 Thank you very much for the three presentations. It's now time for questions. If you have any questions we've had three very different presentations covering a variety of areas and topics from a policy paper to secondary data and to an RCT. So there must be... John Rand has a question or two? I came in a little bit late so I only have a question for Elizabeth. You don't talk so much about whether there are differences in nutritional values of the two crops. That's just the first question whether there might be a nutritional effect. We have seen that when we introduce these new technology crops that are gene modified, sometimes the composition of nutrition is different. So if you would comment on that. And then I'm a little bit unsure how you did the randomization because I guess that some of the villages that you select have a higher likelihood of flooding than others. So have you controlled for example the greenness index from the NASA data in the estimation and how will that affect your result if you have different soil types and maybe correlated religious effects that is related to that question. Thank you. We have down at the final row. Yes. Thank you so much. That's the question to Alain Desjavres. The positive effects of certification of the property rights on land. These positive effects they probably depend on the initial distribution of land. I'm not an agriculture economist but I think in your previous papers you showed that even distribution of land creates more positive effects than in the situation of uneven distribution of the large land ownership concentration of land. Now do we have this evidence or there is no evidence like that? Thank you. Thank you. We take one more question here in the front. Hi, I'm Tanya Paon-Sankratang from Chulalongkorn University, Thailand. It's a question for Alain. You mentioned that you see the heterogeneity in the migrants but in terms of the size of the farm that they migrated from provided that you have census data. I'm just wondering whether you see heterogeneity in terms of age like who actually migrated whether it's younger ones or the elderly one because in Thailand now we have a lot of migration from rural areas and those who are left in farms are elderly farmers and now the average age of the farmers about 53 years old could be a knock-on effect on productivity as well. Thank you very much. Before I let you answer David is infrastructure and agricultural or non-acricultural support policy. You can think about that. Betty? Your question on the Swana sub one so this is relatively on your question about the quality of that new seeds Swana sub one well in this case it turned out I know it's not always the case it turns out that Swana sub one is really exactly the same seed as Swana except just one gene so there is no there's no difference neither nutrition nor a lot of none of the other quality response to input so that was also very easy for the farmers to adopt it very quickly because exactly could treat it exactly the same way so that's there is no negative effect on that. In term of the randomization so we randomize the so we started with 128 villages which we are all considered to be similar in term of their ex ante risk and then we randomize 64 out of these 128 verify some of these normal randomization check that we had but more importantly because this is not such a large number in terms of plots it's very large numbers we do we have a lot of robustness test test in which we introduce all the characteristic of the plots that we have and we verify those result on the plots at that time so the the behavior is at the level of the farmer so in that among the farmers we have a really large number of farmers and then for verification of the on the yield we introduce also the the characteristic of the plots so the initial conditions clearly important in that case the initial distribution is quite equal within a particular community so we see that there is land concentration we see that there's more migration from the smaller farmers so we can expect that land concentration is towards those who initially have more land even though the inequality in land distribution is not very large so one of the policy implications in a sense of this is to say well there is going to be land concentration does it have to be towards the larger farmers or could there be assistance given to smaller farmers to be competitive on the land rental market in this case which is whereby the land is concentrating right in terms of migration I think the question is is relevant we have not looked carefully as to who migrates we know there is more migration of small than larger farmers there's more migration from the worst areas as opposed to the better areas we in this case the migration is really family labor that was staying on the land that could be reallocated to off farm activities it's not so much full family migrations as to migration of members right here as well in terms of policy implication one could say well if you are going to do something which is going to induce migration why don't you help people be better prepared to migrate so they have a better chance to inserting themselves in those labor markets which are quite different from the ones in which they are performing before with more success right so point well taken we should look in more detail and one of the policy implications here would be if we know better who differential is going to migrate by gender and age whether something can be done at the same time as you do land certification and titling to help the migratory process be more successful now to the question of whether infrastructure is an agriculture and non agricultural support policy I think this is where it's hard to separate the two in in many ways but yeah I think it helps both but first if you think of of rural feeder roads for example improved infrastructure then reduces the cost to acquiring the inputs at the local market right so that that would be one way of of thinking of it as a as a support for agriculture but it also improves opportunities for traders right and so that's these are the types of policies that well they help farmers but also help help the non farm as well and these are the types of policies that have those spillovers we have time for another round I think in the corner down there with the microphone and then thank you my name is tongue from ice bone rare Vietnam my question is to mr allen in Vietnam we also doing the land certification to the household and our system is a little bit different that the land is how to say state own so the house on when you have only the right to use and when the state the government take the land back for some construction like a road or in the general joint there there are lots of disputes between the government and the farmers the house on do have the same issue in Mexico and if you have how to resolve this problem when the government compensates to the the farmer how do you do it and how do you set the price that would be acceptable for both for government and for the farmers thank you I'm sort of from you and you why does were just a quick question on the last paper I was wondering that you mentioned that this flooding was one of one of the worst in recent years so what was the state response to this flood and do you know if this varied between your treatment and control villages hi I'm up from World Bank slash University of Chicago I have a question for Alan so I was wondering if you so so I think the land certification program probably happened at a time where you also see some increase in manufacturing jobs in Mexico so I was wondering how you would be able to separate the effects of the separate effects on migration that that could stem from the certification program and you know available jobs in manufacturing in the area thank you okay I was hoping the question from Vietnam so thank you because I have been trying to answer it in my mind as since we have arrived here it's quite interesting in a sense that there are three kinds of threats to land security right when you do not have titles to the land the first one is the threat of invasion by others there is a famous work by Erica fields that has served as a benchmark for a lot of the studies on the land insecurity which is that the neighbors could invade and take over your land and so if you have the use right but not the property right then you are going to make sure that there's someone on the land someone in the property to fend off the possibility of invasions by others right we are not really talking about these kind of things here we are talking about a second situation where the threat like in Ethiopia like in China like in Mexico was the community that would reallocate the land to some to someone else in the community so there's no threat on the part of the state but the threat is that the community might decide that if you are underusing or misusing the land someone is going to be nominated to replace you and you're going to be kicked out of the land right that's the situation that prevails in Mexico that's the one that prevails in in Ethiopia and in China there's still the situation where when the village leaders see people migrating and making underuse of the land and these local there are local people who could make better use of the land there could be relocation to them right so that's the kind of threat which are which is being analyzed here the third kind of threat is the one which is currently relevant in Vietnam and is also quite relevant in China is when the state is going to expropriate land not to give it to other farmers but to transform the land into urban property or to allocate the land to industrial development right and here there are basically two kinds of situations one is if you don't have title then in a sense the local authorities have a very strong handle over you and even though if you have title there could be a call an imminent domain and you could in fact be expropriated the fact that you don't have title puts you in a very weak position in terms of your bargaining capacity towards the state when the local officials of the central government want to expropriate the land to shift land use towards other other uses right the Mexican case is not that one the the community has jurisdiction over the land and the government could not expropriate the land from the community to be allocated to elsewhere the key I think in in in Vietnam which is the the subject of debate now is that if you would go to formal full titling then would compensation be different because you would have more bargaining power than the current situation whereby you are quite subjected to local abuse because you don't have much of a jurisdiction over the land and that's where the final titling is really an important issue now the land would still be subjected to imminent domain namely if there is an urgency there's a railroad or a freeway or there's a an industrial plant which is going to be located here you are not going to be able to resist expropriation however the bargaining position that you have having full title is going to be different from the one where which currently prevails in Vietnam the the other thing in terms of what's happening else surely there was in industrialization and urban geocreation there was NAFTA there were other things remember here we have a natural experiment so we have the equivalent in a in a natural fashion to a randomized controlled trial here where what we do and this is where we look at those parallel trends we tend to we establish statistically before we use the non-treated as a counterfactual to the treated to make sure that there is no bias in the way in which the rollout of the program has been implemented so that gives us like in a randomized controlled trial control over exogenous or other phenomena such as industrial employment in across the communities and we have time fixed effect as well so we we have Admiral fixed effects so the question the question was whether they were in this case flooding where there was state response in orisa not much or probably not at all actually because i think that even in the major storm that came since which were last year after our experiment i don't think there has been much state coming in to help anyway now what's happening with flooding is that even even when you have large flood you have large heterogeneity in flooding even within a village right because this is a flooding that comes from river that's over that that overflows their their their bed so it's it's not it's not flooding that come from rain as as much as it's come from river and therefore you have in all the villages you have areas which are flooded for more days area which are not flooded so it's very heterogeneous and and there is no sort it's not like a massive a massive exogenous shock that would have affected the whole area together and probably less prone to help from the government i guess because it's more specific to different farmers but regardless of the the way it happened there was no state response to that flooding thank you very much and i think we should thank the speakers