 Payne's work as opposed to perhaps some of these other great thinkers that were very influential, it was very much a popular document. It was being read by normal people. And I think that conquest sort of theory of the state, that can hit people in the gut and the heart, I think, in a way that perhaps other more intellectual arguments, they may hit some people in the brain, but you're going to motivate a lot more people with some of that kind of fire, kind of populist approach. Yeah, absolutely. And this is this is what Kato's letters did for John Locke, right? You could argue many Americans were Lockeans, right? Many Americans might know who some Americans might know who he was, but it's sort of even the ones you have the book, like you might not even read it, right? But it's just, oh, I got the book right here. You know, you see, you know, you'll call fancy. But then you've got the second hand dealer, so to speak, the lower level that's communicating in a short manner, right? The pamphlets of the day, this was really before newspapers, pamphlets you can imagine were the the 18th century tweet or, you know, blog posts, right? Really? Oh, someone's got this. And then, you know, you read it and you're like, you know, you're average for my God, you know, look at this. It's this is, you know, this is ridiculous. And yeah, really, it's important to know it was a pamphlet because intellectuals back then were not only many of them, especially the ones on the side of Liberty were not only writing things in the abstract for other intellectuals, right? But they themselves or their followers were trying to distill it to politicians and other people because this is an equally important task. You can't have one without the other. You can't only do popular stuff. You have to have the research. You can't have the research without the application, right? So when you're able to get, when Liberty, when the side of Liberty can get both of them, it's like a one, two knockout punch.