every emotional nature must have a like experience and others in so far as each is susceptible to such emotions and all are in a manner purged and their souls lightened and delighted the purgative melodies likewise give an innocent pleasure to mankind such are the modes and the melodies in which those who perform music at the theater should be invited to compete but since the spectators are of two kinds the one free and educated and the other a vulgar crowd composed of mechanics laborers and the like there ought to be contests and exhibitions instituted for the relaxation of the second class also and the music will correspond to their minds for as their minds are perverted from the natural state so there are perverted modes and highly strung and unnaturally colored melodies a man receives pleasure from what is natural to him and therefore professional musicians may be allowed to practice this lower sort of music before an audience of a lower type but for the purposes of education as I've already said those modes and melodies should be employed which are ethical such as the Dorian as we said before though we may include any others which are approved by philosophers who have a musical education the Socrates of the Republic is wrong in retaining only the Phyrgian mode along with the Dorian the more so because he rejects the flute for the Phyrgian is to the modes with the flute is to musical instruments both of them are exciting and emotional poetry proves this for Bacchic frenzy in all similar emotions are most suitably expressed by the flute and are better set to the Phyrgian than to any other mode the Dithram for example is acknowledged to be Phyrgian a fact of which the connoisseurs of music offer many proofs saying among other things that Philoxonies having attempted to compose his Missions as a Dithram in the Dorian mode found it impossible and fell back by the very nature of things into the more appropriate Phyrgian all men agree that the Dorian music is the gravest and manliest and whereas we say that the extreme should be avoided and the mean followed and whereas the Dorian is a mean between the other modes it is evident that our youth should be taught the Dorian music two principles have to be kept in view what is possible what is becoming at these every man ought to aim but even these are relative to age the old who have lost their powers cannot very well sing the high strong modes and nature herself seems to suggest that their song should be of the more relaxed kind wherefor the musicians likewise blame Socrates and with justice for rejecting the relaxed modes in education under the idea that they are intoxicating not in the ordinary sense of intoxication for wine rather tends to excite men but because they have no strength in them and so with a view also to the time of life when men begin to grow old they ought to practice the gentler modes and melodies as well as the others and further any mode such as the Lydian above all others appears to be which is suited to children of tender age and possesses the elements both of order and education thus it is clear that education should be based upon three principles the mean the possible the becoming these three end of book eight sections five through seven recording by Cibela Denton Carolton Georgia end of politics by Aristotle translated by Benjamin Joe it