 a llwyno yma'r ddechrau'r llwyno. Felly, mae'r rhaglenion yn fath o'r gwaith flynyddoedd o'r ffysgol yn fath o'r ddylch yn fath o'r ddylch, ond yw'r ddigon i ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddwylliant. Mae'r ddweud yn gyd yn rhan o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r llwyno. Felly, mae'n ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Er gwrthodd ar y cwm, gwahol yng Nghymru yn yr adrefio, yn edrych, a'r racketau a'r hanffn�r a'r hynny'n gwaith y gallwn, mae'n drefn ei gael cael eu gwirio yn uneven, enghraifft ar y bydd annan yng nghymru. Rydw i'n gael eu gweithio arwyth y cyfnogi ymddugau gyda Llywodraethol ac rhaid i'r gweithio gweld eu gwirio arherwydd wedi'u gwirio ar ar đâylu, wedi'n gweithio argyrchu ar y cyfnodiwr, fel bod ygychydig a gweld y bydd o'r oryginiaeth o'r gwomau, y gallu'r cyffredinol i'r ymgyrch, a gyd-dweud, am ymddangos y gynnig ond y cyffredinol i'r cyffredinol i'r gynnig hefyd, yma, oherwydd i'r ddweud y cyffredinol i'r ddweud yma, ac mae'n ddweud, ac mae'n fwyaf i'ch gynnig i'r gynnig, ac mae'n ddweud eu bod yn ddweud yma. Ac, yna, mae'n ddweud, mae'n ddweud, mae'n wedi'i ddweud o'r o'r llesaf o'r blaen, oherwydd mae'n gweithio'r cwpa hefyd, mae'n ffordd i'r gwaith o'r ddiweddog o ddefnyddio ddysgu. Felly, rydyn ni'n gwneud o'r llesafolau a llesafolau yn yr hyn o'r llesafolau ar hyn, o'r cyd-archaeogiolau nifer o rhywbeth yn cyfnodol, yn ddweud o ddechrau, ddych chi'n ddysgu'r llesafolau ac rwy'n gweithio'n gweithio'r llesafolau, ond o'r llesafolau yn gweithio'r llesafolau rathen chi'n gweld i hearing ankerd ac aturiaethau i gweithio roi dragoedd ond yn ddaodol, byddwn y fwyaf y ddechrau i lryddem y dweud o Цerr Code a oeddem i ddigwm i ddimol iawn i ddimol, i ddigwm mewn ddaid iawn i ddigwm i ddimol iawn ankerdion i ddimol iawn i ddimol iawn i ddigwm i ddimol iawn i ddigwm i ddigwm i ddigwm i ddimol iawn. Ac mae'n ddod i'n ddigonwch i chi wedi bod yn ymlaen i gael eich mynd i gael gwneudio ar ei ddoedd a gael gweld i gael amser i Llandfeydd. A ydych chi'n gael arall i gael amser, rwy'n gael arall i'r Llandfeydd, a'r amser i'r mirwch i Llandfeydd. Dwi'n gael, mae'r marxau flynydd a'r arwad i'n gwlad i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld i'n gweld. In New Guinea, there's a river people that clearly identifies themselves as being very different from the drylanders living around them. And again in Australia you've got the soul water people, their hunter gatherers exploiting a particular environment that has particular skills and knowledge sets that others do not and therefore they see themselves as different. So in the past Van der Norten o Sylvan have described in the legal fishing community, these people would go out on a daily basis and interact with particular environments which meant that they kind of took on a particular fishing identity I suppose, differently from the farmers in the fields. The mesolithic lower Rhine areas is a similar idea, hunter gatherers lived in these landscape for a long time, developed a wetland mentality as Anchorage has called it. And that over time meant that they actually dealt with incoming neolithic novelties in a different way from the communities living in the dryland areas, which is really interesting I think of that kind of identity and the totally effects the way that you then deal with new developments. And then, oh, I don't know what happened, I mean the fence which I've already mentioned in the historic period you've got this clear distinct community of fence lodges, people that live of the wild resources in this environment, and yeah they clearly lean to this environment. And by their contemporaries they describe as a half savage population in a wild and utterly wasted landscape. A later researcher has called them a singular people who developed a feeling of freedom and individuality and a culture unique from the rest of the iron that is the UK. And he argues that it's because of their inhabiting and exploiting this unique wetland landscape basically. So it's clear from both these quotes that there is a clear link between the people and the land or the environment that they inhabit and exploit. So I guess in my PhD research what I'm trying to do is I'm trying to kind of find out when this started happening, when this kind of link was formed, so to speak, and this is where these Anglian friends are on the east coast of England. And it's a good research area for this particular question because it started out dry and kind of became wet over time. So I kind of wonder when, at what point, when people interacted with this kind of wet landscape, did they become wetlanders I suppose? Did they even? So I guess the question. So I'm trying to contextualise later prehistoric fence sites and communities in their wider social cultural and physical landscape. And basically ask the question, did this identity develop and if so when? And how, if it did, did it affect wetlands role and why the social cultural developments in the area? How did they interact with the dryland communities around them? So the objective is a broad-scale comparison of food ways to time and space. So I'm looking at the neolithic to the Iron Age, I'm looking at different environments, so wetlands, drylands and the kind of intermediate environments on the Fenn Edge. Why food ways? Well, like I said, I want to look at this human environment interaction, that kind of rules in particular identities. And food ways, and many of those routine tasks that we talked about, revolve around food ways from the production to preparation to the eating, etc. They take place in a physical environment in a landscape that poses, sorry, offers opportunities but also poses constraints so wetlands are very rich and wild resources that may not be good for agriculture. And they are also deeply social and cultural in nature and what you eat is very much part of your identity or group identity even today. So that's very interesting. So this is my site selection, I suppose, the selected sites in the former Fenns because they're now dry and in the dry areas around it. I collected them in a database where you have a site which may have different phases and in each phase you have different evidence categories. So wild and domestic plants and animals, pottery and environmental rains, I just take the presence or the absence of these species. And now I have 145 sites and 440 phases, all of which have been assigned a main period. So one of 10 phases will measure the neolithic all the way to the late Iron Age around the British period. And they've all been assigned an environment, either wet, the dry or intermediate, so I can compare the three. Now, for the first round of analysis I've kind of lumped all my individual species into different groups. Domestic animals, wild animals, domestic plants and wild plants. And the wild animals are separated out in birds, fish, mammals and mollusks because those are the kind of species that you find in fennel and wetland areas. I want to look at them specifically. These are the results, just very kind of brought over here, I can't go into all the detail but it's clear that the wetter environments on this site differ from the dry ones on that site. First of all, there's this kind of decrease in the wet and increase in the drylands. And these resources I've just mentioned, fish, birds, etc. are clearly more common in the wetter environments than the dry environments, which is not unexpected. So I've taken these all apart, looked at the different species, looked at the different groups and different periods. And I've come up with a few kind of preliminary results. I guess it's more ideas really at this point but I need to kind of do more analysis. But what I think happened in terms of identity development and use of these wetlands is this. In the Neolithic, when the fennel was developing, people were already using it, maybe on a seasonal basis, to grace that cattle and so on. There was no true wetlands yet, I think, so no true wetland identities either. In the Bronze Age, people started interacting more with the developing wetlands, living on the fennedge and exploiting the resources within it. And that, in the later Bronze Age, actually led to them actually moving right into those wetlands. They colonised the fenns, as it were. This is a reconstruction of Must Farm, recently found in the East Anglin fenns, very well-preserved, late Bronze Age site. And the other ones flag fenn nearby, also a site in that wetland. It's no longer on the edge, they're actually in it. And I think this is where you could argue the communities there would have, you know, maybe identified as wetlanders or would have been seen as wetlanders, maybe. Which is not to say, I want to stress, that they were not part of wider communities or completely different, like in the historic period. They were very much in touch yet, still, I think, with these people living elsewhere. There's clear evidence for interaction on the side of Must Farm, for instance, not just within communities but also the communities in Europe. So, in the Iron Age, drylands again seem to become more important or shift focus back to drylands again. But you have continued exploitation of the fenn and resources by either part of the communities or by some specialist communities living on the fenn edge. And, yeah, they might, again, have a particularly part of their identity might have been this kind of wetlander identity that I've been talking about. But again, they were probably trading with Indian communities. I don't think, at this point in time, we can speak about proper fenn-slogging communities yet, so to speak. Of course, all of this needs more analysis. I need to look at preservation and autonomy, which are major issues in these kind of different environments. They're very, they preserve better in wetland environments. I need to look at the specific individual find categories rather than the big groups. And I need to contextualise all of this in a kind of wider setting, wider landscape setting and the developments happening elsewhere. But it's clear, I think, that there's a long-lasting kind of intimate relationship between people and these dynamic wetland landscapes in this area. And in the medieval periods, this results in a kind of definite wetlander identity, and people are very much found to this wetland landscape. And by that time, there is this clear distinction of wild and waitful wetlands and wetlanders and civilised and cultivated drylanders. It's a little bit like the situation in Scotland, the outsiders looking in on the people living there and kind of describing them in that way. So it's no wonder that they went for improvement, as we've just talked about as well, and actually a recovery of the inning of ground and surrounded grounds, all these kind of wet, wasteful spaces that we don't really need really. So they brought in the Dutch, who were good at draining, and they started draining the fence, which immediately led to tensions basically. The wetlanders, pretending to play football, which is interesting, started to destroy the works of drainage, and the country was again inundated as it formerly had been. So it's clear that Willie was right. They enjoy a waltz of liberty and they were not disposed to give this up. They were really attached to this land. They wanted to keep it that way. They didn't want it to become dry. But eventually they lost the battle, I suppose. This depends now. It's a very fertile agricultural dry region. And therefore the wetland way of life, of course, disappears as well. So, as McCulloch says, the ones independent and segregated defend them, they slowly begin to assimilate into the growing English national social order. So the local identity disappeared over time. So I guess, in terms of lessons, I don't think it's a lesson. It's more a warning. The destruction of landscapes and environments leads to the destruction of unique lifeways and identities, and we've just seen that in Scottish examples, I suppose. So climate change today is doing a similar kind of thing. Industrial agriculture development, tourism, I suppose is another example. It's still happening today, basically. And once they're lost, it's hard to regain. I mean, once you change a landscape, you can't just change it back. Also, I'm not supposing that we should all become fence lodges again. That's not realistic in this time of it. But I think there's some lessons, especially if you look at the prehistoric fendin inhabitants or the people engaging with these landscapes in prehistory. I think it's clear that they didn't think in these kind of dichotomous terms that we do today. They didn't see those differences. They just saw the wetlands as part of a wider landscape that they could engage with and take things from, so to speak. And in a way, that is happening in places like Wiccan Ffenn, which is a reconstructed pile of ffenns, I suppose. And often these days, those are natural areas where people are kept out to give nature a chance to regain, to be re-established. In Wiccan Ffenn, they're actually actively reconnecting local communities with a wetland landscape. They encourage them to come in and to think about how they may engage with a wetland landscape. They also integrate archaeological and cultural heritage in this. So it's kind of breaking down of this nature culture divide. And I think that's very important. It's a different kind of engagement than the past ffennlenders, but it still might eventually foster a kind of more local community, local identity. So in summary then, human landscape interaction over time results in unique identities. We have a strong link between people's environment and the landscape and their identities, like the wetland is in these Angle Ffenns in the UK. When these landscapes and environments are then lost or destroyed, so are these kind of local special identities. And although it's hard to regain them, I think we can still learn from the past looking at how past communities kind of didn't see these dichotomies that we see today. And in that way we could maybe reconnect with some particular landscapes and build more local identities, more localised identities rather than the globalised ones or in addition to the globalised ones, I guess. So integrating nature and culture to do so. Thank you very much.