 That concludes Topical Questions. The next item of business is a statement by Nicola Sturgeon on EU negotiations on Scotland's future. I urge members, if they wish, to ask a question, to press their request-to-speak button now. The First Minister will take questions at the end of her statement, so there should be no interventions or interruptions until then. I call on the First Minister. Like other countries, Scotland faces big challenges. Some of those challenges, like Brexit, are not of our choosing, but we must always remember that Scotland is one of the richest countries in the world with resources and talent in abundance. Our task is to make the most of our great potential and build the kind of country that we want to be—a fair, prosperous, open and tolerant country. In working towards that goal, my responsibility as First Minister is to build as much unity and consensus as possible. That is why, after the election, which was, of course, won by the SNP in Scotland, I said that I would reflect on the outcome and, in particular, on the issue of an independent referendum. I have done so carefully, taking time to listen to a broad spectrum of voices both within and out with my party. I want to set out today where those reflections have taken me. Before I do so, though, let me underline two enduring points. Firstly, it remains my view and indeed the position of this Government that, at the end of the Brexit process, the people of Scotland should have a choice about our future direction as a country. Indeed, the implications of Brexit are so potentially far-reaching that, as they become clearer, I think that people will increasingly demand that choice. We face a Brexit that we did not vote for and, in a far more extreme than most would have imagined just one year ago. Now the terms of that Brexit are being negotiated by a UK Government with no clear mandate, precious little authority and no real idea even within its own ranks of what it is seeking to achieve. While we must hope for the best, the reality is that, with the UK Government's current approach, even a so-called good deal will be on terms substantially inferior to our current EU membership. Of course, there is now a real risk that the UK will crash out of the EU with no deal or a very bad deal, with deep and long-lasting consequences for jobs, trade, investment, living standards and the opportunities open to future generations. On top of all that, as we saw so clearly in the deal struck with the DUP yesterday, we now have a UK Government that talks about wanting to strengthen the bonds of the UK, but, in reality, it is so desperate to cling on to power at any cost that it is prepared to ride roughshod over the very principles of the entire devolution settlement. So, if Scotland is not simply to be at the mercy of events, but instead in control of our own future, then the ability to choose a different direction must be available to us. Secondly, there is no doubt that the Scottish Government has a mandate to offer the people of Scotland that choice within this term of Parliament. We have now won not one but two elections, with that explicit commitment in our manifesto, and the Scottish Parliament has also endorsed that position. By any normal standard of democracy, that mandate is beyond question. Opposition parties, no matter how strongly they disagree with us on independence, as is their right, should therefore stop trying to turn the basic rules of democracy on their head. The mandate that we have is beyond doubt, but deciding exactly how and when to exercise it is a matter of judgment, and it is a judgment that must be made in the interests of the country as a whole. That is what I have been thinking carefully about. Before, during and since the election campaign, I have had hundreds of conversations with people in every part of Scotland about the issues of Brexit and a second independence referendum. There are, of course, some people who do not want another referendum ever because they oppose independence in all circumstances. I respect that position. It is entirely honourable and just as legitimate as the position of those who support independence in all circumstances and want another referendum tomorrow, but many people, probably the majority, fall into neither of those categories. Indeed, having spoken to many people who voted yes in 2014 and to many others who did not, but who would be open minded in future, what has struck me is the commonality of their views. They worry about the uncertainty of Brexit and the lack of any clarity whatsoever about what it means. Some of them just want a break from the pressure of making big political decisions. They agree that our future should not be imposed on us but feel that it is just too soon right now to make a firm decision about the precise timing of a referendum. They want greater clarity about Brexit to emerge first and they want to be able to measure that up against clarity about the options that Scotland would have for securing a different relationship with Europe. In the meantime, whatever their scepticism about the likely outcome of the negotiations, they want the Scottish Government to focus as hard as we can on securing the best possible outcome for Scotland. Indeed, that view has even more force now that the general election and the weakness of the UK Government has reopened the possibility, however narrow, of averting a hard Brexit and retaining membership of the single market. I have a duty to listen to those views and I intend to do so. The Scottish Government remains committed strongly to the principle of giving Scotland a choice at the end of this process, but I want to reassure people that our proposal is not for a referendum now or before there is sufficient clarity about the options but rather to give them a choice at the end of the Brexit process when that clarity has emerged. I am therefore confirming today that, having listened and reflected, the Scottish Government will reset the plan that I set out on March 13. We will not seek to introduce the legislation for an independence referendum immediately. Instead, we will, in good faith, redouble our efforts and put our shoulder to the wheel in seeking to influence the Brexit talks in a way that protects Scotland's interests. We will seek to build maximum support around the proposals that were set out in the paper that we published in December, Scotland's Place in Europe, to keep us in the single market with substantial new powers for this Parliament. We will do everything that we can to influence the UK in that direction. At the end of this period of negotiation with the EU, it is likely to be around next autumn when the terms of Brexit will be clearer. We will come back to Parliament to set out our judgment on the best way forward at that time, including our view on the precise timescale for offering people a choice over the country's future. Setting out this position today, I am also issuing a challenge to the other parties. The Scottish Government will stand the best chance of positively influencing the Brexit outcome if we are at the table with the full backing of our national Parliament arguing for the sensible option of staying in the single market. Join us now with no equivocation back the demands for the democratically elected Scottish Government to be at the table, able to influence the UK's negotiating strategy and for Scotland and the UK to stay in the European single market. The second conclusion that I have reached is this. Over the past few months, the focus on the when and the how of our referendum has, perhaps inevitably, been at the expense of setting out the many reasons why Scotland should be independent. The fact is that we are only talking of another referendum so soon after the last one because of Brexit. It is certainly the case that independence may well be the only way to protect Scotland from the impact of Brexit, but the case for an independent Scotland is not just about Brexit. It goes far beyond that. Many of us already believe that independence is the right and the best answer to the many complex challenges that we face as a country and also the best way to seize and fully realise our many opportunities. We must persuade the majority in Scotland of that. We have not done that yet, but I have no doubt that we can. The challenge for all of us who believe that Scotland should be independent is to get on with the hard work of making and winning that case on all of its many merits and in a way that is relevant to the changes, challenges, hopes and opportunities that we face now and in the years ahead. That is what we will do. Of course, we will not do it on our own because the independence case is bigger than us too. My party will engage openly and inclusively with and work is part of the wider independence movement. We will seek to support, engage and grow that movement and build the case that having decisions made by us, not for us, offers the best future for our country. We will make and seek to win the case that governing ourselves is the best way to tackle the challenges that we face as a country, from building a better balance than more sustainable economy to growing our population, strengthening our democracy and tackling deep-seated problems of poverty and inequality. My last point today is this. The SNP Government has been in office now for 10 years. I am incredibly proud of our achievements, delivered in the most challenging of circumstances and in the face of unprecedented Westminster cuts. I am also clear about our priorities as we move forward, not just fighting Scotland's corner in the Brexit talks but also growing our economy and making sure that the public services that we all rely on are there when we need them from cradle to grave. That means continuing to work each and every day to improve education, equip our NHS for the challenges of the future, lift people out of poverty and build a social security system with dignity at its heart. Of course, any Government after 10 years needs to take stock and refresh. Over this summer, as we prepare our next programme for government and our budget for the year ahead, that is exactly what we will do. We will set out afresh our vision for the country that we lead together with the creative, imaginative, bold and radical policies that, as far as is possible within the current powers available to us, will help us to realise that bold ambition vision for Scotland. We look forward to getting on with the job in the best interests of all the people of Scotland. We now have about 30 minutes for questions. There is now around 30 minutes for questions. There is a lot of interest. Ruth Davidson, question number one. I think that the glum faces protest too much with the extended applause. Since the 2014 referendum, nobody, not me nor anyone in this chamber has ever called for members of the SNP benches to revoke their belief in independence itself. However, the issue that we have had this last year has been with the First Minister, who has tried to use the UK's decision to leave the European Union to try to impose another referendum on independence on Scotland at the earliest opportunity. No-once-in-a-generation, no-endura agreement of respecting the result, just a single vision drive to the line by Nicola Sturgeon to try and secure her place in history. As our own MSPs have accepted, that decision cost her 21 seats and the support of half a million Scottish voters in the general election. Felly, yes voters and no voters, most people simply don't want this brought back any time soon. None of the questions that are raised by Brexit are answered by ripping Scotland out of our own union of nations, our biggest markets and our closest friends. I am afraid to say today's statement. I am afraid to say that that statement will fail to give any assurance to those people that this First Minister is listening to them. Again, she makes virtually no mention of her domestic responsibilities. Instead, she appears to be in denial about her mistakes over this last year and, as a result, is leaking credibility and confidence in her leadership by the hour. Her response actually hasn't been to reflect, but to simply lash out at the UK Government at every opportunity and to sing the same old songs in the same old tune. Let me ask her this. She claims to be putting the referendum to one side and will not introduce the referendum bill to this Parliament immediately. Why doesn't she give the country some certainty and just take it off the table for the rest of this Parliament? The First Minister. The reason it would be wrong to take to use Ruth Davidson's language a referendum, a choice over our future off the table for the duration of this Parliament is this. The Conservative Government at Westminster is taking this entire country down a path that is potentially the most damaging thing that has happened to us for a generation or more than that. We do not yet know the destination of that journey, but what we do know is that if the Tories get their way, the outcome of that could be devastating for Scottish jobs, for trade, for living standards, for the opportunities of generations to come. I do not think that it is right for Scotland to be left at the mercy of wherever the Tories want to take us, regardless of how damaging that is to our present and to our future. That is why I believe that, at the end of the process, people should have the ability to have that choice. Equally, I recognise that people do not feel ready right now to say when that choice should happen because of the uncertainty that has been created not just by Brexit but by the reckless approach to Brexit that this Government is pursuing. We will take account of that and listen to that. Over the next months, we will do everything in our power with absolute focus to try to get from Brexit an outcome that best protects Scotland's interests. I repeat again my challenge to the other parties. If you also have Scotland's interests at heart, then get behind this Government in seeking to be at the table, influencing those negotiations and getting the best outcome for Scotland. It used to be that Ruth Davidson thought being in the EU was best for Scotland and then she capitulated. It used to be that Ruth Davidson thought being in the single market was best for Scotland and then she capitulated. For once, can Ruth Davidson stand firm and back the Scottish Government in getting the best deal for Scotland? The difference between this Government and the UK Government is that we will continue to make decisions and make judgments that we consider to be in the best interests of the country. That is in stark contrast to the UK Government right now. Having blundered and miscalculated its way into an EU referendum and then into a hard Brexit position and then into a general election, it is now so desperate to cling to power at any cost, regardless of the damage that it is going to do to our economy, to the reputation of the country, to the devolution settlement and even to peace in Northern Ireland. It is a shameful approach to governing. Do you know what is even more shameful that Ruth Davidson is prepared to be a cheerleader for all that? Ruth Davidson continued to be a cheerleader for the Conservatives. I and this Government will continue to take the decisions that we think are in the best interests of Scotland. The First Minister says that she has heard the views of the people, that she has reflected on the result of the general election. Her incredulous conclusion is to double down and continue with her campaign for independence. However, the truth is that the threat of an unwanted second independence referendum is dead. That did not happen because, Nicola Sturgeon wanted it to, the people of Scotland have taken that decision for her. However, the First Minister is digging her heels in, putting her fingers in her ears and pressing on regardless. She is just not listening. First Minister, why do not you understand the people of Scotland sent you a clear message at the general election? Get back to governing. When will you listen and get on with the job that really matters, improving our schools, growing our economy and fixing our NHS? It is clear that Kezia Dugdale scripted that question before she saw or listened to the statement that I have just made. We will not proceed with legislation for an independence referendum immediately. Instead, we will do everything in our power to get the best possible outcome from Brexit. We will do everything in our power to protect Scotland's interests. At the end of that process, we will judge the best way forward to make sure that Scotland is not at the mercy of the outcome of that process regardless of how damaging it is going to be. The difference between my position and Kezia Dugdale's position is quite simple. I want Scotland to be in control of our own future. I do not want as simply to have to accept any decision imposed on us by a Tory Government at Westminster, regardless of the damage that it does. I want us to be in control of our own future as a country. Labour, simply having advised many people in Scotland to vote for the Conservatives, wants to leave the future of our country entirely at the mercy of the Conservatives. That is the difference between us, and that will continue to be the difference between our two parties. Patrick Harvie Thank you, Presiding Officer. Scotland has not consented to being taken out of the European Union against our will. Scotland has not consented to the social and economic wreckage that we know will result if that is what happens. If the First Minister does not introduce a referendum bill until after autumn next year, how long will it be after we have been dragged out of Europe without having consented to it before the people of Scotland are even entitled to make their choice? Why? After a negotiation between a UK Government and EU institutions and decisions made by every other member state in Europe, why should the people of Scotland be the only people without the right to make a decision on that timescale? The First Minister I believe that Scotland should have a choice at the end of this process, but I recognise that the uncertainty around this process—which is not of our making or our doing—is entirely down to the incompetent reckless approach that the UK Government has taken. That uncertainty makes it difficult for those, even those who want to have a choice at the end of this process, to see right now how we can set a firm timescale for that. I recognise that, which is why I have said today that we are resetting the plan that I outlined on March 13. We will not introduce that legislation right now. We will put our shoulder to the wheel of seeking to get the best deal for Scotland, and then we will make a judgment on the right time for a choice when we have that greater clarity. On the timescale that is being followed right now, I would estimate that it would be around the autumn of next year. I think that that is the sensible and responsible way forward, because what it does is two things. First, it recognises the desire of people not to be rushed, not to have to make a choice before they have the clarity and the information to make an informed choice—something that I never wanted people to have to do, but I am making that absolutely clear today. Secondly, it does something else. It makes sure that we have the ability to protect our interests at the end of this process. I appreciate that, for many people, the real implications and impact of Brexit have not started to be felt. I suspect that that is about to start to change and to change very quickly. However, as First Minister, I cannot look anybody across this country in the eye and pretend to them that I do not have profound concerns about the impact of what is about to happen on people in Scotland, not just now, but for many, many years to come. To choose that would be one thing, but to have that imposed upon us firstly through the EU referendum and then having no choice at the end of the process would be deeply and profoundly wrong. What I am doing today is balancing those interests, recognising that people do not want to be rushed, that it is not simply for me to decide the future of this country, but making sure that it is equally not for a Conservative Government at Westminster to decide the future of this country regardless of what anybody across Scotland might want. Willie Rennie. The First Minister has had a long, hard think about it. The First Minister has concluded that the First Minister should call another independence referendum at a time of the First Minister's choosing, so absolutely nothing has changed. If she wants to prove that she has listened, the First Minister should trigger a vote in this chamber that would rule out another independence referendum in this parliamentary term. Will she agree to that? I have to say that, since Willie Rennie did not seem to give any respect to when the Scottish Parliament did vote on this matter, why would we expect him to respect the vote of the Scottish Parliament in the future? It seems that Willie Rennie wants to pick and choose when he respects the will of this Parliament. On the issue of a referendum, Willie Rennie's position—at least, I do not agree with the positions of the Conservatives or Labour—they want to leave this country at the mercy of whatever happens in Brexit regardless of how damaging it is, but at least their positions have a degree of consistency and logic to them. There is no consistency and no logic whatsoever on the position of the Liberal Democrats on this issue. They do not want to give people in Scotland a choice in another referendum, but they want to have a second referendum on the issue of EU membership. Willie Rennie's position is ridiculous, which is why so few people across this country take him or the Liberal Democrats seriously. All the leaders had preambles before their questions. I would appreciate if all members could get straight to the question and will have straight questions and answers. Ben Macpherson is to be followed by Jackson Carlaw. Ben Macpherson. I am obligated to remind the chamber that I am a parliamentary liaison officer to the First Minister. As has just been stated, this Parliament democratically voted to seek a section 30 order from the UK Government to enable a referendum to take place. Therefore, does the First Minister agree with me that the principle clearly remains that Scotland's future should be for the people of Scotland and this Parliament to decide and that the section 30 request should remain on the table? First Minister. I think that this is an important matter of principle that should unite people, whether they support an independence referendum or oppose it, whether they support independence or oppose independence. Surely the decision on if and when there should be an independence referendum should lie with this Parliament. Anybody who says otherwise is subverting an important principle of democracy and the principle of the sovereignty of the Scottish people and the sovereignty of the Scottish Parliament that has long been accepted. On the issue of a section 30 order, clearly I am saying today that we are not immediately introducing an independence bill to this Parliament and therefore the urgency of agreeing that section 30 order is not what it was previously. However, I do think that, as a matter of principle, that power to decide the question of if and when there should be an independence referendum should be transferred from Westminster to the Scottish Parliament and everybody who cares about the rights of this Parliament to take these decisions should back that. Does the First Minister not acknowledge that on June 8, her party lost half a million votes, one-third of its total support, and achieved the lowest share of the vote for a leading party in Scotland since 1955? However, she has announced no change. Is it not now clear that the only refresh Scotland needs, the only way to move beyond constitutional turmoil, is for an outrage Scotland to be done with this, First Minister, and done with this failing Scottish Government? Whatever Jackson Carlaw might say about the election result on June 8, one thing is beyond any doubt, the SNP won that election and handsomly beat the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats. However, you know what? We should take no lectures right now from a Conservative Government that is reduced to bribing the DUP to keep its hands on power. That is what the Tories are reduced to. Completely riding roughshod over the principles of the devolution settlement in order to cling on to power in a tawdry shoddy deal with the DUP. That should shame the Conservatives. It is not so long ago—dun 9, in fact—dun 9 that Ruth Davidson's spokesperson was briefing that she was more powerful than the DUP in number 10 Downing Street. How is it then, Presiding Officer, that the DUP came away with £1 billion for Northern Ireland and the Scottish Tories came away with zero for Scotland? That says it all about the Scottish Conservatives. Christina McKelvie, to be followed by Lewis Macdonald. Thank you very much, Presiding Officer. Yesterday's grubby cash for votes deal between the Tories and that DUP through end-to-sharp relief, the democratic deficit that Scotland faces while our key decisions over our future are at stake. A Government we did not vote for propped up by a party, we have no choice in ever voting for. Does that not underline, Presiding Officer, the case for Scotland? Yes, Scotland to be given a choice over our future at the appropriate time. First Minister. Well, as I have said today, we will not proceed right now with the referendum bill. I think that that is an important change that I am confirming and making clear today. However, people can see what is happening at Westminster and the implications that it has for people across Scotland. Before the election, we knew that we were faced with Brexit. We knew that we were faced with the likelihood of a hard Brexit, taking Scotland out of the single market with the potential loss of 80,000 jobs that are hit to our revenues and our GDP for many years to come. However, now, of course, we are faced with a UK Government that, as we saw yesterday, is completely dependent on staying in power on the DUP, and we have seen the lengths that they are prepared to go to in order to cling on to power at any cost. I really do think that it is of deep and profound concern that we have a Conservative Government at Westminster that has blundered into an EU referendum, blundered into the hard Brexit position, blundered into a general election and has now left the country in hawk to the DUP, and they are so desperate to cling to power that they are prepared to sacrifice almost anything—the economy, the reputation of the UK internationally and even the peace process in Northern Ireland. Now, I think that that is shameful, and I do think that it is underlining the need for this country not to be at the mercy of whatever a Conservative Government decides to do, but to be in control of our own future at the right time. That is the position of this Government, and I believe that it is the right and proper one. Lewis Macdonald is followed by Alex Neil. The First Minister appears still not to understand that confusing the issue of Britain leaving the European Union and Scotland leaving the United Kingdom is a profoundly unwise course to follow. Perhaps she does so because she believes that she won the election a few weeks ago. However, if she really believes that the best chance of positively influencing the Brexit outcome is by the Scottish Government being at the table as part of the UK's negotiating team and she wants other parties to back her case for that, will she now not accept that the way to build a case for joining in a common approach is not to start by saying that the first thing that she will do afterwards is to walk away from that common approach altogether? I am not entirely sure where Lewis Macdonald is coming from in this. I want to build a consensus that says that we stay in the single market. It used to be that other parties in this chamber backed that position. I believe that we have an opportunity now to unite this Parliament and to unite a majority across the country behind that option of staying in the single market, accepting, however reluctantly, that the UK is coming out of the EU but refusing to accept that that has to be at the expense of jobs and trade and investment by taking ourselves out of the single market. I will give people across this chamber the opportunity to decide whether they want to back the Scottish Government in that. We have a period now between now and no doubt next autumn when those negotiations are going to continue and shape the future relationship of this country with the European Union. Are we prepared as a Parliament to put our shoulder to the wheel to try to make sure that Scotland gets the best possible outcome of that? That is what I am going to do. That is what this Government is going to do. It remains to be seen whether the other parties in this chamber have the ability to rise above their hostility to the SNP and, for once, put Scotland's interests centre stage. I welcome the First Minister's statement. The key issue here is the outcome of the Brexit negotiations. Does the First Minister agree with me that the three key demands from Scotland must now be, number one, a successor trade agreement that is right for Scottish jobs and industry, including access to the single market? Number two, the powers and Brussels coming back to the United Kingdom in relation to Scotland come to this Parliament and do not get stuck in London. Number three, the £1.6 billion a year, which is Scotland's share of the EU contribution, comes along with those powers back from Brussels to this Parliament. Does the First Minister agree with me that, if yet again a UK Government does not deliver for Scotland, the case for an independent Scotland will be unanswerable? I think that Alex Neil does outline the three broad areas where, over the next year to 18 months, the UK Government has got a chance to prove that it is able to act in Scotland's best interest. Yes, making sure that our businesses are not ripped out of the single market, I happen to believe strongly that the best trading arrangement for the future of Scotland, when the UK leaves the EU, as long as we are part of the EU, is to be in the single market. That is why we will do everything in our powers to secure that. Secondly, not only should we see powers that are repatriated from Brussels come unequivocally to Scotland where they are within devolved responsibilities and not be centralised in a power grab at Westminster, that is also an opportunity for us to argue for and win new powers for this Parliament. No longer is that acceptable and this is not just Scotland's view for powers such as immigration, for example, to be centralised at Westminster, because the Westminster approach to issues like this are damaging the interests of our economy. Thirdly, yes, we get commitments in terms of the funding to make sure that Brexit is not used as a cover to take funding away from our farmers, fishermen and our economy generally. Those are very much three areas where we have an opportunity now to make sure that we get the best outcome for Scotland. Those who do not want to see Scotland choose independence in future have an opportunity to prove that they can deliver. Let us see over the next few months whether we see Scotland's interests protected by the UK Government and by the other parties represented in this chamber or not, and then people in Scotland can make a choice about what their best future might be. In March, ScotSend reported that support for Scotland taking a different path in the wake of Brexit is much lower than anticipated. Any second attempt to seek independence because of Brexit, they said, is unlikely to prove particularly persuasive. We knew that at the beginning of March, so why has the First Minister taken four months to admit it? The First Minister should get his stories straight with his leaders. He says that I am not changing anything, and he says that I am the complete opposite. You know what? It may be quite hard for the Conservatives to grasp, but looking at their performance just now, I understand that this is very hard for the Conservatives to grasp. I seek to make judgments on what I consider to be in the best interests of the country. I accept that not everybody agrees with those judgments, and I understand that. However, I seek to be guided, as I have been since June last year, the day after the referendum, on what is in the best interests of the country. That is what I continue to seek to do. However, my last point to Adam Tomkins is this, and to the Conservatives, if they are so sure and so certain that people in Scotland do not want independence, why are they so scared of ever putting it to the test? Bruce Crawford, to be followed by Neil Findlay. Thank you, Presiding Officer. In the light of the complete disarray at Westminster, has the UK Government given any indication that it will revisit the timescales as to when the terms of the Brexit deal will be clear, because they should, and have they communicated that to the Governments of Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland? That is a good question. In reality, it remains the case. I very much hope that that will change. Everybody across the Parliament should hope that that changes, but until now, there has been very little meaningful communication between the UK Government and the Scottish Government about the Brexit process. I hope that that changes, and I hope that it changes in a substantial way. I know that people in other parties in this chamber find it difficult, even when they think that we are right to agree with the SNP. On those matters, it is not just the SNP or the Scottish Government that is making this case. It is Carwyn Jones, the Welsh First Minister, who is making the case that the devolved Administrations have to be much more centrally and meaningfully engaged. I hope that we see a much different approach. If we see a different approach from the UK Government, then this Government will respond constructively to that. On the question of the timescales, we have to work on the basis of what is being said publicly. We know that the UK intends to leave the EU in March 2019. We know that a deal therefore has to be reached in order to go for ratification in other European countries, somewhere around six months before that, which is around the autumn of next year. That is when I would expect that the terms of the future relationship with the EU start to become a lot clearer than they are now. Of course, I am not in control of those timescales. Not even the UK Government is entirely in control of those timescales, but that underlines the importance of having as much dialogue and communication between the different Governments of the UK so that we can influence those issues as much as possible. I will allow another five minutes, but if we can be quick with all the questions. Neil Findlay, to be followed by Marie Todd. The First Minister has taken a position on two referendums and been on the losing side in both. Isn't it a bit rich for her to lecture anyone about democracy, when she routinely ignores the will of this Parliament on fracking, on NHS closures, on council budgets, on Highland and Islands Enterprise and on the Football Act and plows on regardless? We can have a choice after Brexit. It is called a general election where we can elect Jeremy Corbyn to lead a Labour Government and change this country. That day cannot come soon enough for me. First Minister, do you fancy a general election tomorrow, the next day, next week or next year, because I do? If only Neil Findlay could have seen the face of his Scottish party leader at that point, he would have been no doubt be mused. Can I just say to Neil Findlay, firstly a reminder and also maybe just a little bit of explanation of democracy here. I argued for remain in the EU referendum last year. 62 per cent of people in Scotland voted to remain. I call that being on the winning side of the EU referendum in Scotland. The problem that we have in Scotland, which Neil Findlay appears quite happy with inexplicably to me, is that he thinks Scotland's voice should count for nothing in that and we should simply be told what to do by majority opinion across the whole of the UK. In terms of his second point about a future Labour Government, as far as I can tell right now, and again I hope that this is something that changes, just like Theresa May, Jeremy Corbyn also wants us to leave the single market, pouring tens of thousands of Scottish jobs on the line. I know that more sensible heads in the Labour Party and my colleagues in the House of Commons will seek to work with them to get to a position where we have as much support as possible for keeping Scotland and the UK in the single market, because that is what makes more sense for jobs and for our economy. Does the First Minister agree with me that when assessing the position that Scotland finds itself in, the balance of power between the Scottish and UK Government is an important factor? Would she also agree that any move to re-reserve powers would further undermine the principles of devolution? I think that it is important in principle, but also important for practical reasons, that there is no power grab on powers that lie within devolved areas. If powers are to be repatriated from Brussels, then if they lie within devolved areas, they must come to this Parliament. Again, that is not just a view that I hold, but a view that is held by the First Minister of Wales. That will be something that we are looking very closely at when we eventually see the terms of the repeal bill, which we have not seen in any detail yet. Of course, it was confirmed yesterday that the repeal bill will require the legislative consent of this Parliament and the other devolved parliaments across the UK. That means that this entire Parliament, not just this Government, has both a responsibility and an opportunity to scrutinise that very closely in deciding whether or not to give its legislative consent to that bill. Murdo Fraser, to be followed by Gail Ross. The First Minister is fond of referring to the 62 per cent of Scots who voted remain in last year's EU referendum as an overwhelming majority. How would she describe the 63 per cent of Scots who voted in this month's general election for parties who stood on a platform opposed to a second independence referendum? It may be a useful opportunity, certainly one that I am going to take of a reminding people that the SNP won the election and also reminding people, as Murdo Fraser has just done, of the unholy alliance between Labour and the Conservatives and indeed the Liberal Democrats in this election. At least one Liberal Democrat is proud of his unholy alliance with the Conservatives, which is always good to see. We have a tradition, not just in Scotland but in the UK, of deciding constitutional matters by referendum. That is the right thing to do. Of course, it was the Conservatives in the last independence referendum that told the people of Scotland, in fact Ruth Davidson said it to them directly, in at least one television appearance, that the only way to protect our place in the European Union was to vote against Scottish independence. I am not sure how that is working out for her. As I have said today, we will continue to act in the best interests of the country as a whole, making sure that we do everything that we can to get the best outcome for Scotland from the Brexit talks, not introducing independence referendum legislation while we are doing that, but also making sure that Scotland is not in a position of having no control over our own future, regardless of the outcome of those talks. That is the right and the responsible position to have, and it would be the right and responsible position for anybody with Scotland's best interests at heart. Finally, Gail Ross. Thank you, Presiding Officer. No doubt the chamber will be delighted to be reminded that I am also a PLO to the First Minister. Isn't it the case that from the moment the Scottish Government set out its plans in terms of legislating for another referendum, it was clear that that was a means to ensure that Scotland's interests were protected through the Brexit process? How much more can the Scottish Government impress upon the UK Government that we cannot and will not sit idly by as jobs, incomes and our economy are willfully damaged by Tory policies? The First Minister. It is a good reminder that, for all the political to-ing and fro-ing that we have in this chamber—which we all partake in—what we are talking about here are jobs and the future of our economy, investment, trade, the ability of our companies to export freely, and also what we are talking about here are the opportunities, not just for this generation but for generations to come to travel freely across Europe. Those are things that really matter, and it is not an exaggeration to say that all of them, to a greater or lesser extent, are on the line right now as these negotiations continue. I think that it is absolutely essential that we do everything that we can to protect all of these things. That is what this Government intends to do, and it is also essential that we make sure that whatever happens, the future of Scotland is always decided by Scotland. Whatever we choose is up to the people of Scotland, but it should be chosen for us, not imposed by us, and that is the principle that will continue to govern the decisions that we take. Thank you very much. That concludes our statement on European negotiations with Scotland's future. We will now move to our statement by Shona Robison, Cabinet Secretary for Health. We will just take a few moments for members to change their seats.