 Education revolts if they've got with all of Protestants. Well, I yesterday was told about it by Bill Moyers, and then last night I talked to Tony Celebrisi. I contacted him about six o'clock, and he didn't say things around the hands, and I told him that I heard him pretty bad. I talked to him ten o'clock. What we got to do is get to the people that are causing it some way, or the people that are listening to it. Yes. Now, you've got a liberal congressman from California, a former from California. C-O-R-M-A-N. You've got Ms. Green, and it's a pure church and state thing. Well, she stirred this up. Well, she does always, but she has shaken a good many of them, and we're going to get in trouble with our bill with this amendment, with the courtroom, with other things. He is sitting in openly with the head of the Republican committee, this New York Goodell. Yeah. They've pointed him as kind of the propaganda artist, and they're not the policy man, but what's the new committee they've set Goodell on? Research and research and the research, he's the head of the research group for the Republican policy group. And they've pointed him because they had nothing but reactionaries. So he has got her and Coleman and Trifor working with them, and they've got all of our Protestant group. I'm not saying, and I assume that too many of you can see them, and I don't believe any of our people are really working at them. I told our kidder to try to get with one or two today, but their principal basic argument is that a Catholic ought to have a pencil or a tablet, or that maybe some priest might come in and talk to him. And I don't know how we can avoid you or a Catholic anybody else coming in, and we got it under the public educational authorities. But I guess that the McLansmen can come in sometimes in this country. But she's been mighty mean and vicious, and they say the reason is because Morris gave out an ill-advised statement that he was strong part of the bill, and she hates Morris. That's right. Well, Cormac can't do much with her. Albert knows the Protestant groups, and is a pretty leading Protestant. I don't know whether you have the connection with it or not, but if you can, I would like for you to spend some time with whoever can talk to Cormac. I can talk to him. I would sure talk to him and just say that this columnist, I don't know how I'd get to it, but I'd say that the Inspector of Manor, St. Goodell, is getting supposed together. And that kind of Republicans are getting some fire people together and trying to bust up a bill that was unanimously reported. The whole basis of this administration depends on it. Now, we are starting to work on our legislative program for next year. It builds you a record to run on, but I want to emphasize with you that the Security Council and Malcolm X's generals and the Space Council and presiding and everything else is important. And we believe in that poverty and civil rights, particularly your mayors. I've counted up to give to some reporters been asking the assignments that you have. You have more than any man ever had except Garner, and more than Garner. But the one that Garner had, the only Vice President that I've ever looked at that had an influence was Garner. I had none, because Kennedy wouldn't give me any. He didn't just assign it to me. I want to make it clear here and now and once and for all, and even if it made a break between us, where we split wide open, your number one responsibility in my administration comes even ahead of McCormick, Mansfield, anybody else. I expect you to be my liaison with both of them and speak with authority with both of them and get the line down here what it is. And then as you said in your speeches, come back down here with a message, because I think the Vice President is peculiarly equipped because, A, he has the legislative training. He has the contacts. He has the power to make a speech for them. He's on the ticket. He's on one of two elected. He's there with them. The President can't go see them. Hell, I'd love to. I don't even go to a dedication at gymnasium, although I think I'm going to. But I want to go eat with Allen Elder. I want to go to Albert Thomas' and I want to go to the Texas delegation. That's where I want to be every day. I don't want to be sitting down here receiving an ambassador from Garner and spending all day down here. But I can't do it. But the Vice President can. Now, some presidents get jealous of the Vice President participating in these acts. I think that education bill is fifty-one percent sure. I think that Appalachian bill next Tuesday is forty-nine percent sure. It's Johnson Humphrey or Kennedy Johnson and it's split half and half just as much as you and Muriel own that home. And I want them to understand it and I want you to understand it and I want you to act accordingly because you just get your chart and get those hundred and four bills and you just watch them like a hawk caught. If you're successful, even when we lose, of knowing that we were voting and why we were voting and who was wrong, even if we lose them all, you will be a successful Vice President because the only man that I ever knew that was was Garner. Garner could run the Senate. He had the power where they would follow him and do what he wanted to and he could talk to Rayburn and run the house and he did. And Roosevelt passed all of his stuff and Roosevelt and Tommy Corcoran got the credit. I haven't heard of old man Corcoran but I studied here and watched it every damn day and that's what I want you to do. Now, Kennedy felt if I did it then I would be, they'd say I was the master craftsman and so forth. So he told the Catholics and Mike and them to pay no attention to me and come down here. They don't have to do that. You can negotiate with Mike. You can negotiate with Russell Long. You can negotiate with McCormick and Albert and Green and Morris and all the rest of them. Let them know that you are speaking to the President and let them know that we work through the leaders. We borrow them but this is a dual operation and put that up as the highest thing because what we're going to, we're not going to them on how well the Peace Corps did or how well even the poverty did, how well even the meetings we have over here. What we're going to the folks with four years from now, that all you young men will be going with, did we pass Appalachia? What is our program? Have we got a farm bill? Have we got Appalachia? Have we got a school bill? Have we got a health bill? Is medical care out? What did they do? Here's what they promised. So we got to pass it. Now that's number one. That's your wife. Then you can get down to your aunts and your cousins and later and the second things you can do is all this travel USA and I want you to do all of them because I want to have it running out of your damned ears. But the first thing I want is legislation and everybody is at your disposal on legislative. Now they'll shove you off because they won't talk to the president directly. And they all want him to call them direct. I haven't called a human up by this year. I'm not calling them on any bail. I never talked to a one-owned Appalachian. I want you to be walking down the halls and sitting in the gallery and being on the floor and talking to them and having the administrative assistants tell you what's happening and getting the gossip. And I don't want you to have to talk to celebrities because he really doesn't know what's going on. I talked to him nine o'clock. This meeting was going on yesterday and I chucked up Carl Albert but he was in Tennessee and I chucked up McCormick. He didn't know anything about it. And no one knew it was really going on. The goddamn damage is done and the body is dead and the post is quit beating before we find out about it. So what we've got to do is just stay right on it. You've got to give that a little dash. You've got to watch these things. Lady Green, Lady Bird just took her to Florida. I've taken her all over the country. I've had her down here. I bragged on her but she is just a mean woman and she's going to whip you and if she does why then I'm going to put you in a five-cent cigar button. It's like Marshall Woodrow Wilson. That's what happened to him, you know, with his League of Nations. And we just can't. We're smarter than they are. We've got more energy. We work faster. We've got all the machinery to go. Connor can call Republicans if you need to. Ellen can call Republicans if you need to. We've got two of them. Somebody ought to honor Austin Reed for going to bat. Somebody ought to get him a good speech. Somebody ought to honor that other guy from California, Republican, going to bat. Somebody's got to brag on old pal now. But if they beat that educational bill, we've had it. It's like the court bill of the Roosevelt's. It's the basic thing. And if we don't pass anything but education and medical care in Appalachia, we've had a record that the congressman can be reelected on. Well, Mr. President, I'll go right up there and be right on them all afternoon. You just be on them the next four years. You just say that you're the first vice president in the country that had responsibility for the... I don't care if it's the Humphrey Johnson program. I want it to be ours jointly. And when we send a message up there, I'll do whatever my cabinet will do. But from then on, it's yours until I get it back. And these boys will help you, and they'll help you. And you just have to see who's pouting, have to tell us what we can do to correct it. You have to get the rust to go see Bill Thorbride if he's pouting or whatever it is. But we just got to get this legislative program through, and I would say about if you can get any kind of farm bill. If the Peace Corps and the poverty in them, I think, will go. But if we've got Appalachia now, if we get education now, if we get medical care now, then we've got the running gears, and we can elect these boys. But if we don't, they say this farm program was a flop. And in talking to groups, I wouldn't say we've got 104 bills. I'd say, well, we're really shooting that. We've got this program, and everybody puts more on their platform than they do. What we want to do is take care of this unemployment where it's really distressed. That's Appalachia will do it. The next thing we won't do is get these people can't read and write. We won't educate them. Make taxpayers out of them. That's education. We've solved that. The next thing's health. Now, that's basic. That's what I'm after, I'm free. That's my program. Then the other 100 will be in Spanish. So if you don't get any of those three, now we're going to get them. I went up 500 million on this health. Extra. I said, don't ever argue with me. I'll go 100 million or a billion on health or education. I don't argue about that anymore. I argue about Lady Bird buying flour. You've got to have flour and coffee in your house. And education and health, I'll spend the goddamn money. I'll make that back some tanks, but not on health. So that's the go sign I gave them. But education is about to be defeated. And will be defeated by this old woman unless you meet some opposition. Carl's in Tennessee. John's a Catholic. He can't do it. Doug Cater, I'm not sure, has really known how to trade and work around. And some of these boys on the committee that are Protestants have got to know that this is what's going to reelect them. Yes, sir. And at every place you go, when you mention education, that's the most popular thing. And I just propagandize the hell out of it. And I tell my staff, I tell my friends, I tell my family that you're not an exactly emulating garner. But the last time a great program was put on the books in this country. He put it on. Whatever else they say about him. In 92, he damn sure passed the Stock Exchange and the Holden Company Act and the Agricultural Adjustment Act and the NRA and everything else. And he was standing there. And he split with him on the court. And he went back to Uvalde. But they never let advice, but Wallace didn't have one senator. He came to me with advice. And I said, the first thing I'd do is get acquainted with one senator. He said, well, he knew Claude Pepper pretty well. I said, well, Claude Pepper's with you on everything anyway. Now, you get Claude Pepper to introduce you to a bunch of these senators. And before you go out and make speeches, he was wanting to go all over the country and take the issue to the country. I said, you take the issue right there in the Senate. But poor fellow, that was his problem. Then we came along and Dick Nixon tried to make out like he had some. But Nolan cut his guts out. And Eisenhower cut his guts out and didn't want Nixon to have any power. And although Nixon bragged about how he ran everything and so forth, if you look at these confidential records down here, they treated Nixon just like he wasn't here. And Eisenhower said he'd think a few weeks and then he'd tell him what he did. If he had a few weeks to figure it out. So Nixon, I came along and they didn't want me to touch a legislative thing. Far and they'd asked me one time to switch Tom Dodd, which I did. And outside of that, that's all. Now, sky's the limit to you, the 104 bills and they're all yours and mine on the ticket because that's what we ran on. That's our platform. That's our program. You're half of it and you're there every day and you just help us if you can. And when you get past, then 62 when you go out speaking, say we passed education, we passed Appalachia, we passed medical care. And you give me those. I'll get to, I'll have a majority two years from now. Yes, sir. Okay. Did you get my report on something? Yes, sir. I went over all of them and I'm proud of them. But this is the stud duck. When we get that done, you can go talk about what you have done. But until we get it done, let's put everything else secondary. I've been here since first year. I want to go home. I'm just dying to go home. But I don't dare go home with this education bill like it is. I want to go this weekend. I just, I'm just scared to death that that woman's not taking me. I don't want to take me.