 This is recorded. This is recorded here. There is a recording here. There is a secondary recording here. Yeah, just to give a background, I initially studied Duterte in the framework of politics of language. When I, as a botwanist and a design speaker, I tried to investigate the ways in which Duterte was able to use the politics of the language, typically through code switching and the hierarchies of language between Tagalog, English, and Visaya in the Philippines to kind of symbolize the inequalities that actually made his agenda and his campaign stronger. But for this specific study, I just started this two months ago. So my field research is not that extensive. It's only a bunch of clips. But I hope to build on it. So I have a few clips. And in the context of what we know now about Duterte's campaign, when initially they actually employed certain institutions like Cambridge Analytica, they were able to meet with them prior to the election, and they were able to deploy a covert social media apparatus prior to the election that actually brings to how sophisticated the whole infrastructure was. So what I tried to do is just to go back a bit further in the 2000s where there wasn't any social media. It was still TV, and try to frame it in terms of where it all began. So let me just start. So the presentation is entitled, The Violence of a Popular Populist, Apologies for Violence. It's a beautiful presentation, and we have to resort to violence. Yeah, The Violence of a Popular Populist. We begin with a few clips of Duterte, reining symbolic and material violence as mayor of Davao. So here, this is in Davao when he was still mayor. Davao mayor Rodrigo Duterte issues this warning to criminals in his city. I told the criminals not to get here in the city. They shouldn't shoot to kill, but the young reward, dead or alive, are legitimate tools of government to fight lawlessness. They will have my protection. They will have my assistance, and we will go to jail all together. Indico Iwananima, Davao. So yeah, Rodrigo Duterte's penchant for violence has been well-documented, playing the part of a tough, no-nonsense former mayor from the southern Mindanao. From southern Mindanao, an island often portrayed as a rough and unsafe political terrain in the outskirts of national politics. Duterte flourished in the role of the political outsider, bringing linguistic as well as symbolic violence on the political establishment. Duterte's violence not only comes in the material form very evident in his war on drugs and assault on human rights. It also comes in the linguistic form. Duterte's linguistic violence has appended the mainstream political discourse and caused upheavals to the political landscape. Many of his opponents, from the church to the press, the media, opposition politicians and human rights activists have been all made victims to his linguistic violence. This paper argues that the Duterte's representation of Mindanao as a site of conflict through performance and practice plays a key role in constructing a powerful narrative of peace and order that strengthens and maintains his political power. This, we argue, is what makes him popular. That's it, sorry. But is he just popular or is he a populist? Because there are recent studies of populism around the world and it's framed in different contexts and with different histories. And I'm not sure if it benefits or not or whether it's very useful to use it in the Filipino context, but let's try. Recent analysis of Duterte's politics have categorized him as a populist. But few can agree on the kind of populism he represents. There are many interpretations of populism in the academic literature. But for this paper, we find that Ernesto Laclau's theorization of populism as representation through discourse to be very useful. Just to give you a backdrop, there are different conceptions of populism. It can be seen as ideology. It can be seen as some sort of propaganda. But what I find in this kind of study is a conception of it as a crisis of representation and discourse. So, let me continue. Laclau stressed that what creates the conditions leading to a populist rupture is a situation in which a plurality of unsatisfied demands coexists with the increasing inability of the institutional systems to absorb them. In light of Laclau's theories, this paper therefore aims to shed the light on the underlying power of Duterte's peace and order agenda to represent the demands and frustrations of the people where traditional Philippine institutions have systematically failed. This paper examines excerpts and video clips of Duterte's local and national TV shows as symbolic sites of representation in order to illustrate his wider strategy of hegemonic discourse. By reviewing Duterte's representation of violence and societal threat through symbolic and performative acts on his TV show, we are able to analyze how Duterte's identity as a Mindanao mayor navigating a terrain of constant danger and threat has been instrumental in his rise to become the popular president and also in delivering his populist national peace and order agenda. The local TV show, Giken Samasa, Para Samasa, which is Visayan for from the people, for the people, was effective in its function to serve as then mayor Duterte's direct line to his constituents. Here is the weekly show's introduction. So this was taken in 2014, but this started way back in 1999, I think, 1998, 1999, and the people from DALBA would be more knowledgeable about this than me, so I would submit to them. Welcome to the family, welcome to our program, Giken Samasa, Para Samasa, Mayang Dundal Mayor. Good afternoon, Geraldine. Good afternoon to you, Mr. Dalbao. So this is the context of his, yeah. Through the show, Duterte serves not through matters of policy and governance, but in more intimate and meaningful ways in the eyes of his audience. Serving his constituents directly, Duterte answers their letters and complains. Through the show, he also handles mundane matters like traffic violations, permits, as well as serious issues such as emergencies and disaster recovery. More importantly, however, this seemingly altruistic space serves as a platform for Duterte to talk about violence and crime as well as to berate, ridicule, threaten and threaten criminals. In many instances during the show, we see Duterte performing some symbolic acts of violence, which are then transmitted into the public sphere. I think it's this one, yeah. So this is another of this act. Shoot to kill is a recognized policy, especially if the situation poses danger to lives of civilians, police. You know the police are innocent, they don't know what to do, they just die unnecessarily. That's why you're given that power, and this is what is known as the Grenada, the IM-16, that if they are killed, they will be killed. They are the civilians of the country. But I want to... Using Ernesto Laclau's theory on populism as a framework of reference, here Duterte sets up a conflict between a people in danger against a threat of addicts and criminals through his discourse. Geekan samasa para samasa is emblematic of how Duterte was able to create a specific vision of society under threat through representation and also clearly defined the demands for peace and order to establish a sort of political frontier between the people and this powerful threat to society. So, one of the symbolic threats. Do not ever believe that you or you Gisolo ninyo ang evil aning kalibutana. Ayoy gimo pagtokong akamoro ang demonio kai dag hantang anak disatanas dire, magtag-muta. That's on a local TV show, yeah, so. And that's every week, depending on the current issues of the day, but that's every... I mean, the Davaoanis will attest to this more than me because I haven't viewed it in that setting because I'm not from Davao, but I would imagine, I can only imagine the weekly instances of this happening. As Duterte threatens criminals and issues ultimatums on air, we begin to see the TV show as a platform for broadcasting Duterte's representations of Davao as a city under threat. Laklov used the conceptions of society as entirely discursive. Whatever material relations and social organizations are in place, the ways in which society is articulated is always biratorical means through various political claims by its members and through discourse. By representing Davao as a place of violence and criminality through performative acts such as naming drug addicts and criminals on air, for example, Duterte successfully articulates a conception of society that was constantly in danger and in need of safety and peace and order. Using the same framework, it was a way for Duterte to construct a people so he can present himself as sort of a solution. Indeed, as Duterte's declarations of the state's use of violence is transmitted and continues to circulate, they reinforce the state's capacity to exercise violence over its citizens. As president, Duterte continued the narrative of lawlessness. In the beginning of his term, he hosted a reformated version of Gikhan Samasa para Samasa in Tagalog entitled Mula Samasa para Samasa, which had the same meaning. So this is the clip of the intro. The old Gikhan Samasa para Samasa which is in the right direction now will be found in the north of the Philippines. From the peoples' path, this is the Mula Samasa para Samasa that will bring us the first Rodrigo Roa Duterte. So there was a blueprint that was transmitted from the local to the national and it had a whole agenda attached to it. So in the following excerpts, Duterte traces violent crimes to the addicts. This is already international and for those of you who studied the events after, there was a whole, not discourse, but actually a whole clamoring of different sides of society in terms of how to deal with the drug problem. But in effect, Duterte railroaded that and just pushed on with this agenda and we all knew what happened afterwards. There are a lot of testaments to this in terms of oral, visual and personal history. So yeah. Going back to the paper, in the following excerpt, Duterte traces violent crimes to the addicts further aiming to legitimize an all-out war on drugs which is a central part of his presidential campaign and current agenda. So these are him as president already. We can see a sort of a pattern and sort of agenda that's in place. I think it might. Impossibly nama na araw-araw may bambubuang lang sahangin or because of geretical disorder. Our experience, I think, would tell us that it is a virulent chemical and nobody but nobody can dispute that with just a simple statement. 77,000 people of light. Very much drug-related crime. Mostly the rape of murder, rape with homicide, robbery with homicide, robbery with rape with homicide. This is like a presidential address and looking at him as president, creating this sort of language, linguistic space when you say these things all the time is very much part of the agenda. That's what he did as a mayor and he's doing it as president. So let me shift to some theories. Duterte's representations of violence render addicts and criminals as the source of danger and threat. This invites the power of the sovereign to negate them. Using George R. Agamben's concept of bare life, we see Duterte's use of the power of the state to control the bodies of its subjects. Agamben argues that state sovereignty always involves an implicit notion of power over life. Influenced by Carl Schmitt's idea of the sovereign's status as the exception to the rules that are to be safeguarded. Here we see Duterte invoking, in some respects, invoking a kind of state of exception. So, in many instances, from what I see, and still limited to two months of videos, clips, he always harkens or tries to imagine this sort of state of exception saying, I can't take it anymore. I'm desperate. There's no way to solve this threat, this problem. So there's always that kind of specter in his narrative. So, explaining more, Agamben's theory of modern biopolitics reveals the ways in which Duterte's addicts and coasters can be seen as biopolitical subjects that can be regulated and governed at the level of population. In a permanent state of exception. Also relevant is Carl Schmitt, which was a German philosopher-nationalist. Carl Schmitt's state of exception as the essence of sovereignty understood in its ability to decide on the exception to the rules being safeguarded. Thus, rephrasing a more barbarian theorization of sovereignty as the monopoly of the use of force or violence, he turns it around and explains it as the power to choose or to be able to suggest which instances are states of exception by which the rules and the juridical system doesn't apply because there's an emergency, there's a state of threat. So you can see that sort of strategy being in play when he does these performative acts. Drawing from Agamben's theory on bare life and Schmitt's state of exception, these criminals are therefore to be sacrificed by Duterte and held up as mirror images of the sovereign's power. They are therefore reduced to bare life as things in nature without political freedom. Now, why is this important? Well, to gain a more nuanced understanding of his popularity and the mass support behind Duterte's tough peace and order agenda and deadly war on drugs, it's helpful to analyze the logic of populism as theorized by Laclau in order to examine the foundations of Duterte's sort of kind of movement. Using Laclau's theoretical framework on populist reason, Duterte's articulation of society constantly under threat enables him to push for political demands that follow the logic of difference. Despite a multitude of differences within a heterogeneous society, political claims such as Duterte's peace and order agenda and drugs are sometimes always negotiable if a society perceives itself as undergrave threat. Under these dire conditions, drastic measures can be provisionally redefined and deemed acceptable in order to protect the people. During exceptional instances of threat, these political demands are not necessarily tied to any other demands such as human rights and due process. Under these conditions, Duterte supporters can therefore form a collective identity as a people despite having diverse views on human rights and political freedoms. If the threat of drug addicts and criminalities somehow constructed as a constant specter within the social space. So, it's not really a conclusion because this is just a start and hopefully I can build on this. Duterte's populism, properly understood, will therefore demonstrate the ways in which modern politics is no longer about the reflection of formal political institutions, but instead about the construction of identities and their representations of interests. As we continue to witness the mass slaughter of civilians in the Duterte's drug war, as well as his propaganda machine, we will still need to contend with the ways in which Duterte's representation of a society under threat is still able to garner mass support as a kind of placeholder or empty signifier despite heavy opposition from many fronts. An example of this kind of contradiction is the situation in Mindanao where the specter of martial law still exists despite the belief of many sectors in society that this is no longer necessary. This symbolic act of violence towards Mindanao imposes Duterte's sovereign power over the island and also by that move, it also marks a clear representation of the Philippines as a nation under constant threat with the specter of martial law in Mindanao as a subaltern space where you can always glance upon saying there is always danger, there's always a mounting threat in society because as Duterte is able to demonstrate his rhetorical means to construct the social is very powerful and as evident by the long history of his performance since 1998-1997 before digital media, it was still broadcast media, he's always been an able performer and he is always able to create that sort of through his discourse and through his affect through the types of symbolisms and the types of linguistic and rhetorical you can say weapons that he is at his disposal, he is very successful in doing this. As Duterte continues to create a frontier in which the fractions and antagonisms of a broken system are expressed through these articulation of the people against the threat of violence and criminality, we will continue to see his efficacy in channeling public outrage and content towards those who oppose his peace and order agenda. We therefore need to re-examine our methods of understanding Duterte's politics and his war on drugs as well as re-evaluate his continuing popularity through a certain logic of populism. So, thank you very much that's it. Duterte was saying that should the vagina of a woman revel, so it really shows how good they are in social engineering in processing our cognitive processing, right? So, we are even subject to that social engineering. Yeah, that's always been like his sort of mantra where he there are so many tools at his disposal because he is in terms of, as a besides speaker, you know his kind of language, his in Guzai, we call it but we should always mounting, it's always like very much Duterte's speak but it's not really Duterte's speak in a sense that it's of a lowly origin. It's a way in which a lot of political operators and agents within a very uneven terrain through a language of like Visaya that whole Visaya kind of political rhetorical language, you can actually a lot of like meanings and yeah, in terms of discourse in Visaya I don't know in Tagalog because I also speak Tagalog, we don't say Discurso but in Visaya, especially like when you go to sorties who speak with Barangay people or you speak with like different NGOs we always say this is Discurso, which is discourse which is to a certain extent kind of weird in a way that is that discourse but it might mean differently for them but they always say there's sort of Discurso in terms of Duterte's language you know my experience as not very extensive but I've been very much exposed to a lot of a lot of forms of political language within the ground in terms of Barangay Barangay speeches Barangay campaigns that sort of Kantuboy Bugoy language is Bugoy and Kantuboy are terms in the Philippines which mean very much irreverent very much yeah, not very much formal, very much tough and macho yeah, so that's always one of his strengths yeah, yeah but my previous kind of research dealt more into his performative acts when he code switches during the time of elections he speaks in like very much Visaya with Visaya accent and then when someone asks him in English he will go straight Statesman English like a porous version of Marcos he will always do that and then back to Visaya but never acknowledging the Tagalog language and then in that way he tries to like reassert or try to create a space where subaltern kind of political language goes into or comes into the forefront in the national sphere but yeah, in terms of what happened after the elections, we know a lot about how he was able to create, you know, networks in terms of social media, how he was attached to different even international like agencies that actually are tasked to manipulate certain social media networks and to create propaganda, that's also part of his repertoire and of course that needs to be investigated fully but what I was trying to also do was try to track it back to his beginnings because there is a beginning his political beginnings can be traced materially in terms of political economy, he is not of the people, he is one of the elites you can trace his family if you read the literature of Professor Abinales or even Professor McCoy you can see that he is part of the Anarchy of Families, he is part of the patronage systems in Mindanao but aside from that in terms of discourse or discourse he also had a start very early as you know a weekly TV show where he able to rhetorically create a sort of conception of society which is always under that, always having criminals and always presenting this element of state of exception needed because as he would say it was an act of desperation because sometimes the laws are breaking down these are all in terms of the juridical literature these are all not valid but in terms of how he is able to present it because of what he is doing all the time performatively and in light of Davao as historically as a place of convergence between settlers, insurgents the moral and separatist rebellion on all that and also the rebel insurgents in the 60s from the Marcus era where a lot of agents came to Mindanao, there is a material kind of historical context by which they can gather from it has a history of violence but more than that because it is always rhetorical to the dirty it's always a rhetorical construct he's able to create it through a lot of performative acts as well a more famous one a more lucrative one Do you guys or other things that make him full attention in different ways? I wouldn't say I would make him more unique or to make him different from others my study would be just to look at the context by which that particular form of political phenomenon because when I looked at literature on these are populist leaders they would say but then in terms of the historical context of the Philippines you can't really just pigeonhole it as a populist movement but in all of his historical features I have to dig deep into more local sources and see what the origins may have been without really creating or without already framing it in sort of certain narrative where he is one of the same Trump or Erdogan or he is like a farage or something like that suddenly he comes back and then goes to election because people have these kinds of claims and he tries to inhabit these claims so these are things that you can compare to but then it will be hard to do that without any grounding on specific events in the context of literature and that would be the same with the different demagogues in different political spaces as well so yeah others yeah it's a bit different here now because it would be interesting how considering that this is a very important country in the Philippines there are many different voices but I let my voice to him for various reasons I know him but we're classmate in high school so I'm not a very personal experience but even before he got elected in the years that he's been president I have not been quiet regarding where I am so some of these responses by social media kind of personal conversation around the third week the week after the election because the whole city was in euphoria we still are 97% of the population in the whole city state learning and the surveys surveys of the near the Davao says it's still very popular within the city 85% but even then I was the only one who did not remember about 50 elections in the president trying to speak about what could happen with the 30th president I was the only one who said that even in certain conditions like the reputation of the Davao in their squad at one national level things are not going to go very well it was a comment that people didn't like to listen they didn't have a leader either leader was a president from Davao which is saying even right now to your speech there are already things like social engineering the language, the siliconias and coming from anthropology therefore be able to run the network of the liberal third day in a something to say regarding why it is popular not just in Davao but across the Philippines and even copied in various Southeast Asian countries now what would be some of the important elements we have to relate earlier I had said that there is something peculiar about the demography of Davao precisely because in the Davao Davao is in the Davao and in the Davao to some extent is very different from the rest in the Philippines so we did a particular memory we already have one particular perspective from the 19th point of view understanding why someone like him would be popular secondly in a relationship to the country because even until today despite the fact that he had to do the process of military struggle there are still his whole career also to be from last school but when I was a political detainee he was the lawyer I applied Markovs to make sure that our cases would be from the court that would be put in prison and that sort of relationship with my friends it makes a certain difference in the way you relate with each other but certainly we did try to win over the left to his position eventually gaining the support of women and of real living colleges and so on and so forth because he didn't do something that would provide a certain one that we've been to this particular group and that's why even I'm very supportive for his government and to look into another women question of the context of the death squad I was hoping Carol Argillias was here in this particular form she's writing a book to try to trace as far as you know of course not always but the major laboratories but through the years that they followed the couriers and so on and so forth they moved into the Alsa Masa the Alsa Masa became death squad and eventually the death squad had the HGDs now in Manila and that whole problem of that as carative problems with other Albert Naleno my friend Ricardo and I now live in the country because there are certain risks for those of us who are willing to to still take that risk from the belly of the piece so that's another thing that you need to factor into the analysis and lastly I think there's a very important context of women now which is the reason why it's very appreciated by those of us in Nalau to create this event of decent order that will bring investments but with the disadvantages of Potamato and neighboring provinces which of course does not prosper so the problem is there and actually that sort of thing cannot be analyzed in its proper perspective so if you put all of this together add to that even as I said the surveys that are made as every institution which can indirectly be used to further legitimize that particular regime you suddenly have so many reasons why and that's why you really have to bring this a much more complex sort of same old place it's a great regard it's something I laughed when you showed up but there they reminded me of an answer word down there are down days first like that the reason for that is the more social media became popular you have the 30 like figures around in the country which is 46 but Potamato is 30 and I'll ask him how Marcos fought he's straight to the panel he curses everything the lawyers that's what you see in the public figure of Marcos but when he shifts and goes home he talks like that you know people like Luis Chavez seems of former police mayor the longest the longest worker became the power by shooting but the guy was having to be in it and you have Dimaporo and he's Dimaporo but now he probably he's the longest he helped Ramon Dorano he helped Antonio Aguiza he helped Almentar before the 13 Luis Santos he was an ex-communist sent by the Communist Party in the 1950s realize that he had enough guns to become mayor so you have to understand the reason why we don't know them is that they were the social media and the reason why we adapt the public figure of Armea was like that and my hands are like that Armea is like that as well the only problem is that he did nationalize the social media for you there's no devil's killer trying to control it and nobody is once in there because they have to recover it's a wonderful headline of where he picked up the character of his sister and then he asked the guy to bring out the main quote of Dimaporo to pick up the guy's penis of Paul and he was a national media and he said but not no beating he's not getting up and killed he's a national media this is from the 13th it's the same thing Dimaporo's rival was brushing his teeth both side of his forehead but Martin was here so it's not really nothing new what's few about it is that somebody is a national which means that if you are by 30 it's a local thing a local life with higher level, Armea it's not easy that's always been the case like when I went back because I'm from Northern Mindanao but then Duterte's father prior to transferring to Davao in the 60s he had a stint in Butuan in Agusan del Norte as kind of a runner for the political families in Northern Mindanao when logging was still big in that area and throughout the years that kind of that kind of network never left that area and then when he became president that was automatically these all that's why right now in Northern Mindanao straight all Duterte's Senators straight zero opposition it's all him it's very even barangay level it's all him it speaks to this kind of subaltern kind of language where now because of the advent of social media it's become new to the world but it's always been like that when I look at him, his archetype, his stance that's my mayor, that's my in Butuan city it's the governor of Agusan or governor of of Ilegan or governor of Misamis Orienta his mother side Roa is also a political family and then that's also kind of there are like figures like that who are very very old now but when you look at them and when they speak during sorties it's the same, it's the same kind of joking tricks as the trickster kind of joking around that's always been the case but then it's just magnified now because of the magnitude of what he's done and I try to there are a lot of there are a lot of factors also look at the factor by which as mayor he was he was mayor during the time of the war on terror where Daba was a hotbed of like a lot of US military ops, they were like based in hotels around the city just doing covered ops and his dealings with as a mayor, not as president as a mayor he was able to be privy of a lot of their operations there and he was kind of you know in Rampant he you can say that he's discussed he's veiled the US at the time wasn't really anything about ideology it was just during the time of the war on terror where he felt that his authority as mayor was kind of not respected by US operatives when they operated during the time of the war on terror when it was at his height so there are a lot of things I mean you can go on a lot of like contradictions that actually constitute you know his sort of rise but what I was trying to do in terms of discourse is kind of the logics that discuss the logics you call it in discourse theory logics of equivalence where differential kinds of claims, political claims because of because of their relation to a certain claim let's just be in order you might come from a conservative background you come from a more liberal background but in the frame of a Davao where there is constant threat there is you know a discourse of kind of feel where in this kinds of realities might be accepted it might not be lawful but the people accept it because of as what you mentioned in Davao people accept it because there are material conditions that were improved palpable at the same time he's very much he has the tools and he has the ability to actually make it very real in terms of his performance he performs every day every week during the show it's always broadcast so he's always been more than I think I can't say more than anyone but more than a lot of other politicians he's been honing this with weekly broadcasts you know ever since he was a young mayor and as a fiscal as he said I mean being he always says in Visaya when he talks about these UN rapporteurs you must write but I'm more intelligent than you he doesn't say this in a way that means that he has more intellectual capacity he knows about this because he's been dealing with this on the ground as a fiscal as someone who has spoken with militants with insurgents with the NBA with moral liberation armies and all of these you know he would say to UN rapporteurs or all of these human rights activists when they look at him from his from his standpoint there is hypocrisy around and I know what the real history is because I've been on the ground that's always been his M.O. and you know you credit him for that but you know what can you do that's what's accepted right nowadays in terms of discourse is that loud is that loud things in European populism populist you have to think about people like you the law of Louisiana in the country in Israel that's rare to see in the southern states I'm going to say that's why it's usually you always compare people to territory with European that's very very American and I'm probably you don't understand American populism that's also very I think the racist thing is the many people American Americans the problem is we think we're not American populist doesn't really he's one of the populist very popular but then not really you have to from all fronts it's just that in terms of there are advocates against against his war on drugs and his assault on human rights the main problem is you know with his network that's been built prior to the elections and then after he he had this you know state power in the military and you know his tools for surveillance very much it's become a very dangerous place for people who dissent him so but in terms of dissent in the mainstream there is but that's what you see but even underground in more in more covert publications like altimedia all of that they're all there but of course yeah how can Duterte has done this you know he's engineered this kind of structure everything from Mayor as Mayor he had his systems of surveillance was gotten from here from British intelligence he was able to when I looked at his interviews he kind of like alluded to some sort of system that he bought here in the UK but secretly and this was in 2009 when you look at the surveillance when you look when you scan our systems we know his age and then he stopped because but then knowing that he always like speaks you know off the cuff maybe he blurted it out accidentally but knowing how the city government has employed this very much an optical like surveillance system in the early 2000s I mean that kind of blueprint can easily be you know the PNP and social media in terms of the social media arm of the government they can easily be adapted and then you know when you combine that together it's a very formidable force so there are many yeah I have yeah it varies yeah because my question is is quietly improved yeah that's always been discussed so because I don't I look at service but I speak to people like when you ask them why because there's always this like the problem of drugs is very rampant in the bars in the barangays there's always someone who is like that when he it's kind of a signify when he describes these people it's sort of a signifier placeholder for many people in their families like that's him or that's her and then what happened to him who knows he went to Alue and then these are these multiplied many neighborhoods all around the Philippines one person is actually quite popular among the people it is very popular which is it six of the war drugs particularly in all people are protesting human rights in the human nowadays and it's quite contradictory so on the one hand people support the idea of an anti illegal drug campaign but not everybody supports the methods they're increasing criticisms of the violent methods but at the same time I've talked to people who really favor violent method and concurrent to that the death penalty brought me for profited criminal system and justice system so it's kind of like for them there are so many ways that you can reduce these drug problems so it's a few more new ones there are no ones but there are more criticisms coming out especially with the work of people who are journalists talking about the pictures of the victims and the artists working against the type of violence I think there is some movement there is quite a bit for human rights let's give Pedro and a hand 18 70% agreed that the government is used about solving the extrajudicial killing today 69% considered extrajudicial killing a serious problem 75% were satisfied with the administration's confinement to legal drugs 18% agreed that the drug problem declined after the third day 94% said that it's important that drug suspects are alive upon culture 78% worried that they or anyone they know will be a victim of extrajudicial killing very complex that's always the case these are the kinds of statistics that you find in Iran, China these are really high numbers thank you may we invite you back up here to read