 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, a presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world honored Lawn Jean. Good evening, this is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? They are CBS News Correspondents Larry Lisser and Winston Bredette. Our distinguished guest for this evening is Dr. Ting Fu-Ciang, Chief Delegate from Nationalist China to the United Nations. Both Houses of Congress have now authorized the president to defend Formosa and its other areas with American forces if we find it necessary. There were differences of opinion, of course, strong ones over just which areas should be defended in the Formosa Straits. But there's never been any difference of opinion regarding the caliber of the man who represents Nationalist China at the United Nations. Dr. Ting Fu-Ciang is regarded as one of the world's most able diplomats. Dr. Tsong, how do you greet this resolution by both Houses of Congress giving the president power to defend Formosa and the Pescadoris and all other points necessary? I'm glad that this resolution was passed and passed by such large majorities, both in the Senate and in the House. I'm glad for two reasons. One, now everybody knows where USA stands. Second, today I have a very particular reason. I'm glad that the US action is not made conditional upon any action which the United Nations may or may not take. Well, Dr. Tsong, do you feel that this resolution that has been passed by Congress and larges the United States military commitment in the Far East? I think that depends largely on future developments. Of course, we all know the resolution does not, you might say, diminish US commitment because before the passage of resolution, we understood that your government would help us in defending the Formosa and Pescadoris. The resolution does say about approaches to Formosa or related areas, so you can say there might be a general vague enlargement of US responsibilities and commitments, but actually what will amount to, what that will amount to, will depend largely on developments. Well, speaking of developments, Dr. Tsong, would you approve of the United Nations ordering a ceasefire in the Straits of Formosa? No, I'm opposed to it. Well, then may I add, how strongly are you opposed to it? Would you be so strongly opposed to it that you would veto it? That I'm not sure because I haven't seen the warden of the resolution yet, but in principle, I do not think that the United Nations will perform any service to the cause of peace by ticking up a resolution on ceasefire. Well, sir, there have been reports these past few days, I don't know how true they've been, that the government of Nationalist China would not oppose a reasonable ceasefire. Now, were those reports inaccurate or premature or close to the truth? Well, if you say a ceasefire, a factual ceasefire, well, Ms. Burdetti, you probably remember that the recent series of war activities along the coast was factored and started by the communists on September 3rd. All what we have to do in recent months is to, has been to defend ourselves and to retaliate. We naturally will try to recover the mainland, but we know that cannot be done by this kind of, this type of warfare. And then we do not conceive, recover the mainland in the sense of a military conquest of the mainland by force of Formosa. We do not want to fight against our own countrymen. We will fight, excuse me, I like to finish that point. We do not wish to fight against our countrymen on the mainland. We must fight and be ready to fight with our countrymen on the mainland to free them from their oppressors. Well, would you say that a ceasefire, if ordered by the UN and accepted by the communist Chinese, would foreclose any opportunity of you to return to the mainland from Formosa? That so far as I know, opinion now differs quite a bit. I wouldn't be able to judge on that point until I see the terms of the resolution. Well, the resolution will exclude the Formosa and the Pescadores and will only apply, I believe, to the islands which are just off the mainland. In other words, Kimoy and Matsu. Well, I was going to say that I wish to be frank. One of the reasons why we are opposed to this ceasefire is the point you just mentioned. Well, I wish you would elaborate on that. The fact that it does exclude Formosa and the Pescadores? No, I wouldn't say it excludes. It might make our future plans to recover the mainland, to liberate the mainland more difficult. Do you believe, sir, that there is any chance of red China accepting a ceasefire and accepting a de facto ceasefire line somewhere in the Formosa Strait? This is all guess. Yes. And I must confess, probably one guess as good as another. But I myself feel that after the passage of the resolution by U.S. Congress, factually, I think the Chinese communists would not attempt to invade the Formosa and Pescadores. So I anticipate that there will be a facto ceasefire. In that respect, I have the feeling that your President has already rendered the cause of peace a great service. When you speak of a ceasefire order by the Security Council, that is an entire different matter. I doubt that the commons would accept such an order. Because it comes from the United Nations? Yes, that's one thing. I think they will argue, as they already argued, on Article 2, Section 7 of the Charter, that this matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a state. Well, actually, of course, the question of a ceasefire, as it will be put before the Security Council, would be as a threat to international peace. But I'd like to go further on that, Dr. Xiang. Would you approve of the United Nations inviting a representative of Communist China to come to New York to debate this subject with you? No, I'm opposed to it. I think the United Nations, I think any organ of the United Nations, should not invite anybody who has already been condemned by the United Nations as an aggressor. Well, sir, how strongly are you opposed to that? I'm very strongly opposed to it. To leave Formosa out of the picture a moment, do you believe that there is any chance that the Chinese communists will cease firing in their battle to conquer the coastal islands? Kamoi, Matsu, and all the rest? I think there is a possibility that they will actually cease firing. You believe there is such a possibility? I think there is that possibility. Do you think that Red China actually wants to get into the United Nations, Dr. Xiang, or do they actually want more aggression? I think they want to get into the United Nations for sake of the prestige that membership in the UN confers on a state, and they figure out that aggression and membership are consistent and harmonious, and they can have both. Well, Dr. Xiang, if the United Nations should order a cease fire in the Formosan Straits and also invite a representative of Communist China to come to New York, would you consider that a step towards recognition? That depends on future developments. I would not go so far as that. I think no doubt that does confer some additional prestige on the Chinese communists. Well, is it to be taken then, sir, that the Taipei government has not made up its mind exactly how it will react to any resolution by the United Nations which might invite a representative of Communist China to come to this country? We will oppose it. Well, in other words, do you think it will be a substantive or procedural question? Can you veto that? Of course, you know, that point, the particular point was raised in the Security Council once upon a time, and opinions differ. I don't want to be dogmatic. Some years ago I held that it was a point of substance, but the majority of members held it was not a substantial question, but a procedural question. And a procedural question, of course, is not subject to the veto, but this might also be a subject of debate should the invitation go out to Communist China. Well, can you tell me, Dr. Chiang, just what is your considered opinion right now regarding the possibility of the enlargement, the spreading of this war in the Formosan states? Is it dangerous? No, I think not. I think not. I am convinced that the world communism will seek fields for further expansion, but I observe that they use the select soft spots. I think they know that Formosan is not a soft spot, but at least there are other spots much softer to Formosan. So I do not feel alarmed about large-scale activities in the streets of Formosan. Dr. Chiang, what else, what other areas would you regard as a soft spot? Well, the countries bordering on the south of China, all that region is a dangerous weak politically and militarily. And of course, in the past, China has already done considerable expansion in that direction and has considerable fruits to show past experiences as well as the resources that the region would attract. Do you think if there were a ceasefire in the Formosan states, they might be tempted to use aggression someplace else? The two are separate. Whether there is a ceasefire or not, there the Intention Exempt South was a permanent effect. Thank you very much, Dr. Chiang. It was a great pleasure for you to come here and talk to us. The opinions expressed on the launch in Chronoscope were those of the speakers. The editorial board for this edition of the Lone Gene Chronoscope was Larry Lisser and Winston Bredet. Our distinguished guest was Dr. Ting Fu Cheng, Chief Delegate from Nationalist China to the United Nations. They say everyone notices the watch on your wrist. To be well dressed, every detail must conform, including your watch. Now, Lone Gene makes a watch to suit every need to fill every taste, and the choice of styles and of models is almost unlimited. For ladies, Lone Gene creates superb examples of the jeweler's art, exquisite and taste and finished perfect for every occasion. 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