 Y Dwell yn amlun y gwahanol yw ddweud i'r ffordd. Mae'r dweud yn fflawni i ddim yn gweithio i ddweud y dyfodol, dyfu wasbyn cyfraith yn y glenau, ac yn garfod yn cael ei ddweud o gael Dacier. Mae'n bwysig yn hefyd yn y bwysig, ac ddim hynny arall y cominwch, A gael y Minister Feesnipusig ydw i'n rhaid o'r aelod yn teiselol i'r anod gyda 10 ymlaen iawn. Mae'n gwneud am gallu'n rhaid amser i'r anod, wrth gwrs, a'r anod yma. Yn y gwrthol i'r anod, mae'n ymlaen i'r anod. Itaeth i Anolwyr Llywodraeth. Mae'r anod yng Nghymru yn gwneud ei ddweud yr anod ymlaen o'r anod, fel yna'r anod yma'n gyfrannu. I'n ddweud bod yma'r ysgolfa'n ymdyn nhw'n mynd i'ch gweithio'r gweithio'n ddig-deg. Mae'r pethau i'r wlad o'r gwlad cyhoedd ar y mynd i'r ysgolfa'r ysgolfa'n os yw'r gweithiau yn y balku. Yn gyfledd, mae'n cyfrachur yma, ac mae'r ddwygaeth tectonicau ar gyfer ystod, yn amlwg ac yn fwy, a hystoddwch yn oed yn y linell ysgol, ac mae ymyrthol yn y linell yma yn y sgol, yn y ddiddordeb a'r oed. Mae'r ysgol yma yn y Llywodraeth Cresdianitym, yr orthodox Cresdianitym, y Llywodraeth a'r Dwyll, rydw i'r ffordd a'r ffordd, a'r llwyddoedd i ddechrau a'r ffordd. Be cyhoeddio yw TiTRO, a'r llwyddoedd yn yn ei ddiddordeb yn fawr, yn ymddangosu erioedd eich cyffredin yng Nghymru yn y form o'r Ffraith Ffedwr Llywodraeth, oedd yng Nghymru yn Llywodraeth. When Tito died in 1980, the lid began to lift from the constitutional and institutional containment vessel that was the former Yugoslavia, as ethnic and nationalist tensions reasserted themselves. In 1989, following a period of tension in Kosovo, Slobodan Milosevic delivered the epoch-defining speech at Kosovo Polya 500 years after the Battle of Kosovo of 1389, through which Serbian defeat at the hands of the Ottomans entered Serbian legend and historical consciousness. His focus on a greater Serbia captured the zeitgeist of burgeoning regional nationalisms. The Serbs were not alone in this perspective. The die was cast. Dark and pent-up energies were released. By 1991, Yugoslavia disintegrated and descended into a vicious conflict that introduced to many of us new and frightful concepts such as ethnic cleansing and meaningless, if will, such as UN safe havens. European integration was preceding a pace. The Berlin Wall collapsed. Germany was reunified. The Soviet Union imploded. The Treaty on European Union set out ambitious new policy targets, including the emerging field of common foreign and security policy. The pace of events was palpable, but the disintegration of Yugoslavia was so vicious, such an affront to a common presumption then in the EU that war in Europe was a thing of the past, that inevitably it came to dominate attention. In truth, it cruelly exposed the gap between the EU's policy pretensions and aspirations on common security policy and its lack of capacity to act. Summit meeting conclusions, foreign affairs council statements and European Parliament resolutions came thick and fast, but no amount of resolutions could substitute a resolve and a capacity to act. Deeds counted for more than words. The EU's mountain of resolutions was an inverse proportion to the ability to act. As a deputy in the European Parliament then, I can still recall the sense of the EU's impotence that I was witnessing and participating in however minor my then wrote. To this day when I hear or read the name of Srebrenica and recall the vile massacre of the summer of 1995, I still feel the sense of shame and troubled conscience that I then felt. Most of two decades ago. For much of that period I scrambled personally to try to understand this region of which before I must admit I had known so little. Journalism was good on events as they unfolded, but weak on perspective. Conventional histories that I read left me looking for something deeper. For me it was when I began reading the works of Evo Andridge. And in particular The Bridge Over the Dreamer published 50 years before I first read it. And a work whose essence I found almost prophetic in its outlook that I began in some way to comprehend something of the depths and energies beneath the surface that I was witnessing. I recall in particular his chillingly accurate phrase written in 1945 and I quote of hurricanes of hatred awaiting their hour of expression end quote. So it was when I came to lead the liberal group in the European Parliament and eventually when I had the privilege to be its president that I could approach the new post conflict politics of the region fortified by modest understanding. And the duty of an informed and bruised conscience to seek to offer the comfort of hope in a common European perspective. This is to convey to you briefly my journey to Thessaloniki ten years ago. Since the US brokerage date and peace accords at the end of 1995, the region began the long journey to normalisation. When the conflict in Kosovo flared up in 1998 and images of streams of refugees filled our television screens, we were jolted into the realisation that Dayton's peace was a fragile flower that needed more careful tending. Late, but eventually determined US led NATO intervention, helped to resolve the conflict, whose legacy effects have just so recently achieved the new milestone of which many have spoken with the EU broker agreement between Serbia and Kosovo, which is indeed something of enormous significance. Now, of course, as with all agreements, the challenge is for implementation. In 2001, Macedonia, former Yugoslav Republic of, also established beyond doubt that the regional genie of ethnic conflict was by no means back in the bottle, but calamity was averted by one of the CFSP's most notable early successes. There was an overwhelming sense that more needed to be done. Entered the Greek presidency of the EU and the Thessaloniki summit of ten years ago. 2003 was a year of definition for the negotiation and EU enlargement. The accession treaties of the then ten exceeding states had been signed in Athens in April. Membership beckoned to be formalised here in Phoenix Park under the Irish presidency and the first of May of 2004. But in many respects, 2003 was also the year of the Western Balkans. As European Parliament president I attended the European Council meeting in Thessaloniki, I might add the last to be held outside Brussels, ever since they've only been held, as you know, in Brussels. This immediately was followed on the 21st of June of that year by the European Union West Balkans summit. The European Parliament was resolved not just to be associated with this stress initiative, but actively to contribute to the realisation of its goals. At the end of September that year, 2003, I made one of the most intense visits of my European Parliament presidency to the region, visiting and addressing the parliaments in Croatia, Serbia, Macedonia, Albania and Bosnia, meeting the leaders of Montenegro while in Belgrade and of Kosovo in the course of a visit to Pristina. The message was one of engagement but differentiation. That still holds. Of prospects but not of precise timetables. That still holds. Of unresolved issues, of course of which many. Of refugee return. Of the fight against crime and corruption. Of the need for transformation and modernisation. Of the need for strong institutions more than strong men. And I felt obliged in one or two parliaments to emphasise that point. And I do mean men not women, as one will know from the region. And of course of the unresolved status issues, particularly in Kosovo and Bosnia. I recall with great clarity how each capital spoke with some enthusiasm at that time for enhance links with Brussels and the EU, but were more circumspect about links regionally and closer to home as is indeed been amply remarked earlier. President Tricoski of Macedonia, I must say whose debt in that air crash was deeply tragic not just for his person and family, but I actually think for his country. He was such a towering figure and played such a role in his brief period in office. President Tricoski, President Marovic then of the President of the EU short lived inspired Serbia and Montenegro because of course the two had their velvet divorce at the earliest available opportunity. And President message of Croatia were all invited to address the European Parliament. The speaker of all the region speakers of the regional parliaments were associated as observers at my initiative with the work of their counterparts from the then accession state. Regional reintegration, though a major team of the dialogue after such conflict as has been remarked by all the speakers today could not be imposed from the outside. It fell to the region in itself encouraged by the European Union to find the functional expression. The experience of Europe's own integration reveals the need for true reconciliation to be based in conviction. It cannot be imposed as we know in Western Europe. Pax Americana assured Europe's post war peace. In Western Europe, the perceived common and external threat of the Soviet Union bound nations more closely together. But the animation for true reconciliation had come from within. While Schumann's famous declaration of 9 May 1950 is often recalled for its institutional and foundational quality, it is his use of the phrase about creative reconciliation which always has struck for me the most important note. This was the soul that animated the structures of which he spoke. It was a gift that only Europeans could give to themselves and so it is true for regional reconciliation in the western Balkans. To conclude Mr Chairman, since then, and it's not the purpose of my brief intervention, as I said to assess the grainy detail of the progress, it is greatly to be celebrated that Croatia stands on the threshold of full membership in a few short weeks. The multiple crises of recent years, however, have left the European Union exhausted by deep introspection, and we must remember that the world and our near neighbours and their needs and our shared interests cannot be put on artificial hold while we fix Europe's plumbing. The spirit of Thessaloniki has yielded fruit, but the full harvest is not yet gathered. I'm deeply troubled personally that our friends in Macedonia still await their full invitation to proceed to their place at the table. It is high time this issue over name was resolved. Not to do so on its own doorstep is an unhappy reminder for the EU of the policy impotence to which I earlier referred. Lastly Chairman, the comatose state of affairs in Bosnia is a source of deep concern. Ten years on from Thessaloniki it teaches that determined effort can yield positive outcome. More needs to be done with and for Bosnia. I talk here not as an imposition but as an imperative.