 I'd like to explore with you today the idea of the migrant street as a highly experimental space occupied by migrants in the city. The migrant street is also a marginal space in the periphery of cities where jobs are hard to come by and the impacts of austerity governance are hard felt. Here it is important to recognize that the street is not a square, unlike Zuccotti Park or Terrier Square. The street is a space of everyday inhabitation rather than symbolic occupation. Here I'm interested in how the streetness of the street fundamentally matters for who is able to participate in making the city and under what conditions that participation is brokered. And I'm also interested in how one's citizenship, one's city-making capacity, is tied to conditions of legal status, race and class, as well as the new ways of being urban. As is clear in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the political unrest in the Middle East and the UK's own recent Brexit result, we live in an uncertain and unequal century. New forms of relegation and resistance emerge on the street in practices of meaning making that are deeply spatial. In the convening powers of territory, streets surface the possibilities of a trial and error city-making. The Afro-supermarket, the Lucky Dragon Takeaway and Linscaf exemplify the inhabitation of cheap-to-let properties outside of the city centre. Here trade is both agile and precarious and the social life of being local and being global are lived and recalibrated. Over the past two years, we've been exploring streets in poor and ethnically diverse neighbourhoods across the UK. Our super diverse streets project has taken us to Manchester, Leicester, Birmingham and Bristol. These are the dark purple spots on the map and they reflect the highest countries of origin outside of the UK. Here migration is expressed primarily as an urban phenomena. In our project, we focused on a number of dimensions but really we were interested in two core questions. The first question was what kinds of economies and spaces are possible in diverse but poor parts of cities? Then the second question, the question that we're very much focusing on this year, is that if people are relatively economically agile in these places, in what way are they politically agile? One of our key questions is what do people do when things go wrong? We start our explorations by walking the streets. In our case, a sociologist, an architect and a geographer engaging with the proprietors of the street. This is an image of Narba Road in Leicester and it spans the top of the map. It takes about 15 minutes to walk the stretch of the street and in this relatively small urban space are proprietors from Afghanistan, Cameroon, Canada, India, Iran, Iraq, Jamaica, Kenya, Kurdistan, Lithuania, Malawi, Pakistan, Poland, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Thailand, Turkey, Uganda, UK, Zambia and Zimbabwe. In this extraordinary list are the connections to Britain's histories of empire, its interventionist politics and its global appetite for trade. The kaleidoscopic charts that in some way reflect the capacities of streets in both Leicester and Birmingham point to two things. The pie charts on the left hand side essentially show that most of the business activity on the street is independent. In other words, it's not tied in any way to corporates. And then in the middle graph, there's a really interesting representation of language proficiencies amongst proprietors on the street. Now this is not only the capacity to speak in regional dialects. These are people, for example, who speak Udu French, Spanish and English. So on Narba Road, for example, two-thirds of the shopkeepers speak three languages or more. Now I'm willing to hazard a guess that this might exceed the language competencies of our cosmopolitan audience today. And I wonder if you could just raise your hands if you speak three languages or more. OK, so maybe Leicester just out pips Venice on this rare occasion. But the story of the street is not reducible to a corner shop cosmopolitanism because this would ignore the very real structures that position and keep certain people in certain spaces of the nation and the city. So what this is is a mapping by one of our colleagues in our office based on the 2011 census data across the UK. And it maps where people live when they come into the nation. Now if, for example, on the left-hand side you came in from Sri Lanka, Bangladesh or Somalia or even Jamaica, you will almost certainly live in a city, but not only will you live in a city, you will live in the inner city of the city. By contrast, if you came into the UK on the other end from Poland, Ireland or Germany, you live in villages, you live in suburbs, you live in small towns and you live in cities. Now in some ways this shows the deeply racialized and ethnicized patterns of human settlement across the nation. But it also tells us other stories about access to work as well as access to social housing. All right, now in this mapping of the street that I've shown you previously, that's Narba Road in Leicester, we've drawn something like a Morse code drawing and it goes some way to explain why we repeatedly see certain combinations of diversity in more deprived parts of UK cities. So on the vertical column you have the intersection of historic events and political regulations and then on the horizontal bar at the bottom you have the places that people have come from. Now what's extraordinary in this correlation is that the first cluster of people coming in round about the 1970s are the East Asians who had to flee Africa and so on that chart you see people coming in to Leicester from places like Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya. But then round about 1999 you get the Asylum Immigration Act coming into being which is essentially an act that takes asylum and refugee seekers away from London and the South East, essentially where the jobs are and pushes them upwards to 12 cities in the Midlands and the North. And then really notably you get the impact of the global financial crisis. So at the bottom of our page we see a whole lot of red dots of people who have recently set up shop and time and time again what we heard from these proprietors well was the story of, well five years ago I was driving a bus, I was working in the post office or I was working in the local authority and I lost my work. Here is another world to street map this time of Stapleton Road in Bristol. Now really interestingly 38% of proprietors on this street come from countries where the principal flow is as asylum seekers and this includes Afghanistan, Iraq, Nepal, Somalia and Sudan. So if you look at the top of the map where the street is coded, you will notice that the streets divided in two halves by a highway. The street portion on the right hand side is largely occupied by Somalian proprietors who came from the north of Somalia during the Civil War, while that of the left hand side is occupied by Somalian proprietors from the South. This territorial divide on a street in Bristol echoes a deep national division in Somalia itself. Haroon who is one of the traders on the street points this transfer of geographies out to me when he says, for the most part the street is divided and we go about our ways but we come together when we need to. This map is an extraction of the first map and it traces the multiple journeys taken by migrants. So for example we can see Chao Qing who leaves China to go to Argentina where he learns to speak Spanish. Argentina is badly hit by the financial crisis so he moves to Bristol where his Spanish becomes redundant. These red lines then are far more than zigzag movements across the planet. They encapsulate and extend and extended migration processes where the migrant perpetually acquires additional skills but at the same time is always made redundant. This is a shop of a street in Bristol and it's occupied by a Lima who is a student who came to Bristol via Sudan first from Greece and then Italy. He's essentially taken the standardized terrorist typology which was built to house migrant labor in the period of the industrial age and what he's done is he's divided into four units of sociability. You can basically get internet access at the front, you can play pool, then you can play cards or you can go outside for a smoke. The lively material life of these spaces reflects the capacity of youthful energies and the constraints of tight budgets. These are spaces where Lima literally learns the city and gradually making adjustments as needs shift and ambitions grow. Favors are also exchanged on the street so this entrance to the restaurant says that they'll fill in forms for you. Now the filling in of forms or the ability to engage with bureaucracies is a prime street skill and economy that varies from trading favors to one-stop immigration shops to the countless solicitors who now occupy ground space on streets to deal with the incredible density of the current immigration bill. Also interestingly we learn that a lot of the religious institutions on the street are filling the gaps of the receding state so this is a good juara and it reflects in the words of Raj who runs the juara before 2008 we used to provide up to 80 meals a day. Now it's more like 2000 meals a week and we give food to every Tom, Dick and Harry. And finally we shift to Cheetham Hill which was a street originally shaped by Jewish migrants in the late 1700s and 1800s when they were cast outside the city and had restricted conditions of trade. And what's really interesting about this street and I want you to go to the second arrow on the map is we estimate that there's about 700 jobs on the street which means what we're really looking at is a small factory. Really interestingly the third arrow 78% of proprietors on the street have tertiary education. This indicates that retail is not so much a cultural disposition but a circumstantial one and when Asif asks Sabir how have you outridden the crisis he says our people have always been in recession. And finally in closing I'd like to end with the map of the UK in its two moments of referendum the 1975 referendum which asked people if they'd like to be a member of the common market and of course the 27 Brexit. In four decades we see deep shifts in public opinion and in some cases a dramatic turnaround in what it means to belong and with whom so in 1975 Scotland voted most strongly against the common market and experienced a complete reversal in 2016. This suggests that public consciousness responds to tough times but it also responds in the case of Scotland to strong political leadership where the need to embrace a wider world is unreservedly emphasized by politicians who are not afraid of speaking about migration as integral to 21st century citizenship as Jean-Louis put it opening up the social frontier. Finally migrant streets are litmus strips of change that reveal other ways of engaging with Britain's past and future. These are local worlds made by deep ties to long histories of migration and Britain's connectedness to the world. Migrant streets are spaces of incremental experimentation and investment in places increasingly abandoned by public investment. These are ways of making the city based on cultural exchange which has little to do with nativism or with nationalist assimilation and has more to do with the fault lines and possibilities of a shared planetary future. Thank you very much. Caroline, four minutes to respond. 445, that's my last, my final lover. And I must say that listening to some of the work that she's done on Bristol and Leicester and the streets of Birmingham actually take me back to the streets of Nairobi and Johannesburg where I grew up where we have this kind of hyper diversity whether it's ethnic diversity, language diversity, but also where the global and local clash and this living in trans-local sort of spaces is a reality. And I want to make three points from some of the work that I've been doing around refugees and around urban displacement more generally in South Africa but also the rest of the continent, East Africa as well. And I think the first thing that I would like to say is that power and how power is used on the street is an extremely important factor. And I'm not talking here of the Tokodian sort of sophisticated power, I'm talking very much about the coercive power, the Weberian, in the Weberian sense, the gangs, the state, the police, the vigilantes and how these actors on a street regulate exactly who lives on that street, how they live on that street and how they can or cannot behave on that street. And here I remember or it calls to mind some of those the killings, the Somali killings that we have seen in townships in Johannesburg where Somali shopkeepers are burnt because local gangsters, local communities do not want any competition or do not want foreign shop owners on their street. I'm reminded by about ethnic, the ethnic clashes in Kibera, in Islam in Kibera where certain ethnic groups are not allowed to live or be on certain streets and in fact the kind of violence that is meted upon those opposing groups is extremely horrific, forced circumcision or rape, etc. And these are the streets that we live in, power. Who controls that power? Not always the state, but the state is often involved, is an extremely important way of analyzing and of understanding the street. So we can talk about how streets in our urban centers are shaped by global capital and how these processes sort of sort out who lives where and how they live, but doing this sort of hides the way in which power is also embedded in ethnic identities, in masculinities, in social relationships. That's the first point that I'd like to make. The second point that I'd like to make is around performance. And this is, you know, as academics or researchers or urban planners, we come into these marginalized spaces with the idea that these, the categories, the people who live in these spaces and their identities are fixed, that they are the refugee, that they are vulnerable, they need our help and we need to plan for them. But, you know, while this is of course very true, that they are constrained by certain structural forces, I think it's important for us to remember that the multiple registers within which people perform their identities. And so these identities don't remain fixed. A refugee may use the refugee identity to access resources on the one hand, but on the street, that refugee may well be, you know, subject to violence because they're the other, they're outsiders. I'm here reminded of a young woman, Sibongile, who was a migrant that I was working with in Johannesburg and who was HIV positive, single mother, she was from Zimbabwe. And the first time I met her, I said, you know, there was these tales and tales of horrendous, traumatic things that had happened to her that were very difficult for her to live in Johannesburg. And a few days later, a few months, I got to know her over a few months through the years, I said to her, but Sibongile, why did you tell me this story? Because the subsequent stories were like, look at what I bought and look, come and see the new computer that I bought and I, you know, there were not these narratives of desperation. And she says, oh, well, when I first met you, I thought that you might help me with papers or something or to go overseas. And I realized you're going to not help me at all. So I just became normal and we became friends. So the idea that identities are fixed, that they're not static, that is something that we need to understand on streets because these identities are both powerful tools, but also targets and identities of vulnerability. And this leads me to my last point, Mr. Chair. And it's the final point on the post-colonial street of the post-colonial city. And in many ways, Bristol and Birmingham and Leicester and I'm sure many, many other cities on this fine continent are very similar actually to the streets of Mumbai, to the streets of Peshawar, Nairobi, Johannesburg. Because they're becoming increasingly hybrid. They're becoming increasingly contradictory. The kinds of diversity that we're seeing on these streets is actually something that we in the global south have been talking about researching and experiencing for many decades. So this presents both an exciting and a challenging proposition for the new urban agenda and for urban age. And finally, I think that epistemologically the post-colonial street provides a window for us to understand the urban age in the 21st century. Social relationships, the economies of the informal and formal economies. These are things that are happening elsewhere. The nature of politics, ethnicity and social relationships. These cities have always grappled with some of the contradictions that you're facing in your cities now. And it's important for us to understand what's going on in cities in the south. Not just because the engine of urbanization is happening in the global south, just as John Claus said. But precisely because the theories and conceptual framers which we have used to understand our own cities, to understand our street, can actually help the global north understand where their cities are going and what their streets are looking like. Thank you.