 I am Jordan Brown. I'm one of the grad student coordinators for the RF Brown Bag series here. And if anybody has any announcements before or after the talk, do post that in the YouTube chat. And I will convey those. The only one that I've got at the top of the hour here is that our next Brown Bag next week is going to be with our very own recent graduate, David Hyde, who will be talking about the wide and wild world of CRM consulting. So he's been doing a lot of work in cultural resource management. I'm excited to hear about that. So we'll begin today with a land acknowledgement modeled on that developed by the Native American Student Development Office in partnership with the Muwakumaloni tribe. We consider this a working formulation to be replaced with language reflecting the particular position of the art community, which will be developed in collaboration with appropriate stakeholders who are working on that. The Archaeological Research Facility sits on the territory of Ho Chiun, the ancestral and unceded land of the Chochenyo-Aloni, the successors of the historic and sovereign Verona Band of Alameda County. We hereby acknowledge that this land remains of great importance to the Alameda people, that every member of the art community benefits from the continued occupation of this land, and that it is our responsibility to support indigenous sovereignty and hold the University of California accountable to the needs of American Indian and indigenous peoples. So this week, we have Alyssa Scott on screen here today, who is a historical archaeologist and also works on the archaeologies of institutions, health care, the built environment, 19th and 20th centuries, and is interested in the archaeology of the contemporary material culture and processes of identification, such as gender, race, disability, and age. She'll be talking today about some of these issues in relation to tuberculosis sanitariums in 20th century California. So close to home, both spatially and temporally. And I'm very excited to hear this talk, because in fact, I got to hear about this research in an earlier stage in my very first archaeology course that I took here at Berkeley. So that was, in a sense, Alyssa's research was formative to my introduction to the Berkeley archaeology community. So without any further ado, we will hear from Alyssa for archaeology at the Weimar Joint Sanatorium for Tuberculosis. If you've got questions, please do paste them into the YouTube chat, and I will ask them after the talk. Take it away. Thank you very much, and thanks for allowing me to speak today. So I'll be talking about the Weimar Joint Sanatorium for Tuberculosis. And I've been, as part of my dissertation fieldwork, I've been doing, or a project I've been doing fieldwork archival research and oral histories at the site of the sanatorium. And I'm going to discuss some of the results of that work today and some ongoing research. So tuberculosis has had a pervasive impact on everyday life and daily practices. In the past, in everyday objects, such as ceramic dishes, pipes, window glass and fences are connected to ideas about health and the body. Pedestrian survey, mapping geophysical survey at the site of the Weimar Joint Sanatorium, has revealed remnants of daily life and everyday objects that form part of everyday life at the sanatorium. So this presentation examines the dynamic intersection between disease, everyday practices, the creation of norms and implications for social memory and visibility of disease epidemics. I'll relate these issues to contemporary processes of identification and inequality in the health landscape today. And I will, with particular focus on the intersection between race, gender, and disability and tuberculosis sanatorium institutionalization. So before I go on, this photo on the slide was the nurses building at the Weimar Joint Sanatorium. And I'll talk about later, it has a lot of balconies, a lot of windows, which are typical and kind of part of the health ideology behind TB sanatoriums and health in general at that time. OK, so in this presentation, I just want to start out by saying that I will discuss topics such as institutionalization, ableism, racism, health disparities, and other forms of discrimination, which could be upsetting for some people. I also think it's important to realize when we're to recognize too, as well, since we are in the midst of a pandemic too and I'll be talking about disease. I just want to recognize that a number of people have personal experiences or might be undergoing grief. And just to kind of reflect on that as well. And there's a number of differences between TB and COVID. But I think it's important, something I've been reflecting on throughout this last year, as well as all the other things that have been going on to this year. Also mentioned too that this project does not involve excavation of burials. And when I mentioned the word bodies or body, I'm talking about this as far as in body experiences and more of a theoretical sense, not as actual bodies. And when I'm talking about health, I'll be mainly talking about the artifacts and the space and the buildings surrounded in landscape. And I guess one last note too is that I'll be talking, when I'm talking about disability, I'll be talking about using the word disabled persons to indicate because I'll be talking about it in terms of identity and the intersection with other forms of identification. And just a last also note, I think it's important, is that I'm of course not a doctor or a health professional too. So if you have any questions about any of that, refer to actual doctors or official sources. OK, so the overview of the, so first of all, I'll give a quick over, so I'll give a quick background to TB sanatorium and TB and some of my research questions into these types of institutions. I will orient my research. I'll quickly go over some of the methods used and then present some of the perspectives I've gained and highlight some different types of material culture, which I've been thinking through. Today, I'll focus mainly on two types. I'm going to focus on pipes like water and sewer pipes of the sanatorium and chain link fences, but I'll kind of briefly touch over some of the other types that I've been thinking through as part of this project. And photo here shows a dormitory building at the sanatorium. OK, so tuberculosis is a respiratory disease mainly, although it can affect other parts of the body. It's usually spread through coughing or speaking. The disease is there has been there are antibiotics to treat the disease since the 1940s. So it is largely there are antibiotic resistant strains, but most cases it is curable. So the disease, so it can go into latency for many years, but it's also still one of the major killers globally. And it's one of the top 10 killers worldwide to this day, regardless of the fact that there has been a treatment for it since the mid 20th century. So OK, so this photo is also one of the dormitory buildings at the sanatorium. OK, so some background on TB sanatorium sanatorium where long term residential hospitals where people suffering from tuberculosis would stay for a period of time in hopes of recovering. A person would stay would range from a few weeks or years in the sanatorium treatment focused on rest, fresh air, or high altitude, a special diet, and sunlight. Although, so that the sanatorium period was mainly between the early 1900s through the 1940s before antibiotics. So it was after germ theory. So they knew that it was caused by a bacterium, but they didn't yet have an effective treatment. They didn't have antibiotics. So the idea behind it was generally to kind of boost the immune system. In order for people to be able to fight off the infection. Although most sanatoriums were public or charitable, or some sanatoriums were public or charitable institutions, most of them cost a lot of money. So this one that I'll be discussing today, I'll discuss in relation to some of those others. But also I want to keep in mind that this is a public one. It isn't necessarily representative of a lot of the cases of these sanatoriums. And there was kind of a very diverse health landscape of private institutions and public institutions as well. So again, this is another one of the sanatorium dormitories shown in this photo. It has big windows, which will be common throughout pretty much all of the photos that you'll see. But I just thought I'd put quite a lot of them up here. So you kind of get a sense of what is typical of the buildings at this sort of place. OK, so my main field site is the Weimar Joint Sanatorium. It opened in 1919 and was jointly operated by a group of counties in California. During its existence, it was operated by up to 15 counties in Northern and Central California, although several joined or left a different port period. So that changed over the history of the sanatorium. It was built for indigent patients who were unable to pay for treatment elsewhere. And at its peak, it housed almost 500 patients. It also, the Bureau of Indian Affairs built a Native American building at the sanatorium in the 1930s. And so there are people from this, the patients who were here would have been from all over California. So after the 1940s, it changed focus and eventually became a general medical center, although it still had a focus on chest and lung issues. And in 1975, after it closed in the early 70s, it became Hope Village, which is a relocation center for Vietnamese refugees. And in 1977, the property was bought by a 70-day Adventist group and became the Weimar institution, which is what it is today. So this is another photo of one of the dormitory buildings, again, showing you lots of windows. These are self-facing windows, too, for lots of sunlight. So TB and material culture. So similarly, in the ways that the current pandemic has caused people to reconfigure daily life, disease in the past also had disease and health in the body in the past is also connected to material culture. The TB sanatorium treatment applied not only to sanatorium but also aligned with a broader ideology surrounding health, which was embedded and materialized in many aspects of material culture in the built environment. So examples of what you can think or that are apparent nowadays are, of course, masks and gloves. But you could also think about cleaning supplies, exercise equipment. Even at the time, the glaze on the bottom of ceramics, the ceramics companies were arguing that that was more sanitary because you would stack plates and it was less likely to have dirt at the bottom of it. So it really does actually infiltrate. Ideas of health in the body do actually infiltrate all aspects of material culture. So at the time, some examples that were TB specific were when those became more popular, which I've shown a lot of. And buildings also were trying to incorporate more sunlight. So about the Canis and Solaria started being built not only in institutions like what I'll discuss today but also in homes, parks were often returned to as the lungs of the city. And there was a greater movement to having outdoor areas where people could be outside and have access to fresh air. So since sunlight and TB were part of the cure for it. So since sunlight and fresh air were part of the treatment for TB, the site was kind of built around this treatment in a lot of ways. So this shows a map of the site. And I know it might be a little too small to see. But some of the yellow buildings are male patient dorms. The green ones are female dorms. The red could be our buildings used by either. And it's kind of built up on a hill, again for sunlight. And they're all kind of aligned on this slope. They also had a dairy up in the top left corner. So they're trying to, which comes into a special diet. At the time, they thought that lots of milk products were good for TB. So they had dairy on site. But there are a number of different ways in which the treatment of the TB kind of got built into the site. You can also see kind of reflection. TB was stigmatized at the time with poverty, but also with like moral overtones in some ways. So at the time, by some estimates, there are actually more women with TB than men, but usually fewer female applicants at the sanatorium. So that reflects the fact that there is more buildings. Is that there was specific gendered spaces at the sanatorium. OK, so archaeologies of institutions often focus on a food podium framework in which institutions seek to control behaviors or bodies through the architecture or practices or surveillance. So example of this is this photo that I've shown, which is a drawing of Jeremy Bentham's panopticon. And this shows an example of surveillance. So this was built around, it was a prison design that wasn't actually ever built, but it was designed to have so that inmates would be seen all the time. And then if they knew that they're being surveilled, then they were supposedly would actually work to control their behavior. So this is one way in which surveillance can be built. It can be embedded in the built environment. Other contemporary examples of the way that this could be thought of would be, for instance, like fake security cameras in which, even if nobody is actually watching, it would control a person's behavior just if they thought that they were being watched. So archaeologies of institutions often focus on identifying ways of modes of surveillance and also resistance within the sanatorium through daily practices. Irving Goffin, who focuses on silos, wrote about total institutions. And he argued that patients within the sanatorium would practice resistance through everyday practices. And that also through in the sanatorium, the institutions would replace personal belongings with closing institutional items, which was supposed to encourage a transformation of self. So these ideas get reflected in a lot of archaeologies of institutions, which often seek to look for barriers. So one of Goffin's criteria for a total institution or an institution that controls would be barriers such as fences, walls, or geographic isolation. And then also looking for forms of material culture in which the people within the sanatorium might show resistance. OK, so that's the framework that I've started out with. But also I want to expand this to other thoughts, kind of beyond institutions, perhaps theorizing everyday life. And there's a lot of most archaeological projects will focus on some aspects of everyday life or daily life. So I won't go over all of this. There's, of course, been a lot in historical archaeology, particularly James Dietz's book, Small Things Forgotten, in which he positions historical archaeology as the study of remnants of daily life, which are otherwise forgotten or overlooked in the historical record. And when I'm focusing on the, I've chosen some forms of material cultures such as chain link fences, sewer pipes, which haven't been largely studied in historical archaeology yet. And I think so it's focused on kind of a process of overlooking, but it's decidedly, but also in archaeology as well. And I'll talk about a little bit more. But I also want to position kind of the thinking about the ways that material culture is visibilized, also in terms of Anna Singh's book, The Mushroom Method of the World, in which she describes the way that, at first, she found the Masuki mushrooms to be an acquired taste, and then eventually got to like them. But artifacts, I think, also have meaning that is dependent upon temporal contacts and associations. And this forms part of a larger assemblage. And this has effect on the visibility of daily objects, including to archaeologists who form part of this assemblage, which is true for me because I didn't necessarily. So I would not originally, I was looking originally, I tend to look at barriers and pathways and fences, but I think otherwise would not have thoughtfully to think about sewer pipes, which are usually the thing that's in the way of the other archaeology when you're looking at geophysics. But so I think throughout this has kind of been a transformation as far as looking at the processes led me to look at some other forms of material culture, which I wouldn't necessarily have thought of otherwise. So in this project, I have focused on aspects of contemporary material culture, which are often overlooked or forgotten in archaeological studies. And my research is influenced by both queer theory and crypt theory in that the critique normativity and their discussion of identification. I also draw on psychoanalytic reading in that things that are forgotten, for example, forgotten word or phrase, are not necessarily forgotten or overlooked because they are unimportant, but that they also indicate either a much larger process, either of ordering or of an assemblage, which continue to be, which it continues to be a part of. And in this normativity facilitates forgetting which can obscure structures of power ideologies or social structures for objects that are continued to mundane in contemporary culture. So chain link fences are something that you see every day. Water and sewer pipes are something that you don't see every day, but you use that every day. So beyond institutions, these aren't really material that is institutionally specific, but can also be thought of as far beyond the bounds of the site. OK. So the four types that I'm focusing on, again, are window glass, chain link fences, water and sewer pipes, the ceramic dishes. And today, I'll talk mainly about water and sewer pipes, and I'll go over some of the geophysical studies that I conducted at the site. And I'll talk a little about chain link fences, but I won't go into the other two in as much depth. So my research questions are, how are emerging narratives about disease in the body communicated through material culture and the built environment? How are people in the past and the present affected by these narratives about health? Ideas about health, the body, and disability. And how do these narratives result in stigma, discrimination, privilege, or health disparities? So in 2017, 2018, I undertook a minimally invasive fieldwork study of the site of the Weaver Joint Sanitarium. I used a variety of low impact fieldwork methods, including mapping, pedestrian survey, magnetometer survey, and ground penetrating radar. Additionally, I've been doing archival research and oral histories throughout the project. And there's a very extensive archive set of archival sources associated with the site. So here's a photo of one of the field students practicing with the magnetometer. And this shows kind of the extent of the places that we are able to do the magnetometer survey. You'll notice a lot of times they're pretty close to the buildings, but it still works out. We still got good results. OK, so this is the geophysics. And you'll see Lucy Gill and Nick Praz, who are there on the field site with me doing that. And again, so this is pretty heavily unscaped over in the campus. I'll show an aerial photo later. There is also a lot of land around it. But a lot of that wasn't conducive to geophysical survey due to vegetation and also probably not places where I was likely to find much. So the things that we are looking for through this, there were tents on the sanatorium. So I was hoping to see if there were any places where I could find compacted soil at Earth, of which the GPR measures areas that can detect areas of compaction. I was also looking for other sorts of pathways or other structures and landscaping features. So there's a number of things as far as there was a miniature golf course on the sanatorium. And there are a number of other landscaping features which actually tie into the treatment of tuberculosis, not miniaturcal specifically, but outdoor spaces and outdoor recreation. OK, so this is an example of one of the areas that we did in the shows the magnetometer survey. So this is when I reference how I've depicted. So this is shows cement pathway. So it has a kind of pale gray perspective. The magnetometer measures differences in the Earth's magnetic field. So this black and white, black and white pattern here is the segments of a pipe. They have a positive and negative end. So this is very clearly a metal pipe. And other things like this could also be ceramic. So the ones that aren't clearly metal pipe as linear feature could be ceramic or PVC pipe. And then I combine those with also the GPR to kind of deduce what those are, because the GPR can give annotation of what the problem of fitting, like how big the feature is, whether it's a flat thing or kind of a more rounded thing to some extent. So these are some of the features. And there's also a linear feature as well and like stone wall. This is one that I could see from the surface. So it was a good example for identifying features in other parts of the site. OK, so I didn't originally plan on studying sewer pipes but and water pipes on the site. But there's actually quite a lot. And the fact is that in archaeology, I think it's important to kind of go with what you find. And there's actually quite a lot you can see. So it's a 20th century. So they tie into the sanitary movement in the mid 19th century. The round pipes and having enclosed like sanitary system sewer system dates to the 19th century. And so it's it's the late 19th century in most places. So it's it's kind of an artifact that ties into some of the larger like sanitary movement. The sewer pipes, the water pipes can also give another a bunch of indications as far as what the relationship is between the site and the rest of the the landscape. The sanatorium, they did it all on site. So it was it was just kind of unique. So it wasn't like feeding into another like larger city system. There's also another other landscape features as far as at the sanatorium. I'll talk about there is a number of of issues as far as they're constantly replacing them because there were concerns due to sanitation and they're also constantly having to update the fire system. They had a few buildings that burned down throughout the history of it. And it's also in California and the Foothills in Placer County, which if you know nowadays it's California is always a high fire risk. And they're all wood buildings. OK, so this is a quote from one of the from somebody who was instrument for Ward, who is instrumental in kind of rethinking the sanitation and the sanitary sewer, which is kind of what people use nowadays as opposed to having like a drain. And he specifically, as you can see from this quote, which I won't read out, he kind of reenvisioned the city. And these are primarily in urban places. So he reenvisioned the city as kind of a human circulatory system. And the sewer systems were going to be the like you'd have a pump and that was going to be the part of the heart. And it was going to circulate waste from the city into the rural areas where it was going to be cleaned agriculturally and then sent back as it and then like fed into the food. So it was going to be incorporated into agriculture. And then agriculture was going to produce food for the city. So this it tends to be even to this day, this this metaphor for the body and pipes in the water system tends to get recirculated in contemporary articles as a metaphor that's that's pretty commonly used. And it also goes along with other ones. I mentioned earlier the parks as lungs metaphor in which the city and in this case, the Sanatorium is not a city, but it was it was pretty much like a small town. They were doing everything that they they're producing their own food there. They were they had a radio station or a radio broadcast, I don't know if it's a full station, but they had all sorts of different things that was kind of like a small town. So this metaphor gets used to describe the system, which is then used to characterize cities and the relationship between cities and the rural areas. Oh, so this picture is not from the Weemer Sanatorium, but it's actually from there. Keep a Sanatorium. It's a picture from a collection of 13 newspaper pictures. And it's interesting because this one of the, you know, the newspaper reporter comes to go see the Sanatorium and of the 13 pictures that they took, one of them, she's pointing to the drains as being a really important part of the Sanatorium. So you can see at this point, it was also just that was something that they were showing being that, you know, we have good sanitation here. OK, so this also focuses on kind of a larger movement. And this word sanitary, this is a Google Engrams graph, and it shows that sanitary is actually peaks right around the time that the sanatorium, the Weemer Joint Sanatorium and other sanatoriums were being built and it gets reused in all sorts of ways. So if you are familiar with cans, the sanitary seam on cans is also the official name for like a little seam on cans. So it's really getting incorporated into a lot of different aspects of life at that time. And it's also related, of course, to the word sanatorium or sanitarium, which is the other spelling of the word. And those words often get used interchangeably at that time. Different, they have different meanings today to differ depending on who you ask. But at that time, this I'll use the word sanatorium because that was the word used at the Weemer Joint Sanatorium but that kind of ties into this larger movement. OK, so this one I'll just show some of these are some of my geophysics. These are some of the pipes. I think some of these are probably water pipes compared with the other. Well, various other sources of information. But this kind of gives an example of the sort of results from the survey or these are all over top of each other. So there's there. So there are. You know, obviously it's linear, linear things are probably pipes, but there's also if you see this. Denser area, the blues are denser areas. I think this was well, this area was on top of a playground. So there are some landscaping features probably associated with that. And there was some terracing. So there's also you could see the remnants of a wall later. So I think it extends probably here. And then there's some denser areas I could see in the profile. A lot of these tend to be I think flat pieces of cement, which could be bases or part of an old pathway. It's not really possible to know for sure a lot of these without excavation. But that is some of the sort of things that you'll see on on some of these on the on some of the results of this. OK. OK, so part of the reason that I discussing this is that it also formed a really kind of a point of contention between the sanatorium and the larger community, well, and the rest of California. The there are a number of grand jury reports to do with the sanatorium. The sanatorium was periodically expected by county grand juries, which routinely inspects. Um, usually prisons, hospitals and other facilities. So these are routine inspections and they're usually made up of in this case, they're made up of members of each of the counties who form part of the sanatorium. The group that was running the sanatorium. Um, so there are people from all over California. And at some point to they would often focus on on different aspects of the sanatorium. So in this point, they said there's an interesting case in the 1930s where specifically they published they published the reports in the local newspaper and they were concerned that the sanatorium sewage was leaking into the creek that would then go into summer homes and recreation centers. It's. I'm you know, I can't necessarily I can't I can't judge whether it was or not the sanatorium board meeting notes. The sanatorium board didn't believe that it was and that they had they had it inspected by the California. By the state, but as they would normally, but they did make changes. But it did kind of form a point of contention, which is also kind of at this point also focused interestingly on kind of a class. There's there's some interesting like so they're also concerned that they it wasn't necessarily concerned about like people living in the area, but more concerned about like summer homes. So there's some other economic interest at play to this, which the sanatorium, which is often, you know, TV was often, as I said, really are stigmatized with like urban poverty. Some of the this becomes kind of a point of contention. OK, so I'm going to head on through because I'm running out of time. So this kind of ties into other larger processes of identification. And I want to think about this also as far as the patients, like a relationship with the larger cities in that which they came from. And so a lot of times because this isn't I want to kind of expand beyond the actual bounds of the sanatorium site to actually look at kind of the larger influences. The tuberculosis at that time was considered by a lot of people as a disability because it was a long, slow disease. It would go into latency, but people would often but it could come back. And while it's in latency, it was not thought to be contagious. So people would, you know, go on go on with their normal lives, but weren't necessarily. It was it was thought that if you work too hard, then that would trigger a reoccurrence would cause it to come back and how it would cause people to get active to be again. So there is a push by a group led by a former remorse sanatorium patient in the 1930s in connection to also a group of disabled people who were at that time trying to push through legislation or trying to try to support legislation in California that would provides funding for people to stay home or to do projects. And to support themselves when they weren't contagious, but didn't need to be in the sanatorium. And it ultimately failed. But I think this is kind of interesting because some of the patients kind of speaks to a larger issue in that often people would go to the sanatorium and that patients who are especially later on in years or later on in the sanatorium time. And this is at like the peak of the 1930s Great Depression as well. So a lot of times patients were homeless and didn't necessarily have any place to go after the sanatorium. So I think comparing it to the larger landscape also looks at the fact that some of the patients weren't necessarily able to when they were to return to the they would end up in the sanatorium not necessarily because of like gates or fences or or rules at the sanatorium, but they would end up in the sanatorium because they had left the sanatorium and then couldn't receive access to healthcare or couldn't receive access to basic needs in which would cause a reoccurrence and then they would end up back at the sanatorium or they couldn't necessarily leave in the first place because they didn't have a home to return to. The sanatorium did have somebody did actually start a place in Sacramento for people to transition back after leaving the sanatorium, especially in the fifties and later that there is greater awareness that people hear that patients there would would have a lot of difficulty actually finding jobs afterwards. So there's a greater push for that. But I think it's important to kind of think about some of these issues and some of the larger things because those are also something that was affecting and also intersects with poverty and a larger a larger landscape, California. Okay, so another kind of result of this too. And I'm actually so I'll come back to this a second. So I want to this is a can scatter on the this is on the outskirts of the sanatorium. So again, like kind of looking beyond the main campus, some of the pedestrian system of the geophysics were mainly focused on the campus area, but pedestrian survey. I looked kind of beyond the main area and there's also a can scatter. And these are from the period in which I think it's roughly 1940s. It's outside of the sun, not in the cemetery, but outside of the cemetery. And it is all mainly individual size. So probably not like from a big institution, I would expect there to be larger sized cans. So it could very well have been somebody living outside of the sanatorium can scatters are common in the 1930s. But it kind of speaks to a larger like landscape of it kind of beyond actually just being inside of the buildings. Okay, so the last kind of thing that I'll touch upon our chain link fences. So they are it is that you can see through them there you could interpret this as a as a form of surveillance and I think this also but they're the fence of the sanatorium. There's a fence put up in the 1940s. There's a gate put up earlier in 1921. And some of these actually seem to coincide with times in which the sanatorium came under scrutiny from from the from the outside. And in one case that sanatorium entrance gate in the 20s. There is an incident where San Francisco was going to join the sanatorium, it potentially San Francisco County. And they decided not to ultimately, but somebody and it ultimately is unclear to me who exactly the newspapers are trying to figure it out and the never report was never actually I can find an actual copy of the report. Probably because it ended up being contentious, but somebody seems to have hired a private detective to in the 1920s to go into the sanatorium. And he lived there for about three weeks. And the as the newspapers reported it, he said that he gave a bad report of the sanatorium. But the accusation was mainly actually a lot of it was actually focused not on the sanatorium, although he did say that, you know, the food was bad and stuff like that and he said he, but he also a lot of a quote could use the patients of running wild in the forest and quote having orgies. So there with which is very strong language for the 1920s. That was the word used in the newspapers. So this one is probably bag for a number of different ways. The patients, particularly female patients at the sanatorium came out with a statement saying, you know, we shouldn't be accused of immorality. This is and they denied it. And I think this this speaks to some of the kind of stigma at the time against people with TB, but also at that time there's a there's there's more fences put up there was this gate put up in 1927. And there, again, in the 19 that there is another situation later on in which the newspapers, somebody accused the sanatorium is being accused of like the patients of being of drinking too much in the sanatorium. And then in the 1940s there was a chain link fence put up. Supposedly for cattle, but it was a seven, like six foot tall. Yeah, I think it was six foot tall chain link fence around the sanatorium perimeter. And when you think about chain link fences they are not typically used for cattle. They are expensive, particularly night. Well, they take a lot of wire at the time in the 1940s when fencing was being rationed. And all the other fences that you could use at that time, based on other records of like things the government was putting out as far as recommendations of like how to fence, you know, fence or cattle. Were a few feet tall, they weren't, they weren't a six foot tall chain link fence. It's visible. So a lot of these would have been visible from the highway outside of the sanatorium. So it's, it is also I think linking to kind of a more, it probably did ultimately restrict patients. But it also was a larger kind of performance of the sanatorium of control of the patients, which they were coming under scrutiny for. Yeah. Okay. Okay, so I'll wrap up because I'm over time, but I'm just going to link this back to visibilities. So I think when you're thinking about borders and boundaries, there's a tendency and this is, you know, maps of pandemic or back to disease show this a lot that you know shows it. As far as countries and national borders. But I think it's also important to think about the visibility that some of these kind of the role of visibility in some of the focus on borders and and also the fact that TB is is still the major killer worldwide and largely in countries with a colonial past or history of colonial colonialization. And so focusing on these So throughout my experience through this project, unless a person like knows somebody who had TB or had some personal experience isn't largely widely known. So I just, I just want to reflect on the kind of the actual global visibility of the pandemic and thinking it in a certain space, rather than kind of thinking through some of the larger issues. So thinking beyond critically beyond borders and boundaries and also what role they are actually playing. Also, in normalizing equitable access to health care and services and equipment. Yeah. Okay. And how this ties back to everyday life and objects that are familiar that often gone notice. Thank you. Thank you. And I'll just put up my contact info and my website. If you want to learn more about the project or contact me. Wonderful. Thank you so much for that Alyssa. We've got a couple of questions here in the in the YouTube chat if you have a moment to answer them I figure we started a little late so we can go a little long. So, well there was one from Kent regarding the sewer. He's hopefully Kent if you're if you're listening out there you can type that in into the chat and full and and we'll get to it. Second, so I will ask the second question first, which is from Christine Astor. How much did the March of Dimes participate or contribute to this sanatorium. The March of Dimes. Um, you know I'm actually not sure I don't I don't know much about that. I'll have to look into it. They had various set fundraising campaigns and I think at this time Christmas seals was the big one. And they had like a community chest foundation. I think it was large their funding was largely from counties though it was a. Um, so I think later on, they, yeah, so I'll have to look into that more. Cool. Thank you for that. I've got another question here. Or mercury lead or perhaps toxic cleaning products mixed into the effluent and incinerated at the facility. I'm not sure. So, um, I'll it wasn't under any of the discussion in any of the newspaper archives. It was far away from the. The sewer area. So, but they but they were incinerating stuff on site. So, yeah, so no historical documents that I know of. At that time period. Mention that, but yeah, I'm not certain about that. It didn't form part of the discourse as much. Um, let's see, we got a question from Laurie Wilkie here. Asks if you would perhaps say a few words about how thinking with crypt theory changed how you thought about materials from the site. Um, so, um, thinking about thinking with crypto so career theory and crypto theory. It formed kind of my focus on like critique of normativity in this and thinking about. Again, like, it really kind of a questioning the assumption will also just question my own normative assumptions of like what I was playing to find and what were. What I should find out had a place like this. Um, so I think in a lot of ways, it kind of visualized forms of material culture, which I would not have thought of otherwise and crypt theory, particularly. I think, which is kind of the focus of career theory, but focus more on disability and different bodies did actually it like made me think critically about different forms of embodiment and kind of the different ways that that would have been constructed now and then. Awesome. Well, thank you for that. I have a question of my own if there's nothing else popping up in chat. Just a couple of very warm thank yous for an interesting talk. Yeah, so I was really intrigued by the way you were talking about like, sort of the, the public health knowledge at the time, and like how there was like, well, you know, it was a germ, but we didn't have the right thing to treat it. So we're going to sort of elaborate this sort of therapeutic, you know, theory of how to deal with this phenomenon. I was curious if particularly in relation to like the campaign you had talked about from like the former sanatorium. I guess that dwellers, I guess. If there were like, sort of divergent ideas about how tuberculosis worked in the medical establishment, such as it was, or, and, and like people who are patients or people who, you know, had had to be or something whether inside or outside of a rambling question, but I'm curious if that's something that you encountered. Yeah, so that's, yeah, so there were different. It was pretty there. Well, there are a number of different approaches. One focused on like sunlight and, and for sure. And the one covered here with the sanatorium was kind of the most prevalent. As far as I know, but there were also cases to not at this one so much, but, or, well, maybe at this one I wouldn't know as far as the records but. But another sanatoriums that I've noticed that people left. There was one that said like left for quack doctor. But so it's not clear exactly what that person left for what the treatment was, but they're also at that time patent medicines being being. That people would go to that that we're supposed to treat tuberculosis, which is still being referred to law of cases consumption, which is the old word for it. There's also even some cases of like doctors trying to treat tuberculosis with psychoanalysis, which is the thing that kind of got me on to the whole like psychoanalysis. Reading into some of that too, because they thought that that that would. There is a kind of a, they thought there was going to be a relationship between it. So they thought that that psychoanalysis would somehow that was supposed to talking was going to psychoanalysis assumes the talking is going to change your physical or your experiential or something so they thought that that was going to treat it. And I also was interested in that because it also the words for sanatorium nowadays tends to be associated more with asylums. Rather than tuberculosis. So that it wasn't was an interesting transition that I have never, I still don't actually have a full understanding of how that came to be. But yeah. So yeah, they're definitely other other things that people were doing. That's super interesting. Thank you for that. See if we've got more questions in the chat here. I don't see any popping up. I still can't question about sewer is very open ended but if you have anything you want to say about the sewer and material culture more generally he was very pleased with your emphasis on that. So, I think that would Could you read the question. Such as it is. Kent says I really like your emphasis on the everyday material culture I have a question concerning the sewer. So it feels pretty open to you, whatever you want to talk about. Okay. Yeah, so it was definitely I think, I think, I guess I'll raise some of the things that were interesting to me were kind of the idea. It kind of shaped also the space is like its own town. There's a lot of ways in that they were dealing with everything on site. And this was also indicative of kind of the larger relationship between the surrounding communities. And and how that formed. I think that is is kind of been also thinking about the body. It also they were using metaphors of the body to describe the landscape in a way that related to health. So, there was kind of this reflection of the human body in the landscape that was supposed to then reflect back on the human body, which is kind of an interesting metaphor and kind of logic in there. But, yeah. Yeah. It's kind of the thing that there have been some studies of sewer pipes, there is a one in York, I think, by Connolly. And, or well, he kind of talks about sanitation, I don't know if he talks about sewer pipes specifically, but also looking at kind of the way that people in slums got moved to a different area of the city. But I think also just trying to think of from some of these artifact types that we tend to look beyond even though it's the most. It's the thing that actually sticks out most in the results of the study in the geophysics so the pipes are the thing that I can see the best. But I was trying to look for something else but even if I looked for something else I'd be looking for something else in order to ask if, like I can't, I could look at the landscaping. Other other things I could look at I would still have to confirm with excavation. So, it seemed like I was making the results into something that weren't wasn't actually what I was seeing. And there were results there were clearly things there. It just wasn't necessarily the thing that I wanted, but it actually does actually get a lot of information about the site and social context. That's that's a really cool perspective I very much appreciating that I mean it's it's fun to see how sort of how such an unexpected path can get you from like the as you say like the most glaring pieces of evidence but things that seem to be sort of, you know, too large to work at the human scale of of what you're interested in in terms of people's, you know, ideas about health and what what to do in this particular situation they're finding themselves in. But then turn out to be like actually very, very evocative of those those ideas. That's, I think that that that quote from the from word about the sewer systems. That was very, very striking. Let's see, nothing more in the chat. I think we've done our due diligence. Thank you so much for that was really fun. And, as I said, I'm very glad to get to see the whole life cycle here to use another human metaphor. Thank you. Thank you so much for all the questions. Thank you for.