 I think I had to introduce Kirsten because she is my 16th and last graduate student. Oh, wow! Thank you. Well, I would call her the baby. She likes the term. So, Kirsten started seven years ago. Six. This is my sixth year. Sixth year. Yes. I wasn't sure it was six or seven. Six. Definitely six. I'm with me at Berkeley and has been working in the place called Numu, which is very dear to my heart as well. Working on the land house site. I'm still a neighbor of Thunder. But, okay, 16th and final. Oh, to it. Thank you. Thank you all for coming to the packed room today. Because this is my dissertation talk, I'm going to treat it like a conference talk, so I don't forget to say anything since I have a lot to cover today. So, it's going to be a little formal. All right. To begin, just to give a little bit of introduction to Hawaiian archaeology, Hawaiian history and culture has been a topic of interest for western scientists since Captain Cook first set foot on the shores of Kauai in 1778. The history of the archipelago and her people is valuable to descendants for understanding, connecting with and perpetuating their heritage and valuable to others for appreciating the unique culture of a once sovereign people that were colonized by western powers. In my dissertation, I seek to investigate Hawaiian history in a way that incorporates research approaches grounded in western science, while centering Kanaka-Mali voices, Hawaiian voices, in the orientation and interpretation of this research. By weaving these ways of knowing together, I work to elucidate details about daily life in 17th century Hawaii. I focus on complexity of lived experience in this period that have yet to be explored. Specifically, I investigate daily life in Hawaiian house complexes, or Kauhale, to better understand these social constructs through the material remains produced by the activity of everyday life. The Kauhale house complex architecture was the physical manifestation of the kapu or tabu system of regulation. The structure that inhibited and facilitated daily household interactions exhibited the personal ways in which political structures were implemented. This project is concerned with teasing out how kapu might have been interpreted or negotiated within individual households and the ways in which the intersections of prescribed social identities, including age, status, and gender, affected these negotiations. However, a critique of Hawaiian scholars of research conducted in western academic traditions addresses the propensity to focus on a canon of Hawaiian writings in Ma'olelo and historical traditions from the 19th and 20th centuries as representational of all ancient practices. The canon of primary sources in Hawaiian historical events and cultural structures that archaeologists commonly rely on today in the interpretation of Hawaiian material culture were written by David Amalo, Samuel Kamekau, Keppelino, and John Papa II, among others. The Hale included in this canon tend to be Martha Beckwith, Abraham Fornander. Writing several decades later, Mary Kavana Pukui, who is herself Hawaiian, worked with several western scholars to collect oral histories from her home districts of Ka'u on Hawai'i Island. These works have all been heavily relied upon by archaeologists and interpreting household remains. The currents heavily critiqued by Hawaiian scholars as, quote, such widespread use grants representational status to these texts and in a fact replaces a broader scope of Hawaiian writers. Nogomaya brings attention to the nearly 100 different Hawaiian newspapers that published 125,000 pages of Hawaiian writing between 1834 and 1948 that are ignored when the canon mentioned above as granted representational status for all of Hawaiian history and culture. Issues with translation editing further complicated the use of the English language canon as representational of early Kanaka practices. Now, while you may notice that I still refer to these canonical texts in my interpretation, I aim to utilize the material record as a way to access additional voices about the diversity of practices and modes of organization in 17th century Maui. Instead of reinforcing idealized interpretations, the analysis deconstructs the traditionally dichotomous and homogenized class categories of commoner and elite in favor of a more heterogeneous perspective. And in doing so, I aim to access the less explored material representations of wahine and commoner social structures. An important component of incorporating Kanaka Mali voices in the consideration for contemporary Hawaiian scholar perspectives is the consideration for contemporary Hawaiian scholar perspectives. Archaeological work does not happen in a vacuum, as I'm sure you all know, and the project's researchers tackle effect and are affected by the social context within which they operate, choosing appropriate theoretical engagements that ethically inform the research while critically assessing the methodology is of utmost importance in the production of a product that benefits the stakeholders. Ian Hodder made clear that every aspect of an archaeological investigation is informed by theory whether consciously or not, and Alice and Wiley argued for a reflexivity in our practice that requires we identify these engagements. Archaeological work that takes as its subject to Hawaiian heritage must then ethically engage with indigenous scholarship, both in the past and today. Archaeological reciprocal research that benefits the descendant community is of paramount importance in this endeavor. Keeping native community central to the research project takes various forms in the process of research and analysis. In keeping with community-centered scholarship, my project is driven by questions and concerns raised by Kanaka Mali scholars from a variety of disciplines. First, I have organized this research in a way that reflects the Hawaiian epistemology forwarded by Manolani Aluli Mayer. It's up here. Mayer conceptualizes knowledge as contingent on space and place to understand the Hawaiian perspective is to understand how knowledge of the world formed and conceptualize how knowledge was experienced. Mayer provides us with ways of understanding Kanaka Mali ways of knowing that preface ideas relevant to Hawaiian epistemology. These ways of knowing were shared with Mayer by other educational leaders in Hawaii. Here I list the approaches to understanding that experience of Hawaiian knowing that Mayer outlines. In her understanding, these Kanaka ways of knowing are indivisible from their land. Mayer was clear, however, that these weren't only some of the ways to orient oneself towards a Hawaiian world view. Throughout the talk, I also engage with perspectives proffered by other Hawaiian scholars from a multi-vocal approach to the past. I rely on Kathy Kavele's work that calls for more ethical and engaged archeology focused on the concerns of the Hawaiians. In her 2015 book, Kavele foregrounds her research in the Hawaiian concept of kuleana or responsibility to the community and to the land. Kavele recognized that her kuleana as a Kanaka Mali archeologist is to, quote, ensure the practice of archeology in Hawaii is respectful, professional, and beneficial to the descendants whose pasts we as archeologists seek to understand. Following the suggestions and examples set by archeologists that practice community-centered research, I forefront the importance placed in archeological research by the Hawaiian community. I will start this process by following Kavele's example and outlining my kuleana as a white, female American archeologist. My responsibility in this endeavor is to center native voices in the discussion and analysis of Hawaiian archeology and engage with the archeological record in a way that will benefit the living descendant community. In keeping with the ontological perspective forwarded by Meyer, I have oriented my approach to consider specifically how these communities lived through and with the aina, or the land, which requires specificity in describing the place to better grasp the diversity in the built landscape. The landscape of 16th and 18th century Hawaii was informed by cultural worldviews and in turn informed those Kanaka perspectives by structuring their actions and interactions in daily life. In this period, an elite ruling class that was internally differentiated from the Maka'inana controlled the land. With tenile e and four commoner categories, social class was an integral aspect of daily life that dictated social interactions. In this later period of social and political expansion, community organization was integral to the maintenance of the political and social structure. The materiality of the landscape illustrates this cultural work that structured and maintained Hawaiian identity. There was this simplistic definition. The quotes used here to define aina evidenced the complexity of this term. A similar thread does connect these diverse definitions, however. The aina is the core of the place and space from which Meyer argued Hawaiian knowing originates, encompassed an explanation of political and religious structure as well as community relationships amongst people and nature. Kanaka lived through the land by developing subsistence strategies while building communal ties. The built landscape was not only shaped by the ways in which the community could interact. Kanaka interacted with a natural and built environment in a way that signaled their surroundings were more than physical space. Rather, the aina was a way of life. In this way, the land extended beyond the physical realm into the spiritual as the physical manifestation of greater non-material power. Conceptualizing land in this way changes the approach to discussion of the built landscape. More than simply task scapes living through the aina and the intimate connections that dissolve the barrier between humans and nature. The land embodied power and tradition through the lives of people that altered the natural environment in the course of daily life. The built landscape represents this knowledge as does architecture which in turn reinforces and passes down knowledge. Contextualization within time and space is crucial to understanding the knowledge that is situated within an ever-changing landscape. There are many foundational research projects that have considered the complexity in that record and built a strong foundation for household archeology in Hawaii that I rely upon that assist with this endeavor. The earliest of these important projects investigated settlement patterns in use of space, developing a more complete understanding of the breadth and features present on the many different landscapes in Hawaii. Much of this work has taken place in Kaikikinui, Maui. You might notice I favor some particular people here that I particularly like their work for some reason. The neighboring district to Kaupo. Kaikikinui is a neighboring district to Kaupo where my research is situated. Marshall Weisler in our very own Pat Kirch wrote a seminal article detailing how to differentiate between Kaohali associated with different socioeconomic statuses, which is a really important concept for then moving on to understand how those different people and those different statuses lived. Excavations by Julie Field in the big island added to our understanding of the role of households in the political environment of the 17th century, the period households discussed today date to. Others that have conducted research in agricultural fields surrounding house complexes add to our knowledge regarding viable methodologies that can be implemented in the house. Successfully recovered microfossil evidence from the field systems indicate that this evidence might also be recoverable from houses where the crops would have been taken for processing and consumption after they were harvested from the fields. Considering the integration of these different types of sites, field systems, and houses, and the dynamic relationship between the larger political structure and smaller house complexes culminates in a more nuanced understanding of the social and political dynamics of 17th century Hawaii. However, to fully understand the diversity of practice that was specific to place and space and turn our attention towards more ideological questions surrounding socially constructed identities, we need to look to the daily lived realities of the people. The use so in Hawaii requires an attention to the microarchaeological record. The use of the micro-artifact in soil chemistry and agricultural fields has laid a groundwork for implementation of these methodologies in the house. Testing the archival Hawaiian records against the archaeological record, rather than using them as a mold into which archaeological evidence is fitted, has the potential to contribute a more nuanced understanding of daily life in the households across status lines. Research currently delineated the ways and support the larger socio-political system, focus on more of a top-down approach generally, applying instead a bottom-up approach that looks to how daily life shapes and reinforces social relationships, not only adds to this picture, but also considers social statuses that are not frequently discussed in Hawaiian archeology, such as commoners and women specifically. This project relies on micro-artifact analysis, which I'll come back to later when I start discussing the sites, and I'll give you a brief overview. I include geo-archeological methodologies to reconstruct daily practices by comparing the data with ethnohistorically derived predictive models. The micro-archeological record provides a complementary evidence when integrated with evidence from the macro scale. But first, I'm going to briefly review the idealized landscape of the past, as we know from the historical records. So these historical sources describe Hawaiian household clusters or kaohale as composed of multiple features defined as thatched houses, terraces, and ovens with distinct functions that combine to form a house complex within which household groups resided and performed their daily activities. These accounts commonly refer to kaohale as a key component of social life in the late pre-contact period. The thatched houses that were commonly referred to as essential to the kaohale and at the historic documents were the men's eating house or the hale mua, the female menstruation hut, the hale peya, common living space or the hale noa in which adults interacted with children and where household members slept together. Structures such as canoe houses, tapa-beating houses, and storage sheds were incorporated into kaohale as needed. The kapu social structure, in effect by the 15th century, was the primary system structuring this daily life within the house complexes. According to the ethnohistory, the kapu system necessitated separate spaces described above based on gender and age. Economic tasks were also reportedly separated by gender, but whether this was required by the kapu system is not entirely clear, depending on who you read. If kapu practices were uniformly followed, material traces resulting from these tasks performed in the household should reflect the highly structured environment in which the Hawaiians were said to have lived. For example, the aikapu or eating tabu forbade women the female consumption of certain foods, including pork, most types of bananas, and several types of fish. The table... I don't have that table. I took that table out. If you read my dissertation, there will be a table that talks about different activities and foods associated with genders. Ethnohistoric sources imply widespread adherence to this ideology of kaohale organization, but also suggests that there may have been greater heterogeneity in the presentation of the prescribed household structure across class lines. Malo, for example, wrote, People who were of no account only cared for a little shanty. The fireplace was close to their head and the poi dish conveniently at hand. And so, but with one house, they made shift to get along. This passage suggests a break from normative practices illuminating the potential for research that investigates the depth and breadth of heterogeneity in kaohale construction and use. This is from House Sites in Nu'u, Kaopo, Maui. As a case study to demonstrate the importance of the methodology listed above in Hawaiian household archaeology. Previously listed. Maui Island is the second-youngest, second-largest in the Hawaiian archipelago. For those of you who aren't familiar, ethnohistoric documents supported by numerous archaeological investigations tell us that the island was vastly important in the social and political history of the archipelago. Maui involved tales of alii and political endeavors. Perhaps the most well-known account about the chiefs of Hawaii. Kama Kao tells the story of the ruling chiefs of Maui through their entangled and often antagonistic relationship with the Hawaii Island chiefs. So we know a lot about that sort of those relationships on Maui Island. Nu'u, in particular, where my dissertation research sites are, is situated on the western edge of Kaopo in southeast Maui. This is Nu'u in this western portion. That's along the Naholoku fan. Kaopo is one of the 12 Moku or political districts on the island. The district sits on the Leeward Slopes, so the dry slopes of Haleakala, spanning 13 kilometers from east to west. The settlement of the Kaopo region corresponds with the rise in population and increasing socio-political complexity archipelago-wide occurring around 1,400 CE, with the settling of more Leeward regions. The Moku along the southeastern slope of Haleakala were the last regions to be settled, with Hawaiians moving to this area around 1,400 CE. Archaeological research in the neighboring Moku of Kahiki Nui that I talked about earlier estimates that peak population was reached in southeast Maui by about 1,700 to 1,800 CE. Farmers likely settled the region building permanent Kaohale and planting sweet potatoes along the agricultural ridges. Demographic estimates based on ethnographic and archaeological evidence suggest that the Kaopo region where Nui was situated sustained a population of between 8,000 and 10,000 people at its peak in about 1,600s. Which is good for household archaeology because the land today has not been has not been developed. So it's ranch land today, which means that those foundations of the structures are still there which forms the foundation of my research project. A volcanic rejuvenation phase about 120,000 years ago resulted in the Hana series that formed the bedrock of this region. The Basanite basalt dominates the geology in Nui specifically. The leeward side of the island is dry with enough annual rainfall to sustain dry land agriculture but not the typical wetland agriculture that a lot of people know about. The ethnographer ESC Handy referred to this as this area's the largest dry land planting region. And this is evidence in agricultural mound system that's still visible today on the landscape. This geology that's unique to Kaupo matters and that has created a unique place within which the community engaged. With the diversity of lava flows and climates in Hawaii, each space is unique in its temporality and there's an intricate web of formation, erosion, and alteration. A web within which Hawaiians played an intricate part. The roles within the system belong to households of varying socio-economic statuses. And the seven house complexes that I talk about in this study date to that period of 17th to 18th century. So they're right in the middle of that really populated phase and play a key role in the landscape in that period. I'll give you a chance to look at that. So this is the period that it probably dates to because there's no historic artifacts. So I will eventually run some sort of Bayesian statistical analysis on this. But because this is really early for settlement and there were no historic artifacts of the site, then they likely all date within this period right here. Even though these look very complicated. Okay, so now I'm just going to review some of the methodologies a little bit more in-depth before I move on to talking about the sites. Here's just some information, basic information on the excavation strategies that I followed. For household archeology, I wanted to get an idea for the use of space, of course. So I did a little bit of aerial excavation where possible. This is a good example of one area where I could actually excavate most of this small C-shape. And with that, I excavated on a grid. I wish the pictures weren't so blurry. But this shows a grid right here. And I excavated within that grid to control for spatial context. To control for temporal context, I utilized five centimeter levels within the natural landscape to be able to see how the floors are building up through time. Because they lived in dirt floors in these houses, I wanted to be able to see what that looks like through time. And if they were continuing to practice the same activities over the occupation of these houses. As far as screening goes, we used one eighth inch screens at first and then realized that we were getting really tiny fish bones. So put some of the buckets through one sixteenth inch to the fourth seasons. And then I used two different types of mapping because we like maps in the OAL. So I used the total station mapping for accuracy and plane table mapping so that I could get a better representation of what the structures actually looked like in illustration for that. And then of course, this is an important part of field work. Delegating and relaxation. I have to do that in Hawaii. So for the lab methodology that I talked a little bit about, I'll just quickly reference again. These are the different methods applied to the soil samples collected during excavation. Soil samples were collected every five centimeters. Three different types of soil samples for pH and sorry, for phytolith and starch extraction and for the bulk samples from which we, or I help with URAPs, but me and my URAPs ran loss and ignition, did some micro artifacts sorting from that, which is still ongoing, and did a pH analysis and particle size analysis from that. And then we also took micro morphology samples from the units that we were able to take them from. So now I'm going to talk a little bit about the seven different house sites that I excavated, seven different Kaohalle and point out the important characteristics of the architecture and the artifacts recovered during excavation. And then I'll talk more in-depth about the microarchaeological record through returning to this first complex that I'm going to start with to use this as an example of where the microarchaeological record can actually get us in understanding these sites. So a little bit of information about this, this site is new too. It is the largest architectural feature that I excavated and it's located on this very large area that sits above the rest of agricultural fields. It's also the highest elevated, it's the highest above sea level. Highest elevation. These features just based on architecture and location would likely indicate that Annalie built this household and this is kind of born out by the artifacts, the level of artifacts found, the density and the different the diversity of artifacts. And this is the only house site I found a fish hook, which is really exciting. It's a bone fish hook. So the complex includes one L-shaped structure and one circular structure that sat on the terrace of a low line core filled wall and overlooks those agricultural fields that all the rest of the house sites that I excavated are sit within. And one of the things that I'll come back to later but that I want to mention now is that I excavated a good deal of the L-shaped structure and we put one unit that we were able to in the circular structure there wasn't much room due to the wall fall from the boulders. But we put a weirdly shaped circular hole in because the rocks prohibited and perfectly square. It was a little frustrating but we managed. But this area right here is the one that I want to talk about today because we found a second hearth here or a combustion feature which I believe is a hearth that I say second because there was a test unit put in several years before that found a hearth over on this side right here and that kind of goes along with some information about the separation of genders during times of eating. So the iCOP who were people had to be separated, men and women had to be separated during mealtime but they are still within the same structure which is a little bit different from what the historical records tell us where they had to have two separate houses. So this is an interesting feature in this site and then the fish hook that I put here not only is it the most exciting artifact I did find, I also put it here because there's information from the historical record that talk about how women were responsible for inshore and reef fishing and these are the types of hooks that would be used for that. Whereas pig bone was found in the second hearth or the first hearth rather and that is associated with men so there is some evidence that perhaps for this at least higher status household there is some sort of separation of gender happening but to get more information on this you need a little bit more contextual information so we'll come back to that when I get to the micro archeological record. Alright this site is 407 408 it's actually one cow holly but three site numbers because they were discovered on different survey survey points but this is actually I'm going to this one next because it's actually the lowest elevation that I have but also seems to be perhaps an elite residence as it sits over it again is on a promontory it's not as large as new too but it sits on a promontory above several agricultural fields as well and when we first looked at this one we didn't think it was actually that big because we only saw these small two rectangular sides here but once we started to walk around it realized that there was a whole other terrace down below the cliff wall that was associated with it it was quite a large terrace and this wall is actually quite thick too that is built up along the hill that's very prominent if you look from below from the agricultural fields if you're working down there it's a very impressive structure so well on top due to degradation of the walls and just the basic state that the house is in today it may not look as impressive as impressive but when you go down below you can tell that it's a really impressive structure that was built up to to make a statement and in this structure one unit that we put in in the larger side of it uncovered a possible earthen oven but there's little evidence of protein in this feature beyond sea urchin which is seemingly a favorite protein for these lowland houses the ones that are a little lower elevation closer to the water could be a reason for that and then it also seems to be specialized for work occurring in those fields because of how it sits on that terrace and the location of this lower associated feature within the agricultural fields that has a sea shape right here that is associated with some agricultural ridges that run out from it and there's also some interesting evidence coming out of this for the marine shells we with Pat's help I've identified the planaxis labiosa shell here and that seems to be it could potentially be a shell that's associated with some sedges that grow in the new pond down below and those sedges could potentially be used for weaving mats so this could be a specialized area for crafts activity such as that for producing that because we found I think it's around five or six hundred of these just within one unit and they're not in any other units throughout the rest of the cow holly that I've excavated there yes they're too small to eat it's not quite one centimeter so that would be a lot of work if you wanted to get the meat out of that I suppose you could try but you might waste the calories you'd get from it in getting the meat out yes good point okay 153 is another large site I'm going to all the large sites first I'm going to point out next because the rest of my sites are situated within what seems to be this community of cow holly that are built along this U shaped ridge this horseshoe shaped ridge and new 153 this large site sits at the apex of this horseshoe shaped ridge and similar to 407 and 408 it's not very impressive from above this is the top of the structure and this is all you can see from above it's really a flat landscape and the walls are not tall at all here it's more of an outline for a terrace but down below it is insanely impressive I tried to get a good picture of it it's difficult with the vegetation today but it is very impressive from down below and you can also see it from the other houses that sit along the ridge so it holds a prominent position in this ridge and you can see it another interesting thing about just the architecture of this feature is that it doesn't actually have a lot of open space for work so we excavated three units here and then this one had previously been excavated it's that test pit here so we didn't want to cut into that so we left that alone but that is basically all of the usable space on this terrace and I also had my students put in another unit down here where we could find some more flat space that wasn't completely paved by these courses of stone and then one unit down here to see if there was any use of the flat area below the structure but really these two units did not really yield anything these three units yielded a an impressive hearth that was chock full of charcoal didn't look like it had ever been cleaned out and the unit next to it was also completely filled with charcoal so there was a lot of burning, a lot of fire happening here and several eely eely water worn cobbles that were found in this corner right next to it behind it and some shell but other than that this structure mostly yielded charcoal but it does have that prominent place on the ridge where it sits so you can imagine if that fire is going that much producing that much charcoal then people down on agricultural ridges would likely be able to see it oh, one more thing about that that I wanted to mention, this is also the only structure that I got fish bone from and they were small fishes they were I just had the vertebrae so I don't necessarily know what type of fish they were but they were quite small alright 152 is actually the first one I am particularly attached to this one and wanted to keep going back but was convinced to move on mostly because I it's so large that I wanted to put more units in it to figure out what was going on since we were getting an interesting signature of different activity spaces but not a ton of material that came out of it to really say what those activities were so this is the one that you probably all know where I'm at before I talk about it every time but I will review it a little bit for those of you that haven't seen it in the terraces over here we were getting a lot of volcanic glass that was different from the sea shaped right here which I would interpret as probably an emu or an oven because of the staining that you can see here and the amount of charcoal that was present in that unit just the basic signature of that appeared to be an earthen oven and then this structure yielded more sea urchin than any of the other structures and charcoal and these two structures these two units actually did not yield hardly anything which means that this could potentially be a sleeping house but I that's why I wanted to put more units into it but as you can see the most impressive artifacts that came from this were the volcanic glass that you don't necessarily get from the other house features and the sea urchin that came out of it that as I was going through this preparing for this talk I actually noticed that is also it also seems to be situated in particular houses such as this and some houses have no sea urchin so there's a specific task that's being conducted in that one particular feature that could be related to one of my hypotheses is it could be related to for example tapamaking because the sea urchin used to be used for dye for tapas since it was found with just charcoal and ash and the debatage that we found the debatage that we found here was of poor quality so it wasn't necessarily used for making the nice stone tools that you'd think about like ads is but probably for more utility tools and this feature is a little bit north on the ridge this is the smallest feature not the smallest complex since it's the only one that I could definitively associate it with is itself there are a few structures that are located to the west of this feature that it could be associated with and it could also potentially be related to new to the previous one since it only sits about 15 meters to the north but it's difficult to say without that delving into the microarchaeological record because it did not yield that many artifacts in excavation really what we found was a lot of basalt which I would guess is actually more related to the fill of the structure since most of the units that we excavated we excavated three units and two of them were mostly fill so I would guess that they're more natural breaks than actual working of stone and some shell and coral which this shell is actually common that's the most common shell that I find throughout the houses the Supreia Caput Soprentis which is an inshore shell that's easily gathered and then this is the smallest complex that has the most associated the smallest amount associated features with it and this one is particularly interesting to me because it's the smallest Cahale with multiple features but it resembles the new to construction so if you think back to that new to construction it had the L shaped feature but this is a much smaller size so there could be some sort of repetition here of a particular way to build a structure that it's being modeled here this did reveal a hearth as well and a possible urban oven in the C shaped structure but there was only one hearth that we uncovered even though we excavated most of this structure here most of that L shaped structure this is also the only house that's lacking a view of the agricultural fields it sits on the promontory that's right above the 153 structure the large one that is built down the hill there's absolutely no view of the agricultural fields and also has no view of the mountain because there's a large rock wall that blocks it the evidence of food here is mostly the core starches that you would find that make up a Hawaiian meal none of the of the relish of the meat that would add to a Hawaiian meal that would make it desirable but not necessarily be the core part of it there was a charred tuber that we pulled from this combustion feature and the lithics that we collected were likely more fire cracked rock since they were charred they looked to be broken in the fire and they came from that combustion feature and they're also of poor quality so I wouldn't say that that measurement is completely reliable for the lithics but it was mostly just charcoal and then some evidence of tubers that was being cooked here so very resource poor but still modeling the larger and this is the last of the structures that are excavated in general but also along this ridge and this sits on the opposite side along the edge of the structure and this is a really fascinating one that seems to be associated with this feature as well that we did not unfortunately get to excavate I couldn't justify going back a fifth season so left that one alone but I was able to do two units in this structure that has this large wall that looks like a windbreak and collect several ground, several surface artifacts that hopefully you can see a little bit of here I know it's a little blurry but that seemed to be what dominated this structure it looked to be some sort of lithic working workshop because it was littered with fine grained basalt tools to stand out from the other structures from the other house complexes and had these tools that weren't really recovered elsewhere even the the large cowhalle that was built on that apex of the horseshoe ridge that had a preform adds in it that was in the previous picture didn't yield this type of working material the amount of material that this structure had and also didn't yield any of the tools that were found on the surface of this house site and this is a preform adds right here, a hammer stone and a large core and there's much larger cores that's the one I could fit with the measuring tape that I had but the whole site is littered I collected probably about 30 surface collection and I could have collected on this site and in excavation the excavations yielded more of the same so usually we get more of a brown kind of organic sediment in these sites and these were this site was completely yellow which usually indicates the sterile surface but it wasn't sterile it just didn't have any organic input in it it was all stone like this that we recovered with a little bit of ash in one unit it would have been a fire at one point but it didn't appear to be a permanent combustion feature so to bring this together a little bit here I have highlighted the dominant artifact classes it's hard to read I know for you and I apologize for that but here this lists the house sites that had the most amount of artifact for each artifact class just more generally I can't fit all the artifacts on one tiny screen apparently I can't even fit this but this gives a little bit of an idea for what's happening with regard to the division between these spaces one thing that you might notice even if just looking at the highlighting is that there are somehow sites that don't have any highlighted rows and these would be you might correctly guess the smaller structures that I talked about that are resource poor that don't dominate in any category with regard to density of artifacts and but there's other interesting trends that show when you just look at this sort of data when you compare between the different sites you begin to see a little bit of what I already talked about where there's different types of shell for example that dominate in one site that don't in another and often what seems to be happening is that there are types of shell that are see your chin for example or the shell that you can just gather from the shoreline that are more common in the sites that are at lower elevation and actually there's the meat that the sites seem to be relying on the protein sources the sites seem to be relying on that are higher up that are of higher status but also further away from the ocean are pig and fish there seems to be more animal bone in those sites actually this had the new two site that was highest elevation had basically all of the animal bone that I found throughout the entire excavation so they're relying on that and they're not relying on the marine sources and then the fine-grained basalt is clustered in two sites but the material for the fine-grained basalt is mostly dominating in one site and then the the words cuckoo-y-nut which is a nut that they use for many different purposes but mostly for candles they'll string it together and use it as candles or for medicinal purposes occasionally is absent from some of the sites that seem to be more peripheral so perhaps sites that aren't used at night time they don't need candles so to add a little bit of context to this I'm going to return to the microarchaeological record now so this is a map of that plan feature of that hearth that I talked about earlier that I'm going to be talking about to elucidate some of those microarchaeological information so I'm going to reiterate a little bit of what I said about the macro artifact data at this point and go into what that micro record can really tell us about understanding what that data means so the macro artifact data does paint a picture about the potential use for this space that I already discussed and the charcoal can of course be presumed to come from the nearby hearth in this feature there's a lot of charcoal that was pulled out of here interesting artifacts for example can also be presumed to come from that feature there was a shark slash ray bone that was found here that is an item that is kapu to women but the large disparity between levels and between layers poses an interesting question about changing use of space so there's a disparity in the types of artifacts between these two levels that are found and the density so it poses a question about if the space is changing or whether this just represents a depositional process and that question can be contextualized with the microarchaeological record and potentially answered so just to give you an idea of how soil samples were collected they were collected in excavation so this isn't a completely accurate map but this is the location they were collected and utilized for this interpretation and then here's just a reminder of those macroarchaeological artifacts that were recovered during excavation that give a little bit of that context of what's happening but need more information to fully understand the use of the structure and some of the marine information as well and as I said you can see the low density so there's a little bit of disparity between the layers of the amount that the variety of resources accessed but the amount seems to be the same with regard to density but it's low density regardless for the structure okay so getting to particle size distribution and what that can tell us about this environment within which the site was formed so as shown on this graph it didn't go sorry as shown on this graph right here graph this was a high energy environment with aeolian deposition that's similar to the current environment in the region with the wind swept region it was very similar in the past which we know a little bit about from the history of the region but we can also see that in the sediment that this was still wind swept in the 17th century and that's what was depositing and depositing certain sediments and sweeping away the smaller fraction sediments so the graph to the right illustrates the percentage of each grain size right here and this exhibits an even curve for the top soil so the top soil is straight through the middle and that's an even curve that is a good reference point that sits firmly in the middle of the rest of the samples and one thing that you'll also see is that the sterile sample has a nice curve here with a lot of fine sediment that you don't see in the other ones those are good reference points for the cultural sediments and one thing that I wasn't able to put in the presentation today but I wanted to mention is that when looking at the other depositional information from the other units on this site where there's a lot of cultural material you see this sort of distribution where there's a lot of different lines a lot of different patterns happening but in the units that were put on the terrace where there's not as much deposition there's actually one one nice curved line that goes straight up the middle that is an even distribution so that gives an idea for where you're actually finding that cultural activity and what that means for anthropogenic deposition so the sharp increase that you see in some of these anthropogenic deposits at two millimeters this corresponds to the sample from levels three and four which corresponds to a higher density of micro artifacts and this probably is what's causing that increase at two millimeter size so one to two millimeters also produces the largest amount of micro artifacts indicating that this could be the most important size to focus on when trying to identify floors and activity spaces in this region so this is just to give you an idea of the micro artifacts that are coming out of it while density of artifacts is the same between the different cultural layers the variety of micro artifacts does add to that context of macro artifacts indicating that there's a variety at the level that does represent that use of space and what that also does is confirm that that was that some of the artifacts are representational of the use and not of post-depositional processes so the data from pH, phytolus and starches all indicate that there is a third layer that was constructed in use as the floor of the feature this is something I'm still looking into but that's what this initial analysis seems to indicate with this data the pH as you can see where I think the floor is right here drastically increases so I'm still trying to figure out why it's increasing there's a marked difference which suggests a different depositional process or use at that period the phytolith information the palm phytoliths indicate a potential presence of matting they would use palms to weave mats in this region that were laid on the floor to protect feet from sediment and sharp alava and provide cushioned seating and sleeping areas the starches found come from sweet potato and some taro and the starch that was favored for farming in this region was sweet potato so of course you'd expect to find that but particularly around a hearth the taro in particular is more interesting in this area because they're not necessarily farming it as frequently if at all but this is likely consumed as part of every meal so the pH the increase is sharply that follows that level along with the micro fossils that were recovered and the sediment size distribution indicates a difference that could be related to deposition of this floor the micromorphology exciting part the micromorphology analysis has only just begun I've begun to look at all of the many slides that I have had made for all of my sites but it offers some promising evidence that I can look at in the future the preliminary interpretation reveals an important insight that acts context to the previously discussed data first the clear boundaries show anthropogenic input for the site I've outlined where the boundaries are so you can see these clear boundaries while soil has formed a little bit in the interim since abandonment for that top layer the site's not old enough necessarily to allow for the time needed to erase all traces of the anthropogenic sediment deposition and while anthropogenic layer boundaries are not always clear in excavating these cow hollay the micromorphology shows them really clearly which is why this is important and for example the important boundary between layer 3 and layer 4 shows a more compact bed in layer 4 with less compaction in layer 3 and artifacts are embedded in layer 3 but are not present at all in layer 4 so this transition is crucial to understanding the construction and use of the site through time the layer 4 seen at the bottom of the photo to the right is a preoccupational soil upon which the site was built corresponding to the bedrock and absence of artifacts the third layer pictured at the top of the same photo is far less compact with small artifacts throughout predominantly bone and charcoal but they're randomly oriented meaning that they were just randomly deposited the second layer seen on top of the photo to the left is again compact but features a higher density of soil pads a characteristic also observed in the particle size analysis process this layer exhibits a higher density of artifacts mostly charcoal presumably from the neighboring hearth and iron staining is also visible here red staining that this projector doesn't really let you see and that's evidence of a breakdown and fertility of the sediment and this is also evidence that the soil formation is old that recent formation has not overwritten these anthropogenic deposits from the inhabitants of these houses and the combination of this information combined with previously discussed data that the stratigraphic map suggests that the third layer could have been part of the construction of the site it may well be a builder's trench for example the walls are thick core filled walls and when constructed you would need to excavate at least some of the ground to put in those core boulders and then fill it back in with backfill and that likely contained trash from elsewhere now there's a floor that's built on top of that for use and do the nature of the dirt floor it would have accumulated sediment throughout the use life of the house the micro artifacts found in the thin section add further context to the material culture recovered both material found at macro level sergin and material that is largely missing from the macroscopic level for many of the sites or bone and this is missing for reasons other than deterioration as pH is not acidic enough to degrade the bone the plant particulates also visible in these areas are visible where the parent material has long since degraded so this data combined with the pH and particle size distribution data works toward developing a model for the construction of cow holly and identification of dirt floors once a model for floors is developed and understanding for what that floor look like in different activity areas I can start to tell the stories of common or daily life and understand better those social constructs that govern these experiences creating a narrative of the past that is more realistic in its consideration of the true diversity that existed with regards to the lived experience so the microscopic level adds context and nuance to artifacts recovered there is a better understanding of architecture and anthropogenic deposits and that in turn tells the story of interaction with this landscape and the important context is not visible in the process of excavation but it shines through in that microscopic analysis elucidating the anthropogenic processes that can then clarify how these spaces were utilized by the inhabitants in ways that met their daily needs and adhered to the intersectional social identities present on the landscape in that period and these important contextualizing tools assist with understanding the daily lives of these households by conceptualizing their experiences through their INA avoiding homogenization of the many varied ways of life people engaged that together formed the community and allows for the contextualizing of Kanaka through their relationship to the landscape this in turn enhances our understanding of the actual lived experience on the Hawaiian landscape thank you I have way more data too if you want to see it Lisa was there any context or any period where you saw because I know you're kind of testing this puh-poo it sounds like a puh-poo right was there any context before you found that the idealized gendered like woman actually overlapped with the idealized male activity like I know you mentioned two different hearts yeah so that is something that actually Pat has also found in Kikikinui with the two hearts that are it's kind of an overlap because they're supposed to have different structures and that's something that has been seen in I don't know how many of the houses but several in southeast Maui so that's a little bit of overlap but it still is that distinction between genders but with the smaller houses I'm not seeing any distinction between genders so I still need to go back and think about what activities would correspond to which community member and whether they are mixing like that but it seems to me that for what I'm seeing right now if there are all genders there's actually three genders I didn't get a chance to talk about the third gender but if all genders are living together in these different Kaohalle then it seems like there isn't necessarily that strict distinction between them in the smaller structures and also there's not necessarily space for it either and I'm only finding one heart I'm only finding one earthen oven so there's not that distinction because they're also supposed to cook their food separately so you should find two ovens and I'm not even finding that could be their distance from the elite who were the ones who enforced that I think so I mean I agree I could have I literally had to be pulled away from the last house John Holson told me to stop I just kept clearing down the hill and he was like you have to stop the larger proportion of them potentially being not elite would that be fair? yeah so that was actually one of the disappointing things because I kept trying to find smaller house sites and they kept becoming bigger so I have two that are small and the other five are larger but there's also different I think that can still be an important distinction because there's not just like part of what I'm looking at is there's not just one way to be elite there's many different levels of that status and there's also the Konohiki land managers as well which I think could be one of the house sites if not two but yeah I was a little disappointed that I kept accidentally excavating the larger house once you cleared the land you'd realize how big it actually was so yeah thank you you're still pretty confident about presenting this as if it's sort of all at one time and yet you have I'm just wondering about the temporal variability and yeah that's something that I've thought about too one thing that I would have liked to have is more radiocarbon states for that reason but I feel pretty confident that they do fall within that century but that is still a wide margin of time right yeah exactly so that is still a question but I think that that's until I learn Bayesian statistics I think that might be the best I can do yeah I just got the announcement that the latest issue of American antiquity is out and it's got a couple of articles today about the use of these Bayesian statistics you might want to take a look at that before you spend too much time yeah I've heard critiques yeah and I don't have any branch coral unfortunately so I can't do any uranium thorium dating either because I haven't found any of that in any of my sites at least none that's recognizable which then it wouldn't be worthwhile anyway since it has to be fresh so yeah the small shallows size itself may not necessarily mean that it wasn't even in German shell maidens we have a fair number of small ones which are about the same size but my mother actually told me that when she was a child if kids collected them then her mother always cooked so there are children it might actually lead to that interesting discussion it's true keep an eye on ethnography it's true I'll do that, it's interesting I want to ask how would you be cautious about saying that your larger houses are a little bit obviously some higher status special like that but you take the new within Kowkow you're on the marginal side of the district the big temples around the east there are other sites that are much larger than these kind of houses yes, that's true which we have thought are probably true OBE residences if you go back to the work that Marshall Solis did we always had five categories of common how long you were allowed to solve what you may be seeing is some differentiation with any commoner class that's true I would caution you not to call these OBE just put them into that one category and say something about the status it's interesting, Congress yes, because they were bigger but you also were using the same kind of surface indications so it's not like there's some really ephemeral features that you should have gone to we asked you, I was thinking what you might be showing us is the diversity within the commoner class rather than the different what would be 5 out of 7 would be a heck of a high proportion of buildings I thought that too and that's for exciting it does that's what I wanted anyway that would be exciting that's very true I was thinking that that they don't live anew and those sites are big but I guess that doesn't mean they're not commoners there is the site that you have costs for new yeah, a new one is huge it comes to any non or ceremonial features both of those are quite narrow because that's the thing if you're talking about this class distinction which as I understand it has a lot to do with the way that people relate to religion and that yeah it is, yeah there's the one large site but then mine don't even even knew who doesn't come close to it even though it seems to be it's on the sister promontory but it's not even close to that site I was thinking about the structure that you mentioned towards the end that was full different colored soil no organic material adds preform a number of cores so mostly just lithic related material so I was then thinking about what you said at the beginning within these house complexes they would add for example a new building house or a type of production house as needed so then it kind of made me think about that particular structure and what its role might be is it a workshop and then I know we've talked in previous years about the distribution and movement of volcanic glass around different islands and other materials like that for making stone tools and then in the capu system how, who does basalt working is there any prescriptions for who would do that work and how would that fit into the other sites nearby so based on what I've seen it's usually a specialty crafts person that would do adds making specifically so there's plenty of other tools that people could make on their own or that could potentially have other crafts people but adds specifically as a specialist so it could be a workshop like that that's why I kind of wanted I was hoping to excavate that other square structure that was associated with it because I would guess that could be a living space and this the workshop and the terraces for that were also very interesting because I just kept going down the hill and it was hard to tell where the terraces for that particular workshop ended and the agricultural terraces began so it was why I just kept clearing down the hill but yeah I think that it is certainly a workshop I just need to look more into what that means and it's also of course on that ridge very close to the other site that had the nice material that was preform Did that history specify that men or women would make these items What I have seen is crafts person so I have not seen a specific gender for adds making but I have seen other people gender it as male but I myself haven't read that but also I haven't done a ton of reading on adds production so