 There is no question at all about the effort that's gone into making Nigeria an easier place for doing business. If you look at the major indices that the World Bank measurements go by, we're looking for instance at the ease of acquiring business registration, registration of companies, etc., which you can now do electronically, so we've been able to deal with that. The ease of registration for tax that's also being done electronically and several other areas where we've moved up, registration of title, etc., these are areas which of course the World Bank considered when we moved up so many spaces up. So we think that as far as the ease of doing business is concerned, we're doing a lot. There's also what we do now, we do focus labs where we look at investors who are interested in certain areas of the economy and who may be having difficulties, and we bring them into the same room with all of the MDAs and the government agencies, the regulators that are concerned, and we work through those issues with them and try and resolve this. For us, I mean, attracting business is existential, so there's no question at all that we're going to make it as easy as possible for anyone who wants to do business. One of our major, aside from security and the economy, one of our major planks of our policy is the anti-corruption war, and we've done tremendously in that respect, especially with respect to grand corruption, official corruption, etc. This is borne out by the fact that our president was recently nominated as the corruption champion for Africa, the anti-corruption champion for Africa. There's a lot that needs to be done, and we're working through especially processes that require interaction with bureaucrats and all of that, and we're working through that. The president recently signed, well, not so recently, almost two years ago, signed Executive Order 1, which basically speaks to the question of timelines for ensuring that there's delivery on issues of where you are processing documents or where you are processing approvals and those sorts of things. Now, part of what we're trying to achieve is to remove whatever bottlenecks may encourage petty corruption, and that's why Executive Order 1 was signed, and we're also looking at how to ensure that there is less interference or less discretion, which is why we're doing a lot of stuff. We're going electronic in so many different things, company registration, approval, processes, etc. So I think that when we're next assessed, we're bound to do much, much, much better, especially on the anti-corruption index. I'm sure many have probably at least heard of Bokoora. They operated largely in the northeast of Nigeria, and in the northeast of Nigeria, at some point, I mean, in 2014, they occupied about 14 local governments, local governments are the provincial authorities. As of today, they occupy no territory whatsoever, so essentially, their influence is restricted to part of a state where northern Bono, and really they have, in terms of occupying territory, we can say that that's no longer the case. But of course, we find very many opportunistic attacks, sometimes in search of logistics, attack, army camps, especially where they're in isolated areas and all that, attack villages every once in a while and all that. But the major threat for us today is more the ISIS West Africa province, Islam West Africa province. And they have been operating mainly in the Lake Chad Islands. And there we've worked with the Lake Chad Basin Commission, our partners in Lake Chad Basin Commission, Chad, Niger, Cameroons and all that, in order to prevent them from being operational or having freedom of action in the Lake Chad Islands area. And they also operate in some parts of southern Bono. But again, because we're working very closely with Lake Chad Commission members and with our neighbors, the multinational joint task force, which we have, we're able to contain a lot of their activities. But of course, the major concern for us is that we want to ensure that this does not become a situation where ISIS finds a base in West Africa, which really is the reason why we've often with international partners, the US, the UK and some European countries. We've often talked about how to put in place a system that enables us to, not just enjoy intelligence gathering from them and training, but also perhaps more support in terms of arms and ammunition, especially the ease of purchasing arms and ammunition, which is very, very important for us in prosecuting this war effectively. I assume this will be a topic of conversation tomorrow with Vice President Pence when you meet with him in DC? Well, I'm not able to say exactly whether it will be or will not be, but obviously it will be, this is a very important point for us. We're about to take questions from the audience in just a few minutes. Let me get the last question in from me. Tell me about your thoughts about the election, where turnout was incredibly low in areas where the President received support. Turnout was very high in areas where he does not have a lot of support. Turnout was very low, led to credible accusations about voter suppression. Are you satisfied with the results of the election? And can you tell this audience that they were clean? First of all, that narrative is not even correct. I don't think it's correct at all. To even suggest that in areas where the President won, there were more voter turnout. And in some places, there was voter suppression, not true at all. I think that generally speaking, if you look at the trend of elections in Nigeria and if you look at the figures of elections in Nigeria, there's absolutely no difference between this and 2015 elections. In the various places where we won in 2015, we won again. In some cases, sometimes lower, sometimes higher, but we won again. In some of the places where we won in 2015, we lost. In some, we won. I'll give you an example just to say that there could not be voter suppression. So for example, in the Southwest, we lost in our real state. We won in our real state in 2015. So in the North Central, we won in Benway State in 2015, we lost now. So I don't think any of that, and you see the problem is that when people lose elections, there's tendency for them to find all sorts of reasons why they lost the elections, you will not find a single state, a single state where, even if you look at, and I had to look at the petition of the opposition at the tribunal at the moment. So they give an example, for instance, of Borno State, which they say, oh, on account of the insurgency in Borno State, there should not be such a high turnout of voters. But in their own figures, the turnout is even higher, the figures that they give for the same Borno State. So I think a lot of this is not, there's no truth to it whatsoever. I think it's just, people are just sour grapes, frankly. At this time, I'd like to invite members to join the conversation with questions.