 Book 4, Chapter 9 of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Ann Boulet. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Winston. Chapter 9. That Vespasian, after he had taken Gadara, made preparation for the siege of Jerusalem. But that, upon his hearing of the death of Nero, he changed his intentions, as also concerning Simon of Jiris. 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem, and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his auxiliaries. He also sent Luchius Aeneas to Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen. So, when he had taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those young men who had not prevented him by flying away. But he took their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of their effects. After he had set fire to their houses, and went away to the adjoining villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker part were destroyed. And what was remaining was all burnt down. And now the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the plain country also. Those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of the liberty of going out of the city, for as to such as had a mind to desert, they were watched by the zealots. And as to such as were not yet on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the city round about on all sides. 2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Caesarea, and was getting ready with all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. But as to any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government, and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches, Nephidius and Tijelenus, his unworthy freedmen, and how he had a plot laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran away with four of his most trusty freedmen, and slew himself in the suburbs of Rome, and how those that occasioned his death were in no long time brought themselves to punishment, how also the war in Gaul ended, and how Galba was made emperor and returned out of Spain to Rome, and how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by treachery in the middle of the marketplace at Rome, and Arthur was made emperor. With his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius, and his destruction thereupon, and besides what troubles there were under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capital, as also how Antonius Primus, and Michianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and thereby put an end to that civil war. I have omitted to give an exact account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors. Yet for the sake of the connection of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent, I have just touched upon everything briefly. Footnote. Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba, Otto, and Vitellius, here only touched upon by Josephus, Cetacitus, Suolonius, and Dio, more largely. However, we may observe with Othius that Josephus rise the name of the second of them, not Otto, with many others but Otto, with the coins, and footnote. Wherefore Vespasian put off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whether the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also should send him some directions about the war. However, he sent his son Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews. Upon the very same errand did King Agrippa sail along with Titus to Galba. But as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of Achaia, for it was wintertime, they heard that Galba was slain before they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many days. After whom, Otto took the government and undertook the management of public affairs. So, Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any terror, on account of the change in the government. But Titus, by a divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great haste to Caesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense about the public affairs, the Roman Empire being then in a fluctuating condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on account of the solicitude they were in for their own country. Three. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning indeed as John of Gisahala, who had already seized upon the city, but superior in strength of body and courage, on which account, when he had been driven away from the acrobatic toparchy, which he once had by Ananas the High Priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon Mazda. At the first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress, while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about Mazda, yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could not prevail with them so to do, for as they were accustomed to dwell in that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was their hiding place. But he, affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananas, he left them and went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got together a set of wicked men from all quarters. Four, and as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him, so that his army was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then overran the Acrobatin Toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the great Idumia, for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress for his own party's security, and at the valley called Paran. He enlarged many of the caves, and many others he found ready for his purpose. These he made use of as repositories for his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he had got by Rapin, and many of his partisans had their dwelling in them, and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem. Five, whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove the rest before him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his forces as to make an assault upon the walls. But he resolved first to subdue Idomia, and as he had now 20,000 armed men, he marched to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idomians got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about 25,000 in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the Sicari that were at Mazda. Thus they received Simon at their borders, where they fought him and continued the battle all that day, and the dispute lay whether they had conquered him or been conquered by him. So he went back to Nain, as did the Idomians return home. Nor was it long ere Simon came violently again upon their country, when he pitched his camp at a certain village called Thacoi, and sent Eleazar, one of his companions, to those that kept Garrison at Herodium, and in order to persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The Garrison received this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about, but as soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when he threw himself down from the wall into the valley below. So he died immediately. But the Idomians, who were already much afraid of Simon's power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they hazard a battle with them. Six. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray them. He went therefore from the village Allurus, wherein the army of the Idomians were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him that he would assist him in subduing all Idomia under him. Upon which account, he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated by his mighty promises, and when he was returned to his own men, he at first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number than what it was, after which he dexterously persuaded the commanders, and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender the whole government up to him without fighting. And as he was doing this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse the Idomians, which he performed also. For as soon as the army was nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with those whom he had corrupted. Here upon a terror fell upon the whole multitude, and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks, and everyone retired to his own home. 7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idomia, without bloodshed, and made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it. Wherein he got possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancient city, not only than any in that country, but then Memphis in Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned at 2,300 years. They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia, and they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to this very time showed in that small city, the fabric of which monuments are the most excellent marble, and wrought after the most elegant manner. There is also there showed, at the distance of six furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree, and the report goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world. Footnote, some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove, and oak others, a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been very famous in all the past ages, and is so, I suppose, at this day, and that particularly for an eminent mart, or meeting of merchants there every year, as travelers inform us. End footnote. Thence did Simon make his progress over all Itumen, and did not only ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste to the whole country. Four, besides those that were completely armed, he had 40,000 men that followed him, in so much that he had not provisions enough to suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by which means it came to pass that Itumia was greatly depopulated. And as one may see, all the woods behind, despoiled of their leaves by locusts. After they had been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trotted down or fed upon it, and by their marches, they made the ground that was cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid waste, that ever they had had a being. Eight. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh, and though they were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay ambushes in the passes and seized upon his wife, with a considerable number of her attendants, whereupon they came back to the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were in present expectation that he would lay down his arms and make supplication to them for his wife, but instead of indulging any merciful affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife, so he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and like wild beasts when they are wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs or sticks, who were unarmed and in years. He then tormented them and destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies, and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens, without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the guilty and the innocent. These threatening so greatly affrighted, not the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his wife back to him, when he became a little milder, and left off his perpetual bloodshedding. Nine. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also, for now Galda was slain in the midst of the Roman marketplace, then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who set up for emperor also, for the legions in Germany had chosen him. But when he gave battle to Valens and Cicina, who were Vitellius's generals, at Betriacum in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage of the first day, but on the second day, Vitellius's soldiers had the victory, and after much slaughter, Otho slew himself. When he had heard of this defeat at Brixia, after he had managed the public affairs three months and two days. Footnote. Putonius differs hardly three days from Josephus, and says Otho perished on the 95th day of his reign. End footnote. Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he came himself down to Rome with his army. But in the meantime, Vespasian removed from Caesarea, on the fifth day of the month Deaceus, Sivan, and marched against those places of Judea, which were not yet overthrown. So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two Toparches that were called the Gothnitic and Acrobatic Toparches, after he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities, and when he had put garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took many prisoners, and many captives. But Sarelius, one of his commanders, took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste to that part of Edomia, which was called the Upper Edomia, and attacked Cephetra, which pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt it down. He also attacked Cephetra, and laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall, and when he expected to spend a long time in that siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When Sarelius had conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have told you already that this city is situated in the mountainous country not far off Jerusalem, and when he had broken into the city by force, what multitude and young men were left therein, he slew, and burnt down the city, so that as now, all the places were taken, accepting Herodium and Mazda, and Macarus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at. Ten. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idomia, and driving the nation all before him from all quarters. He compelled a large number of them to retire to Jerusalem. He followed them himself also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again, and when he lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country, he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots, who were within it, more heavy upon them than both of the other. And during this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage of John corrupt the body of the Galileans. For these Galileans had advanced this John and made him very potent, who made them suitable requital from the authority he had obtained by their means, for he permitted them to do all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the rich, and for the murdering of the men and abusing of the women, it was sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness, without any disturbance, till they resatiated therein, while they decked their hair and put on women's garments, and were besmeared over with ointments, and that they might appear very comely. They had paints under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness that they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel house, and defiled it entirely with their impure actions. Nay, while their faces looked like the faces of women, they killed with their right hands, and when their gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men and became warriors, and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran everybody through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two, and he who had escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay before the gates, so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do. 11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him, and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of his cruelty. So they got together and slew many of the zealots, and drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by Grape Day, who was a relation of Zaites, the king of Adiabene. The Idumeans fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and betook themselves to plunder John's effects, for both he himself was in that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by his tyranny. In the meantime, the multitude of those zealots that were dispersed over the city, ran together to the temple unto those that fled thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the Idumeans, who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them, because they were themselves better soldiers than they, as at their madness, lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them, and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they assembled themselves together, and the High Priest with them, and took counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second tyrant into the city, which resolution they brought to perfection, and sent Matthias, the High Priest, to beseech this Simon to come ill to them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects. Accordingly, he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly protection and came into the city in order to deliver it from the zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their savior and their preserver, but when he was come in with his army, he took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the invitation was intended. 12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem in the third year of the war, in the month Zanthikus, Nizon, whereupon John, with his multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the temple, and having lost their power in the city. For Simon and his party had plundered them of what they had, were in despair of deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults. However, a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off wounded, for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place, and seldom failed of hitting their enemies. But having the advantage of situation, and having with all erected four very large towers of forehand, that their darts might come from higher places, one at the northeast corner of the court, one above the Zistis, the third at another corner over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of the Pestiforia, where one of the priests stood, of course, and gave a signal beforehand, with a trumpet at the beginning of every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off work, and when they were to go to work again. Footnote, this beginning and ending of the observation of the Jewish seventh day, or Sabbath, with a priest blowing of a trumpet, is remarkable, and nowhere else mentioned that I know of. Nor is Rieland's conjecture here improbable, that this was the very place that has puzzled our commentators so long, called Musak Sabati, the covert of the Sabbath. If that be the true reading, 2 Kings 1618, because here the proper priest stood dry, under a covering, to proclaim the beginning and ending of every Jewish Sabbath. End footnote. These men also set their engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of that work, yet did he not leave off his opposition? Because his army was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for him. End of Book 4, Chapter 9 The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Whiston. Chapter 10. How the Soldiers, both in Judea and in Egypt, proclaimed Vespasian Emperor, and how Vespasian released Josephus from his bonds. 1 Now about this very time it was, that heavy calamities came about Rome on all sides. For Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men. Which men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never seen such riches before, and found themselves shown round about on all sides with silver and gold, they had much adieu to contain their covetous desires, and were ready to but take themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state of affairs in Italy at that time. 2 But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he returned to Caesarea, and heard of the troubles that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was Emperor. This produced indignation in him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern, and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his Lord who acted so madly and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute of a governor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other wars when his native country was laid waste. But then, as much as his passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained by the consideration of his distance therefrom, because fortune might prevent him and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season. So he restrained his anger, how vehement so ever it was at the time. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies and consulted openly about changing the public affairs, and, out of their indignation, cried out how, at Rome there are soldiers that live delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes of gain make them emperors, while you, who have gone through so many labors and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals if they do not make use of this that is now before them? While there is so much juster reasons for Bespecians being emperor than for Vitaleus, as they are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors, for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that came from Germany, nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than they. For that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a lascivious emperor as Vitaleus if he be compared with their chaste Vespasian, nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant instead of a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child to preside over them instead of him that is a father, because the advancement of men's own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can have for themselves. Footnote The Roman authors that now remain say Vitaleus had children, whereas Josephus introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea saying he had none. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not? Spanheim thinks he hath given a peculiar reason for calling Vitaleus childless, though he really had children, to which it appears very difficult to give our assent. End footnote Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have Vespasian, or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have Titus, for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages, for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors. They having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to support them, as also those in Europe. So they are as they are out of the distance and dread of Vitaleus, besides such auxiliaries as they may have in Italy itself. That is, Vespasian's brother. Footnote This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabanus, as Swatonius informs us. He is also named by Josephus, presently Chapter 11, Section 4. End Footnote And his other son, Domitian, the one of whom will bring in a great many of those young men that are of dignity, while the other is entrusted with the government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole the case may be such that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an emperor whom the soldiers, who are the savers of the empire, will have in contempt. Four These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several companies, after which they got together in a great body and, encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor and exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Footnote It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by Josephus and Utropius, that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's present copies must be correct texts, when they both say that he was first proclaimed in Egypt, and that on the Callens of July, while they still say it was the fifth of the knownness, or Ides of the same July before he was proclaimed in Judea, I suppose the month they there intended was June and not July as the copies now have it. Nor does Tacitus's coherence imply less. End Footnote Now Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public. Yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his action showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity. But when he refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his acceptance, and the soldiers came about him with their drawn swords in their hands and threatened to kill him unless he would now live according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations that would salute him emperor. Five So upon the exhortations of Musianus and the other commanders that he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army, who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers, he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence in order to obtain the entire government because of its supplying of corn to Rome. Which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone Vitalius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force, for he would not be able to support himself if the multitude at Rome should once be in want of food. And because he was desirous to join the two legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him, he also considered with himself that he should then have that country for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune. For Egypt is hard to be entered by land and have no good havens by sea. Footnote. Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and circumstances of Egypt in the days of Vespasian and Titus. End footnote. It half on the west the dry deserts of Libya, and on the south same, that divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over. And on the east the Red Sea extended as far as Coptus, and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length between Pelusium and Sain is 2,000 furlongs, and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is 3,600 furlongs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther. The haven also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty even in times of peace. For the passage inward is narrow and full of rocks that lie under the water, which will blodge the mariners to turn from a straight direction. Its left side is blocked up by works made by men's hands on both sides. On its right side lies the island called Ferris, which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great tower that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within 300 furlongs of it. That ships may cast anchor a great way off in the nighttime by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against which, when the sea dashes itself and its waves are broken against these boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome and the entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous. Yet it is the haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of 30 furlongs in largeness, into which is brought what the country wants in order to its happiness, and also what abundance the country affords more than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth. Six. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire. So he immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him, and how he, being forced to accept the burden of the government, was desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now, as soon as ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. Accordingly, Vespasian, looking upon himself as already entrusted with the government, got all things ready for his journey to Rome. Now, fame carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news. The legions also that were in Mycia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little before on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian upon his coming to the empire. Vespasian then removed from Caesarea to Beritus, where many embassages came to him from Syria and many from other provinces, bringing with them from every city crowns and the congratulations of the people. Mucianists came also, who was the president of the province, and told him with what alacrity the people received the news of his advancement, and how the people of every city had taken the oath of fidelity to him. Seven. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes everywhere, and the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands, upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government without divine providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought the empire under his power. For as he called to mind the other signals, which had been a great many everywhere, that foretold he should obtain the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive. So he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then called for Mucianists, together with his other commanders and friends, and in the first place he informed them what a valiant man Josephus had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his which he had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear that he was in, but which had by time been demonstrated to be divine. As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus on account of his having foretold the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent exultation of the Medes and Persians, Daniel 5.6, or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty and honorably treated by Nebzaradan at the command of Nebuchadnezzar on account of his having foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians, Jeremiah 41-7, so was our Josephus set at liberty and honorably treated on account of his having foretold the advancement of Asphagian and Titus to the Roman Empire. All these are most eminent instances of the interposition of divine providence and of the certainty of divine predictions in the great revolutions of the Four Monarchies. Well such like examples there are, both in the sacred and other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt, and of Jadwa the High Priest in the days of Alexander the Great, etc. and footnote. It is a shameful thing, said he, that this man who hath foretold my coming to the Empire beforehand and been the minister of a divine message to me, should still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner. So he called for Josephus and commanded that he should be set at liberty. Whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, froth this were quittle Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with his father and said, O Father, it is but just, that the scandal of a prisoner should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain. For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will be like a man that had never been bound at all. For that is the usual method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also. So there came a man in, and cut the chain to pieces. While Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities also. End of Book 4, Chapter 10, Recording by Hollis Hanover. But upon the conquest and slaughter of Vitalius, Vespasian hastened his journey to Rome, but Titus, his son, returned to Jerusalem. 1. And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embasages, and had disposed of the places of power justly, and according to everyone's desserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take, he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by Vitalius, so he sent Mochianus to Italy, and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him, yet was Mochianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Frigia. Quick note, this is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian, in order to secure his success, and establish his government at first, distributed his offices and places upon the foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best fit for them. Which wise conduct, in a mere heathen, ought to put those rulers and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and destruction. And footnote, too, in the meantime, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that were in Mycia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in order to fight Vitalius, whereupon Vitalius sent away Cicina, with the great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having beaten Otho. Cicina marched out of Rome in great haste, and found Antonius about Cremona in Gaul, which city is in the borders of Italy, but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he durst not fight them, and as he thought of retreat dangerous, so he began to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of Vitalius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but with the other was the power of it, and that it was better for them to prevent necessity and gain favor, and while they were likely to be overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to Antonius willingly, that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what had not yet submitted under their assistance, while Vitalius could not preserve what he had already with it. 3. Cicina said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded them to comply with him, and both he and his army deserted, but still the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitalius who sent them should get the better, and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cicina in order to kill him, and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it, so the soldiers did not kill him, but put him in bonds as a traitor, and were about to send him to Vitalius. When Antonius' primus heard of this, he raised up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them against those that had revolted. Hereupon they put themselves in order of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and fled to Cremona. Then did primus take his horsemen, and cut off their entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that country, perished, and among them Vitalius' whole army, being 30,200. While Antonius lost no more of those than came with him from Mycia than 4,500. He then loosed Cicina, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian. Four, and now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Savinas took courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch by night, and in the night time seized upon the capital. And as the day came on, many men of character came over to him, with donation his brother's son, whose encouragement was a very great weight for the compassing the government. Now Vitalius was not much concerned at this primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Savinas. And thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood, he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight against the capital. And many bold actions were done on this side, and on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill into their possession, where donation, with many other of the principal Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Savinas himself was brought to Vitalius, and then slain. The soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments and set it on fire. But now, within a day's time came Antonius, with his army, and were met by Vitalius and his army, and having had a battle in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitalius come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along through the multitude and abused with all sorts of torments, had his head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight months and five days, and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Footnote, the numbers in Josephus for Galba, seven months, seven days, for Otto, three months, two days, and here for Vitalius, eight months, five days, do not agree with any Roman historians, who also disagree among themselves. And indeed, C. Ligger justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes, that this period is very confused and uncertain in the ancient authors. They were probably some of them contemporary together for some time. One of the best evidences we have, I mean, Ptolemies canon, omits them all, as if they did not altogether reign one whole year, nor had a single thoth, or new year's day, which then fell upon August 6th, in their entire reigns. D. O. also, who says that Vitalius reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more than one year, one month, and two days. And footnote, of the others that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the third day of the month, Epileus, Castileu. On the next day, Mucchianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his men to leave off killing, for they were still searching the houses, and killed many of Vitalius' soldiers, and many of the populace, as supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate distinction between them and others. He then produced omation, and recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself, so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitalius. Five, and now, as Vespasian came to Alexandria, this good news came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own, habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement, and though this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the multitude that then came into it. So upon this confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled, and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order, but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Necropolis, which is distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria. There he put his army on board some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendezian Nomus, as far as the city Tumuyus. There he got out of the ships, and walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small city, called Tannis. His second station was Heracleopolis, and his third, Pelusium. He then refreshed his army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths of the Nile at Pelusium. He then proceeded one station over the desert, and pitched his camp at the temple of Casi and Jupiter. Footnote. There are coins of this Casi and Jupiter still extant. And footnote. And on the next day, at Ostracene, this station had no water, but the people of the country made use of water brought from other places. After this he rested at Rhino Calura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth station he pitched his camp at Gaza, after which he came to Ascalon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Caesarea. Having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at that place. End of book four, chapter eleven. End of book four. Book five, chapter one, of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org, recording by hearhis.com. The Wars of the Jews by Josephus, translated by William Weston. Book five. Containing the interval of near six months, from the coming of Titus to besiege Jerusalem, to the great extremity to which the Jews were reduced. Chapter one. Concerning the seditions at Jerusalem, and what terrible miseries afflicted the city by their means. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert, which lies between Egypt and Syria, when the manor four mentioned. He came to Caesarea, having resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the war. Nay indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria in settling that government, which had been newly conferred upon them by God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the other, which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and the effect of divine justice. Now as to the attack the zealots made upon the people, and which I esteemed the beginning of the city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate manner, as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh. For Eliezer, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made every day upon the people. For this man never left off murdering, but the truth was that he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he, being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself, revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of Secluces, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest power. There was also with him Hezekiah the son of Chobar, a person of eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots. These seized upon the inner court of the temple, and laid their arms upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court. Footnote. This appears to be the first time that the zealots ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple, which was the court of the priests, wherein the temple itself and the altar stood, so that the conjecture of those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was slain, quote, between the temple and the altar several months before, as if he were slain thereby these zealots, is groundless, as I had noted on that place already. End. Footnote. And because they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not the making use of them. Yet were they afraid on account of their small number, and when they had laid up their arms there, they did not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers? The like disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies over his head. And as he could not make any assault upon them without some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest, nay, although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he could inflict upon them. Yet would he not leave off assaulting them in so much that there were continual sallies made one against the other, as well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled everywhere with murders. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Goryas, whom the people had invited in out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city and a great part of the lower, did now make more remnant assaults upon John and his party, because they were fought against from above also, yet was he beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the attacks of the others above them, whereby it came to pass that John did both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily as he was fought against on both sides, and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage that he, by his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled the attacks that were made from beneath by the weapons thrown from their hands only, but he was obliged to repel those that threw their darts from the temple above him by his engines of war, for he had such engines as threw darts and javelins and stones and that and no small number by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought against him, but slew moreover many of the priests as they were about their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them, while they were not so much afraid of strangers who, although they had gotten leave of them, how cruel soever they were to come into that court, were yet often destroyed by this sedition. For those darts that were thrown by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the buildings, and reached as far as the altar and the temple itself, and fell upon the priests and those that were about the sacred offices. Inso much that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the ends of the earth to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices themselves, and sprinkled that altar, which was vulnerable among all men, both Greeks and barbarians, with their own blood, till the dead bodies of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves. And now, O must wretched city, what misery so great as this dust thou suffer from the Romans when they came to purify thee from thine intestine hatred. For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst thou long continue in being, after thou hath been a sepulcher for the bodies of thine own people, and that's made the holy house itself a bearing place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God, who is the author of thy destruction. But I must restrain myself from these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time for domestical lamentations, but for historical narrations. I therefore return to the operations that follow in this sedition. This is an excellent reflection of Josephus, including his hopes of the restoration of the Jews upon their repentance, which is the grand, quote, hope of Israel, as Manessa bin Israel, the famous Jewish rabbi, styles it, in his small but remarkable treatise of that subject, of which the Jewish prophets are everywhere full, see the principle of those prophecies collected together at the end of the essay on the Revelation. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city. The one parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred firstfruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the seditious. And therefore John was assaulted on both sides. He made his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war. And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which happened frequently, from there being drunk and tired, he sallied out with a great number upon Simon and his party, and this he did always in such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those houses that were full of corn and of all other provisions. This destruction of such a vast quantity of corn and other provisions, as was sufficient for many years, was the direct occasion of that terrible famine, which consumed incredible number of Jews in Jerusalem during its siege, nor, probably, could the Romans have taken this city, after all, had not these seditious Jews been so infatuated and thus madly to destroy what Josephus here justly styles, quote, the nerves of their power in footnote. The same thing was done by Simon when, upon the other's retreat he attacked the city also, as if they had on purpose done it to serve the Romans by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly it so came to pass that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down, and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both sides of it, and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have been sufficient for a siege of many years, so they were taken by the means of the famine, which it was impossible that they should have been unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure. And now, as the city was engaged in war on all sides, from those treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city between them were like a great body torn in pieces, the aged men and their women were in such distress by their internal calamities that they wished for the Romans and earnestly hoped for the external war in order to their delivery from the domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were under a terrible consternation and fear, nor had they any opportunity of taking counsel and of changing their conduct, nor were there any hopes of coming to an agreement with their enemies, nor could such as had a mind flee away, for guards were set in all places and the heads of the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in many respects. Yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them as their common enemies? They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both by day and by night, but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded the other, nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon the other, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their outward wailing, but being constrained by their fear to conceal their inward passions they were inwardly tormented without daring to open their lips and groans, nor was any regard paid to those that were still alive by their relations, nor was there any care taken to bury for those that were dead, the occasion of both, which was this, that every one disparate of himself, for those that were not among the seditious had no great desires of anything, as expecting for certain that they should very soon be destroyed, but for the seditious themselves they fought against each other while they trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead bodies that were under their feet became the fiercer there upon, they, moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious against themselves, and when they had resolved upon anything they executed it without mercy and omitted no method of torment or of barbarity, nay John abused the sacred materials and employed them in the construction of his engines of war, for the people and the priest had formally determined to support the temple and raise the holy house twenty cubics higher. This timber we see was designed for the rebuilding of those twenty additional cubics of the holy house above the hundred which had fallen down some years before in footnote. For King Agrippa had at a very great expense and with very great pains brought thither such materials as were proper for that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing both for their straightness and their largeness, but the war coming on and interrupting the work John had them cut and prepared for the building him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his adversaries that thought him from the temple that was above him. He also had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the west end of the cloisters where alone he could erect them, whereas the other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come nigh enough the cloisters. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines constructed by his impiety, but God himself demonstrated that his pains would prove of no use to him by bringing the Romans upon him before he had reared any of his towers for Titus when he had gotten together part of his forces about him and had ordered the rest to meet him at Jerusalem, marched out of Caesarea. He had with him those three legions that had accompanied his father when he had laid Judea waste together with that twelfth legion which had been formally beaten by Cestius, which legion as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews as remembering what they had formally suffered from them. Of these legions he ordered the fifth to meet him by going through Emmaus and the tenth to go up by Jericho. He also moved himself together with the rest besides them, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings being now more in number than before together with a considerable number that had come to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out of these four legions and sent with them Macanius to Italy had their places filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus, who were 2,000 men chosen out of the armies of Alexandria. There followed him also 3,000 drawn from those that guarded the river Ephraides and also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of his, most valuable, both for his good will to him and for his prudence. He had formally been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy to be general of the army under Titus. The reason of this was that he had been the first who encouraged Vespian very lately to accept this his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity. When things were uncertain and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by his age and skill in such affairs. End of Book 5. Chapter 1. Recording by herehis.com Book 5. Chapter 2 of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Hollis Hanover. The Wars of the Jews by Joseph Cephas. Translated by William Whiston. Chapter 2. How Titus marched to Jerusalem and how he was in danger, as he was taking a view of the city of the place also where he pitched his camp. 1. Now as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the other auxiliaries with them. After whom followed those that were to prepare the roads and measure out the camp, then came the commander's baggage, and after that the other soldiers who were completely armed to support them. Then came Titus himself, having with him another select body, and then came the pikemen, after whom came the horse belonging to that legion. All these came before the engines, and after these engines came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts with their select bodies, and after these came the ensigns with the eagle, and before these ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them. Next to these came the main body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep, the servants belonging to every legion came after these, and before these last their baggage. The mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the front of the army, after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to Gafna, a city that had been formally taken by his father, and was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers, and when he had lodged there one night he marched on in the morning, and when he had gone as far as a day's march he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue, called the Valley of Thorns, near a certain village called Gavouthsoth, which signifies the Hill of Saul, being distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs. Footnote, there being no gate on the west, and only on the west side of the court of the priests, and so no steps there. This was the only side that the seditious, under this John of Gishala, could bring their engines close to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon the floor of the court of Israel. See the scheme of that temple in the description of the temple's here-to-belonging. End footnote. There it was that he chose out six hundred select horsemen, and went to take a view of the city to observe what strength it was of, and how courageous the Jews were, whether when they saw him and before they came to a direct battle they would be affrighted and submit. For he had been informed what was really true that the people who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were greatly desirous of peace, but being too weak to rise up against the rest they lay still. Two. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall of the city nobody appeared out of the gates. But when he went out of that road and declined toward the tower of Sephanos, and led the band of horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at the towers called the Women's Towers, through that gate which was over against the monuments of Queen Helena, and intercepted his horse, and standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road, hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They intercepted Titus also with a few other. Now it was here impossible for him to go forward because all the places had trenches dug in them from the wall to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens obliquely situated, and of many hedges. And to return back to his own men he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the enemies that lay between them, many of whom did not so much as know that the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage, and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may principally learn that both the success of wars and the dangers that kings are in are under the providence of God. Footnote We may hear note that Titus is here called a king and Caesar by Josephus, even while he was no more than the emperor's son and general of the Roman army, and his father Vespasian was still alive. Just as the New Testament says, Arkelis reigned, or was king Matthew 2.22, though he was properly no more than F. Nark. Footnote As Josephus assures us, thus also the Jews called the Roman emperors kings, though they never took that title to themselves. We have no king but Caesar, John 19.15. Submit to the king as supreme, 1 Peter 2.13.17, which is also the language of the apostolic constitutions, and elsewhere in the New Testament, Matthew 10.18, 17.25, 1 Timothy 2.2, and in Josephus also, though I suspect Josephus particularly esteemed Titus as joint king with his father ever since his divine dreams that declared them both such. Footnote For while such a number of darts were thrown at Titus when he had neither his headpiece on nor his breastplate, for as I told you, he went out not to fight but to view the city. None of them touched his body but went aside without hurting him, as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The enemy indeed made a shout at the boldness of Caesar and exhorted one another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly away and go off from him in great numbers, while those that were in the same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both on their backs and on their sides, for they had each of them but this one hope of escaping. If they could assist Titus in opening himself away, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got away from them. Now there were two of those that were with him but at some distance, the one of which the enemy compassed round and slew him with their darts and his horse also, but the other they slew as he leaped down from his horse and carried off his horse with them. But Titus escaped with the rest and came safe to the camp. So this success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds and gave them an ill-grounded hope, and this short inclination of fortune on their side made them very courageous for the future. 3 But now as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to Caesar at night, he removed Vence when it was day and came to a place called Seopus, from whence the city began already to be seen, and a plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly this place on the north quarter of the city and joining there too was a plain and very properly named Scopus, the prospect, and was no more than seven furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions that were to be together, but ordered another camp to be fortified at three furlongs further distance behind them for the fifth legion, for he thought that by marching in the night they might be tired and might deserve to be covered from the enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves. And as these were now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho, was already coming to place where a certain party of armed men had formally lain to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem at the mount called the Mount of Olives, which lies over against the city on its east side, and is parted from it by a deep valley interposed between them, which is named Cedron, footnote. This situation of the Mount of Olives on the east of Jerusalem at about the distance of five or six furlongs with the Valley of Cedron interposed between that mountain and the city are things well known both in the Old and New Testament, in Josephus elsewhere, and in all the descriptions of Palestine. End Footnote Now when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing one against the other perpetually, this foreign war now suddenly come upon them after a violent manner, but the first stopped to their contentions one against the other. And as the seditious now saw it with astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, What do we hear, and what do we mean when we suffer three, four to five walls to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely, while the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and while we sit still within our own walls and become spectators only of what they are doing, with our hands idle and our armor laid by as if they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it seems, so did they all cry out, only courageous against ourselves while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our sedition. Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten together and took their armor immediately and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness and with a prodigious shout as they were fortifying their camp. These Romans were caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms, for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon them, and had they been disposed to do so they supposed their sedition would have distracted them, so they were put into disorder unexpectedly. When some of them left their works they were about, and immediately marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain before they could turn back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more and more in number as encouraged by the good success of those that first made the attack, and while they had such good fortune they seemed both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really were. The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also to a stand, who had been constantly used to fight skillfully in good order, and with keeping their ranks and obeying the orders that were given them, for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly and were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them. Now when these Romans were overtaken and turned back upon the Jews they put a stop to their career, yet when they did not take care enough of themselves through the vehemence of their pursuit they were wounded by them. But as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city the Romans were at length brought into confusion and put to flight, and ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion would have been in danger unless Titus had been informed of the case they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached them for their cowardice and brought those back that were running away, and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank with those select groups that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley so when they were gotten over it they turned about and stood over against the Romans having the valley between them, and they were fought with them. Thus did they continue the fight till noon, but when it was already a little afternoon Titus set those that came to the assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the cohorts to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain to fortify their camp. Five. This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight, and as the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his garment there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such mighty violence that one might compare it to the running of the most terrible wild beasts. To say the truth none of those that opposed them could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks. But as if they had been cast out of an engine they break the enemy's ranks to pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain, none but Titus himself and a few others with him being left in the midst of the Eclivity. Now these others who were his friends despised the danger they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him. To consider what his fortune was, and not by supplying the place of a common soldier to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly, and this because he was general in the war and lord of the habitable earth on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that ran upon him and smote them on the face, and when he had forced them to go back he slew them. He also fell upon great numbers as they marched down the hill, and thrust them forward, while those men were so amazed at his courage and his strength that they could not fly directly to the city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that fled up the hill. Yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop to their fury. In the meantime a disorder and a terror fell upon those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill upon their seeing those beneath them running away, insomuch that the whole legion was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight, because they took it for granted that if he had stayed the rest would never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way and some another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an action, and being under great concern for him they loudly proclaimed the danger he was in to the entire legion, and now shame made them turn back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews, and declining from the straight declivity they drove them on heaps into the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them. But as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had the advantage of the ground and were above the Jews, they drove them all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him and sent the legion again to fortify their camp, while he and those that were with him before opposed the enemy and kept them from doing further mischief. In so much that, if I may be allowed neither to add anything out of flattery nor to diminish anything out of envy but speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying their camp. End of Book 5, Chapter 2, Recording by Hollis Hanover Book 5, Chapters 3 and 4 of the Wars of the Jews. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Hollis Hanover The Wars of the Jews by Josephus. Translated by William Liston. Chapters 3 and 4 Chapter 3. How the sedition was again revived within Jerusalem, and yet the Jews contrived snares for the Romans. How Titus also threatened his soldiers for their ungovernable rashness. 1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was revived. And on the Feast of Unleavened Bread, which was now calm, it being the 14th day of the month Xanthicus, Nysan, when it is believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates of this inmost court of the temple, and admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it. Footnote Here we see the true occasion of those vast numbers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege by Titus and perished therein. That the siege began at the Feast of the Passover when such prodigious multitudes of Jews and proselytes of the gate were come from all parts of Judea and from all other countries in order to celebrate that great festival. Tacitus himself informs us that the number of men, women and children in Jerusalem when it was besieged by the Romans as he had been informed. This information must have been taken from the Romans, for Josephus never recounts the numbers of those that were besieged. Only he lets us know that of the vulgar, carried dead out of the gates and buried at the public charges was the like number of six hundred thousand. However, when Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Tacitus is no way disagreeable to Josephus' history, though they were become much more numerous when Titus encompassed the city at the Passover. As to the number that perished during this siege, Josephus assures us, as we shall see hereafter, they were one million one hundred thousand, besides ninety-seven thousand captives. Tacitus' history of the last part of this siege is not now extant, so we cannot compare his parallel numbers with those of Josephus. End footnote. But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous designs and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their garments and sent them with great zeal into the temple in order to seize upon it. Which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their garments away and presently appeared in their armor, upon which there was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house. While the people, who had no concern in this addition, supposed that this assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought it was made against themselves only. So these left off guarding the gates any longer and leaped down from their battlements before they came to an engagement and fled away into the subterranean caverns of the temple. While the people that stood trembling at the altar and about the holy house were rolled on heaps together and trampled upon, and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy, such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were quiet out of their own private enmity and hatred as if they were opposite to this addition. And all those that had formally offended any of these plotters were now known and were now led away to the slaughter. And when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty and let those go off that came out of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon this inner temple and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then ventured to oppose Simon, and thus that sedition which had been divided into three factions was now reduced to two. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many of his choice-horsemen and footmen as he thought sufficient opposite to the Jews to prevent their sallying out upon them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance as far as the wall of the city. So they threw down all the hedges and walls which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them in the wall of the city, and filled up all the hollow places in the chasms and demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments, and thereby made all the place level from Scopus to Herod's monuments which adjoined to the pool called the Serpent's Pool, three. Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the towers, called the women's towers, as if they had been ejected out of the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans and were in fear of one another. While those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans, promising to open the gates to them, and as they cried out after that manner they threw stones at their own people as though they would drive them away from the gates. These also pretended that they were excluded by force and that they petitioned those who were within to let them in, and rushing upon the Romans perpetually with violence they then came back and seemed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly. But for Titus himself he had this surprising conduct of the Jews in suspicion. For whereas he had invited them to come to terms of accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive no civil answer from them. So he ordered the soldiers to stay where they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates, whereupon those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired, but as soon as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompassed them round and fell upon them behind, while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable number and wounded many more. For it was not easy for the Romans to escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward, besides which the shame they were under for being mistaken and the fear they were in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake, wherefore they fought with their spears a great while and received many blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again, and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the Jews pursued them as they retired and followed them and threw darts at them as far as the monuments of Queen Helena. 4 After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent upon their good fortune and gested upon the Romans for being deluded by the trick they had put upon them, and making a noise with beating their shields, leaped for gladness and made joyful exclamations, while these soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers and with indignation by Caesar himself, who spake to them thus, these Jews who are only conducted by their madness do everything with care and circumspection. They contrive stratogens and lay ambushes, and fortune gives success to their stratogens because they are obedient and preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another, while the Romans, to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill success by their contrary behavior and by not being able to restrain their hands from action. They have been caught, and that which is the most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders in the very presence of Caesar. Truly, says Titus, the laws of war cannot but groan heavily as will my father also himself, when he shall be informed of this wound that has been given us, since he who has grown old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also ever inflict capital punishment on those that, in the least, break into good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace. When Titus had enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned. So these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair as expecting to be put to death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came round about Titus and entreated his favor to these their fellow soldiers, and made supplication to him that he would pardon the rashness of a few on account of the better obedience of all the rest, and promised for them that they should make amends for their present fault by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come. 5 So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence dictated to him also, for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should proceed no further than reproofs. So he was reconciled to the soldiers, but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future. And he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their stratagem. And now, when the space between the Romans and the Wall had been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to bring the baggage of the army with the rest of the multitude that followed him safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep, with the footmen placed before them and the horsemen behind them, each of the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven ranks. And now, as the Jews were prohibited by so great a body of men from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bear the burdens and belong to the three legions, and the rest of the multitude marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was but about two furlongs distant from the wall at that part of it, where was the corner. Footnote Perhaps, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate called the Gate of the Corner in two chronicles 26 and 9. End footnote And over against that tower, which was called Sephanus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north bended and extended itself over against the west. But the other part of the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus and was distant in like manner by two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion continued in its own place upon the Mount of Olives. Chapter 4 The Description of Jerusalem 1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls on such parts as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys. Or in such places it had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills which are opposite to one another and have a valley to divide them asunder, at which valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher and in length more direct. Accordingly it was called the Citadel by King David. He was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first, but it is by us called the Upper Marketplace. But the other hill which was called Acra and sustains the lower city is of the shape of a moon when she is horned. Over against this there was a third hill but naturally lower than Acra and parted formally from the other by a broad valley. However, in those times when the Azamoneans reigned they filled up that valley with earth and had a mine to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra and reduced it to be of less elevation than it was before that the temple might be superior to it. Now the valley of the cheesemongers as it was called and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the upper city from that of the lower extended as far as Siloam for that is the name of the fountain which hath sweet water in it and this in great plenty also. But on the outsides these hills are surrounded by deep valleys and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both sides they are everywhere unpassable. Now of these three walls the old one was hard to be taken both by reason of the valleys and of the hill on which it was built and which was above them. But besides that great advantage as to the place where they were situated it was also built very strong because David and Solomon and the following kings were very zealous about this work. Now that wall began on the north at the tower called Hippicus and extended as far as the Zistus a place so called and then joining to the council house ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if we go the other way westward it began at the same place and extended through a place called Bethso to the gate of the Essens and after that it went southward having its bending above the fountain Siloam where it also bends again toward the east at Solomon's pool and reaches as far as a certain place which they called Oflus where it was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took its beginning from that gate which they call Geneth which belonged to the first wall. It only encompassed the northern quarter of the city and reached as far as the tower Antonea. The beginning of the third wall was at the tower Hippicus once it reached as far as the north quarter of the city and the tower Saphonus and then was so far extended till it came over against the monuments of Helena which Helena was queen of Adiabene the daughter of Isates. It then extended further to a greater length and passed by the Sipokril caverns of the kings and bent again at the tower of the corner at the monument which is called Monument of the Fuller and joined to the old wall at the valley called Valley of Sedron. It was a grippa who encompassed the parts added to the old city with this wall which had been all naked before. For as the city grew more populous it gradually crept beyond its old limits and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple and joined that hill to the city made it considerably larger and occasioned that hill which is in number of the fourth and is also called Bazetha to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonea but is divided from it by a deep valley which was dug on purpose and that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonea from joining to this hill and thereby affording an opportunity for getting to it with ease and hindering the security that arose from its superior elevation for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new built part of the city was called Bazetha in our language which, if interpreted in the Grecian language, may be called the New City. Since therefore its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king and of the same name with him, a grippa, began the wall we spoke of, but he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations out of the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public affairs. For the city could no way have been taken if that wall had been finished in the manner it was begun, as its parts were connected together by stones twenty cubits long and ten cubits broad which could never have been easily either undermined by any iron tools or shaken by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would probably have had a height greater than that had not his zeal who began it been hindered from exerting itself. After this it was erected with great diligence by the Jews as high as twenty cubits, above which it had battlements of two cubits and turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits. 3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth and twenty cubits in height. They were square and solid, as was the wall itself, where in the niceness of the joints and the beauty of the stones were no way inferior to those of the Holy House itself. Above this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were rooms of great magnificence and over them upper rooms and cisterns to receive rainwater. They were many in number and the steps by which you ascended up to them were everyone broad. Of these towers then the third wall had ninety and the spaces between them were each two hundred cubits. But in the middle walls were forty towers and the old wall was parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three fur longs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful, yet was the tower Sephanus elevated above it at the northwest corner, and there Titus pitched his own tent. For being seventy cubits high it both afforded a prospect of Arabia at sun setting, as well as it did of the utmost limits of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover it was an octagon, and over against it was the tower Hiplicus, and hard by two others were erected by King Herod in the old wall. These were for largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable earth. For besides the magnanimity of his nature and his magnificence toward the city on other occasions, he built these after such an extraordinary manner to gratify his own private affections, and dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother, his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain out of his love and jealousy as we have already related. The other two he lost in war as they were courageously fighting. Hiplicus, so named from his friend, was square. Its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its height at thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building, which was composed of great stones united together, there was a reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two stories whose height was twenty-five cubits and divided into several parts, over which were battlements of two cubits and turrets all around of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together amounted to four-score cubits. The second tower, which he named from his brother, Facelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them forty cubits, over which was its solid height of forty cubits, over which a cloister went round about whose height was ten cubits, and it was covered from enemies by a breastwork and bulwarks. There was also built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms and a place for bathing, so that this tower wanted nothing that might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was adorned also with battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire altitude was about ninety cubits. The appearance of it resembled the tower of Pharris, which exhibited a fire to such as sail to Alexandria, but this was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted into a house wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name. It was solid as high as twenty cubits, its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were equal to each other. Its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had greater variety than the other towers had. For the king thought it most proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this which bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty cubits. 4. Now as these towers were also very tall, they appeared much taller by the place on which they stood. For that very old wall wherein they were built was on a high hill and was itself a kind of elevation that was still thirty cubits taller. Over which were the towers situated and thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the stones was wonderful, for they were not made of common small stones nor of such large ones only as men could carry. But they were of white marble cut out of the rock. Each stone was twenty cubits in length and ten in breadth and five in depth. They were so exactly united to one another that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so growing naturally and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into their present shape and corners. So little or not at all did their joints or connection appear. Low as these towers were themselves on the north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly there to join which exceeds all my ability to describe it. For it was so very curious as to what no cost nor scale in its construction, but was entirely walled about to the height of thirty cubits and was adorned with towers at equal distances and with large bed chambers that would contain beds for a hundred guests apiece, in which the variety of the stones is not to be expressed, for a large quantity of those that were rare of that kind were collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for the length of the beams and the splendor of their ornaments. The number of the rooms was also very great and the variety of the figures that were about them was prodigious. Their furniture was complete and the greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, roundabout, and in each of these porticoes curious pillars. Yet were all the quartz that were exposed to the air everywhere green. There were, moreover, several groves of trees and long walks through them with deep canals and cisterns that, in several parts, were filled with brazen statues through which the water ran out. There were with all many dove-courts of tame pigeons about the canals. Footnote These dove-courts in Josephus, built by Hera the Great, are, in the opinion of Reland, the very same that are mentioned by the Talmudists and named by them Herod's dove-courts. Nor is there any reason to suppose otherwise, since in both accounts they were expressly tame pigeons which were kept in them. Footnote But indeed it is not possible to give a complete description of these palaces, and the very remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers has consumed. Footnote For these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal plotters, as we have already related in the beginning of their rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia and went on to the palaces and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves. End of Book 5, Chapters 3 and 4, Recording by Hollis Hanover