 CHAPTER V. THE SPANISH SUCCESSION, PART I The war between France and the Allies had lasted till 1697. At first Louis XIV directed all his attention to crush William. In affairs in Ireland proved hopeless, he had in 1692 fitted out a great fleet to invade England and restore James. The French and the Jacobites hoped that Russell would not fight, and that the French fleet would cross the Channel without opposition. But Russell was just then out of temper with James. He declared that if attacked, he must do his duty and fight his best. By his brilliant victory off Lough, he brought back the mastery of the seas into English hands and put an end to James's hopes of restoration. After this the war was confined to the Continent, and Louis's armies fought in the Netherlands, on the Rhine, in Italy, and in Spain. Louis XIV won victories and took some strong cities, but on the whole he did not make much way. William was not a successful general, but he was wary and cautious. He was never crushed by defeat, but always showed himself bravest and most cheerful when everything seemed against him. His policy was to stand on the defensive and to prevent great battles. France was exhausted by the immense strain upon her resources, and bad harvests had spread discontent among the people. Louis XIV was glad in 1697 to make proposals of peace. He showed himself singularly moderate. The truth was that he wished to be on good terms with the rest of Europe so as to have matters his own way with regard to the Spanish succession. On the 20th of February 1697, after many tedious negotiations, prolonged by the difficulties raised by Austria and Spain, the Treaty of Rieswick was signed. By it the hopes of the Jacobites were crushed, for Louis XIV at last acknowledged William as King of England and Anne as his successor. Amongst the treaties concluded by Louis XIV during the course of his long reign, the peace of Rieswick is important, as being the first which showed the resistance his power was beginning to meet. This treaty was clearly not likely really to settle the points in dispute, but it showed that Europe was determined that Louis XIV should not have things all his own way. On the conclusion of the peace, William for the first time sent an ambassador to Paris. The person chosen for this important post was William's oldest and most trusted friend, Bentinck, a Dutchman whom he had made Duke of Portland. The ambassador found one cause of indignant complaint. In spite of the late treaty, James was still allowed to keep up his mockery of a court at Saint-Germain, and English refugees who were known to have formed the basest plots against William's life crowded the terraces of Versailles. But nothing would persuade Louis XIV to banish James, and Portland had to drop the subject in disgust. During this embassy the question which lay nearest Louis XIV's heart was at last disgust. Charles II, the miserable and sickly King of Spain, could not live much longer. He was childless, and the decision as to his successor could not safely be put off. In spite of her vast dominions, Spain was at that time of absolutely no account in Europe. The different provinces which made up that mighty kingdom had nothing in common beyond their king. Nothing could give Castile, Valencia, Aragon, the Milanese, the Spanish Netherlands, the two Sicilies, and the extensive American colonies any real unity but the firm hand of a powerful ruler. And Charles II was sickly and feeble, hopelessly in firm both in body and mind from his infancy. In the hands of a powerful king, Spain might once more become a power of the first rank. It was therefore of deep importance to all Europe who the next king should be. Three competitors presented themselves, the French Dauphin, the emperor of Austria, Leopold I, and Joseph, the electoral prince of Aria. Of these three the French Dauphin undoubtedly had the best right as regarded blood relationship, but Maria Teresa on her marriage with Louis XIV had solemnly renounced her claim to the Spanish succession, and this renunciation had been ratified by Louis XIV with the most binding oaths and incorporated into the piece of the Pyrenees in 1659. The Infanta Margaret, grandmother of the electoral prince, had also renounced her claims on her marriage with the Emperor Leopold, but her renunciation had not been made with the same formalities which were observed in the case of her sister Maria Teresa. The Emperor Leopold, who felt that it would be impossible for him to succeed to the throne in person, had handed on his claim to his second son, the Archduke Charles. The French Dauphin in the same way had made over his claim to his second son, Philip du Covain-Joux. But the accession either of a prince of the House of Austria or of a prince of the House of Bourbon to the vast monarchy of Spain would have entirely disturbed the balance of power in Europe. So it came about that of the three candidates the electoral prince was generally preferred, because having no power of his own, his accession would leave the balance of power as it stood. Louis XIV was anxious to get, in compensation for his grandson's claim, some considerable portion of the Spanish dominions. He bade his ministers confer on this point with Portland whilst he was in Paris, and finally sent Talar, as ambassador to London, to lay the matter before William. After many discussions in London William went over to Holland to his favorite palace, San-Lew, and was joined there by Talar and by Portland from Paris. Hensius, the great pensionary of Holland, to whom William confided all his plans, was also present at their deliberations, and together they concluded the treaty known as the First Partition Treaty, which was signed at the Hague on the 11th of October 1698. By it the electoral prince was to have Spain, the Indies, and the Spanish Netherlands, and Louis XIV pledged himself to support his pretensions. The French Dauphin was to have the province of Gipouscua in the north of Spain and the two Sicilies. The Archduke Charles was to have the Milanese. Neither Spain, whose monarchy was thus ruthlessly divided into portions, nor Austria, were parties to this treaty, which was kept profoundly secret. It is highly probable that it might have been peacefully carried out, for it seemed calculated to satisfy the demands of the three candidates, and Spain left to itself was not capable of making its voice heard. But in February 1699 the electoral prince died of the smallpox, and the whole question had to be opened again. Louis XIV at once came forward with larger claims. But after some negotiations a second partition treaty was concluded between William, Louis XIV, and Hensius, according to which Spain, the Indies, and the Spanish Netherlands were to fall to the Archduke Charles, whilst France was to have the Italian provinces. Negotiations were opened with the Emperor of Austria to prevail upon him to agree. The terms of this second partition treaty, as they became gradually known, excited great indignation in Spain, were the grandees naturally wished that their splendid monarchy should be kept together, and were disgusted that foreigners should presume to divide it without even consulting them. They therefore prevailed upon the wretched Charles II to make a will, in which he declared Philip, Duke of Anjou, second son of the Dauphin, the sole heir to his vast monarchy. When Charles II died in November 1700, and this will became known, it seemed for a moment doubtful what course Louis XIV would take. But he did not hesitate long, and in spite of the solemn renunciation he had made, and the treaties he had signed, he accepted for his grandson the magnificent inheritance of the undivided Spanish monarchy. At the moment no resistance was possible, and the Duke of Anjou peaceably mounted the Spanish throne with the title of Philip V. William was amazed even from Louis XIV he had not expected such treachery. But at the moment he was powerless to do anything. He had never been very popular in England, and since the peace of Rieswick party struggles had increased his unpopularity, and brought about events which mortified him deeply. Both Wigs and Tories had united to compel him to disband the greater part of the fine army which he had led against Louis XIV. He had been obliged to dismiss his faithful and experienced Dutch regiments from the English service. The Tories had the upper hand in the House of Commons and regarded his wig ministry with abhorrence. It followed that the English Parliament was more willing to accept the accession of the Duke of Anjou to the throne of Spain than they would have been to see the terms of the partition treaty carried out. The people judged everything from a commercial point of view, and thought that English commerce in the Mediterranean would suffer greatly if the two Sicilies were made over to the French whilst they thought that if the Duke of Anjou became King of Spain, he would soon put Spanish before French interests and would not let the French grow supreme at sea. In 1701 a new House of Commons met in which the Tories were supreme. One tried in vain to defend the partition treaty, and in the course of discussion needlessly eluded to the first partition treaty the existence of which had till then remained a profound secret. This aroused a new storm, and those wig ministers who had aided the King in making the partition treaties were impeached for the share they had taken in them. But they were not actually brought to trial, for in the House of Lords they were sure of a majority. With Parliament in this temper William thought it well to recognize the Duke of Anjou as King of Spain, but events soon occurred which showed that his anxiety had been well grounded. Louis XIV sent his own troops to garrison the barrier fortresses in the Netherlands. It became clear that the Spanish Netherlands would no longer act as a barrier between France and Holland, and that the Dutch would be at the mercy of Louis XIV. When in June 1701 William prorogued Parliament, signs were not wanting to show that the temper of the nation was changing. He now sent ten thousand troops under Malbara into the Netherlands, and shortly followed himself to negotiate an alliance between Holland, Austria, and England. This alliance, known as the Grand Alliance, was concluded in September 1701. The Confederates felt themselves too weak to hope to accomplish much, and did no more than pledge themselves to see what could be done during two months by peaceful negotiations, after which they would attempt to recover by force of arms Milan for Austria, and the barrier fortresses for Holland. But William soon found himself in a position to do more. On the 16th September, James died at Saint-Germain, and in direct contradiction to the Treaty of Rieswick, Louis XIV acknowledged James' son, James Edward, as King of England. Louis XIV was persuaded into this very foolish act by the influence of Madame de Mentonot, who strongly favored the stewards. Just at the moment when it was most important to keep the English people in good temper with him, he roused all their animosity by an act which could do no good to anyone. England once more was inflamed with violent indignation against Louis XIV, who had presumed to decide who should be her King. James seized the opportunity to dissolve Parliament, and the new elections once more gave a Whig government a majority in the House. Now both Whigs and Tories were for war. It was agreed to set on foot a land force of forty thousand men, and forty thousand more were voted for the Navy. At the same time a bill of attainder was passed against the young Prince of Wales, declaring him guilty of high treason for assuming the title of King of England. About this time William seems to have again taken the Earl of Malbara into confidence. He looked upon him as the man who would in reality rule England after him, and as the only Englishman capable of upholding the Grand Alliance and waging war against France with success. He wished therefore to initiate him into his plans, and so be able to feel sure that the coalition against France would not fail for want of a head. Malbara had everything to gain by following William's policy. It was entirely in his interest that Anne should be secure on the throne, and war would give him an opportunity for showing his great ability and winning that grand position to which his unlimited ambition made him aspire. The death of the young Duke of Gloucester in 1700 had increased the anxiety about the succession, for all Anne's other children had died in infancy. In consequence a bill of succession was passed in the House of Commons in 1700, by which in default of any issue from Anne the crown was settled on the electress Sophia of Hanover and her children. She was the only surviving child of Elizabeth, daughter of James the First of England, who had married the elector Palatine. In this way the Protestant succession was ensured, and it became the interest of Malbara to uphold the existing state of things. To support the restoration of the stewards would be to exclude Anne from the throne, and from Anne's accession Malbara had everything to hope. William was now once more in a proud position. He was the head of a great European coalition against Louis XIV, and he was supported by the English Parliament in his desire to humble the power of France. But as he had expected, he was forced to leave his work for others to finish. Whilst riding in the park at Hampton Court one day, his horse stumbled over a molehill. William was thrown and broke his collarbone. In the wretched state of his health he had not strength to rally from this slight accident, and died on the 8th of March, 1702. The English people welcomed the accession of Anne with joy. They had never looked upon William as one of themselves. They had felt that he was necessary to them, but they had not loved him. Accustomed to the genial familiar manners of Charles II, they thought William cold and harsh. They resented the preference he showed for his Dutch favourites, the tried friends of his youth, and were angry that he should still prefer Holland to his adopted country. We cannot wonder that William on his side never loved England. Himself inspired by one great aim for which he was ready to sacrifice everything, he had to do in England with men who cared for nothing but their own interest, men in whom he could put no confidence, since he knew that while they served him they were in league with his enemies. Amongst the English statesmen of that day there was hardly one capable of real seriousness of purpose, and it is no wonder that William could never learn to feel at home among them. Yet he had to use such tools as he could find, and though in his disgust at England's ingratitude he more than once threatened to leave her to her fate and to return to Holland, he was able to conquer himself and carry on his work till the end. Anne was thirty-seven years of age at her accession. She was distinguished by no brilliant qualities, her mind was dull and slow, but her intentions were excellent. She was a devoted wife and mother, and was conscientiously anxious to do her duties as queen. From her father she inherited an obstinate stubbornness of temper, which made her cling in spite of reason or opposition to any person or any idea that she had come to look upon with favour. Her strongest principle was attachment to the Anglican church, and this helped at that time to make her personally popular, and to win for her the name of Good Queen Anne, which she owed rather to her negative than to her positive qualities. Her troubles also had served to endear her to her people. One after another her children had died in infancy or early youth, and she had borne this sorrow with the resignation of a truly pious mind. Politically she was attached to the Tories, because she believed that they favored the Anglican church. Her husband, Prince George of Denmark, was even duller than she was. He was a sluggard who cared for nothing but eating and drinking. I have tried him drunk, and I have tried him sober, said Charles II, and there is nothing in him. Still Anne loved her husband with fond affection, and immediately on her accession nominated him General Lisimo of the Forces and Lord High Admiral. Neither did she delay to shower honours upon the Earl of Malbara and his wife. He was made Knight of the Garter and was appointed Captain General of the English Forces at home and abroad, and Master of the Ordinance. Lady Malbara was made Groom of the Stole, Mistress of the Robes, and Keeper of the Privy Purse, while her two elder daughters became Ladies of the Bedchamber. Lady Malbara had often admired the situation of the Great Lodge at Windsor, and remembering this, Anne now appointed her for life to the Rangership of the Park, to which office this Lodge was attached. The Lodge was much improved by Lady Malbara, who preferred it to any of her other houses. In the formation of the new government, Malbara also had much to do. His sympathies were at that time with the Tories, and the leading Whigs lost their places and were succeeded by Tories. Godolphan once more became Lord High Treasurer. He had been bound still more closely to Malbara by the marriage of his eldest son, with Malbara's eldest daughter. One leading Tory was very much disgusted at the turn things were taking. The Earl of Rochester, the Queen's Uncle, was at the time of William's death, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He had hoped when his niece came to the throne to become Lord Treasurer and have the management of affairs in his own hands. He had no desire to stay in Ireland away from the court and hurried back to England to oppose Malbara's influence as much as possible. Rochester and some of the more violent Tories wished to exclude the Whigs from all offices, however unimportant. But neither Godolphan nor Malbara were violent party men. They had no wish to resort to extreme measures and drive the Whigs into decided opposition, and they carried their way in this matter in spite of Rochester's wishes to the contrary. Among the members of the Grand Alliance, William's death had excited great anxiety, but Malbara's influence moved the Queen to show at once her determination to continue William's policy. Malbara was sent, in the end of March to Holland, on an extraordinary embassy to arrange future operations with the Dutch. Hensius, the pensionary, shared all William's opinions, and with him Malbara, during his short stay at the Hague, discussed plans and considered the prospects of the Grand Alliance. They decided that England, Holland, and Austria should declare war against France on the same day and settle the plan of the first campaign. Anne was very anxious that her husband, Prince George, should be appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces, and though Malbara knew very well how totally unfit the Prince was for such a post, to please the Queen, he tried hard to press his appointment on the Dutch. They, however, steadily refused and the question was left undecided. When Malbara got back to England, he found Rochester and his followers anxious to persuade the Queen and the Privy Council that it was unwise for England to take a leading part in the war. But Malbara, by his forcible arguments, showed that no half-measures would do, and on the 4th May, as had been agreed at the Hague, war was declared. Parliament readily voted the necessary supplies, and on the 26th May, Malbara sailed from Margate to join the army in Holland. His wife had gone with him to Margate, and he parted from her in an agony of grief. He wrote to her soon after sailing. It is impossible to express with what a heavy heart I parted with you when I was by the water's side. I could have given my life to come back, though I knew my own weakness so much that I durst not, for I knew I should have exposed myself to the company. I did for a great while with a prospective glass, look upon the cliffs in hopes I might have one sight of you. We are now out of sight of Margate, and I have neither soul nor spirits, but I do at this minute suffer so much that nothing but being with you can recompense it. She was already beginning to give him much trouble by her political views, her own sympathies inclined strongly to the wigs, and this led her to many little quarrels with the Queen. She had no tact in managing people, but was always overbearing and interfering, trying to force her own views upon everyone. She was a constant trouble to her husband by the way in which she interfered in all the appointments he made, and tried to make him obey her wishes in everything. Malbora, with his deep love for her, suffered much from her temper, but he did not meekly give way. He met her anger with gentle remonstrances, and by soft persuasive words tried to bring her back to good temper. She wrote to him to the Hague about some trifling appointment in such an angry tone as to make him miserable. I do assure you upon my soul, he answered, I had much rather the whole world should go wrong than you should be uneasy, for the quiet of my life depends only upon your kindness. CHAPTER VI. At first the Grand Alliance consisted only of England, Holland, and the Empire. But other German princes rapidly joined. The aid of the Elector of Brandenburg was won by his recognition as King of Prussia. His father, Frederick I, known as the Grand Elector, had so increased the power of Brandenburg that it had become of great importance in the affairs of Germany, more especially as he had organized a well-trained army. His son, who cared more for shows and dignities than for anything else, reaped the result of his father's labor and was crowned by the Emperor, King of Prussia, in 1701. The Elector of Hanover, the Elector Palatine, and Louis, Margrave of Baden, also joined the Grand Alliance. Louis XIV managed to win over to his side the electors of Bavaria and Cune. His only other ally was Victor Amadeus II, Duke of Savoy. He was a brave and ambitious prince, and his natural desires would have led him to take part against Louis XIV, for his small territory was entirely overshadowed by the mighty power of France, and he felt himself in danger of sinking to the position of a French vassal. But Louis XIV spared no trouble to keep him on his side, and had married his grandsons, the Duke of Burgundy and the King of Spain, to two daughters of Victor Amadeus. At the opening of the campaign of 1702 the French had command of the Spanish Low Countries of Luxembourg and of the territories of Cologne and Liège, so that both the southern and eastern frontier of Holland lay open to them, and the allies therefore had to defend both the Meuse and the Rhine. Malibur on his arrival at the Hague was named commander-in-chief of the combined English and Dutch forces with a salary of ten thousand pounds, though he had not failed still to press the appointment of Prince George of Denmark. With him were associated the two generals of the Dutch forces, the Duke of Athlone, a Dutchman by birth, and the Prince of Zarbrook. Both of these generals had aspired to be the commander-in-chief, and their jealousy of his superiority was at first very troublesome to Malbara. He was also much hampered by the field deputies, whom it was the habit of the Dutch to send with their armies. These men, though not themselves military men, had to be consulted on all occasions, as the Dutch forces could not be moved without their permission, and they were always more likely to be led by the advice of their own generals than by Malbara. The allies were opposed by a French army under the nominal command of the Duke of Burgundy, the Dauphin's eldest son, the real command being in the hands of Marshal Boufflé. Malbara wished to begin at once with active measures, to cross the Meuse and carry the war into Brabant. He was at the head of about sixty thousand men, and hoped to do great things. But the natural timidity of the Dutch would not allow them to consent to any bold measure. Their constant fear was that their frontier should be left exposed, and it was not till the 26th of July that Malbara persuaded them to let him lead his army across the Meuse. To Amon he soon had an excellent opportunity of attacking the French army, but the fears of the Dutch kept him back to his bitter disappointment. His aim now was to take from the French some of those fortresses which Louis XIV had seized in the Spanish Netherlands and which gave him the command of the Dutch frontier. During the campaign Malbara succeeded in reducing four important fortresses on the Meuse, Fenlo, Rury Monde, Stavensviet and Liege. The ability which he showed called forth the warm admiration even of Athlone who wrote, The success of this campaign is solely due to this incomparable chief, since I confess that I, serving as second in command, opposed in all circumstances his opinion and proposals. Having disposed his army in their winter quarters, Malbara set out for the Hague on his way back to England. He journeyed in a boat on the Meuse under the protection of a guard of horsemen who rode on the banks. But in the darkness of the night the horsemen missed the boat and Malbara with only a guard of twenty-five men was surprised by a body of French soldiers. Fortunately, the French did not know what a prize had fallen into their hands. One of Malbara's attendants happened to have with him a French pass which had once been granted to Malbara's brother, General Churchill. He had the presence of mind to hand it secretly to Malbara, who on producing it was allowed to pass on. But already the news had got about that Malbara was a prisoner and the general consternation was great. Malbara's own appearance at the Hague put a stop to all anxiety and he was greeted with great joy. I was not sure one minute he writes, before I had great crowds of the common people, some endeavouring to take me by the hands, and all crying out, Welcome! But that which moved me most was to see a great many of both sexes cry for joy. Meanwhile on the Rhine the Margrave of Bodin had commanded the forces of the Allies, accompanied by the young King of the Romans, Joseph, eldest son of the Emperor. He succeeded in taking Landau, but he was afterwards defeated at Friedlingen by the French General Villar, who was made a marshal for his victory but who did not know how to follow it up. In the Milanese the French under Ville-le-Roy were opposed to the Austrian force under Prince Eugène, a general second only to Malbara inability. Eugène was a second cousin of Victor Amadeus of Savoy. He had been bred in France and was to have been a priest, but his own tastes led him to choose the life of a soldier. Louis XIV would not give him a commission because of his small stature, and in disgust Eugène left France to enter the service of the Emperor, where he won great distinction in the wars against the Turks. An Italian by descent but born in France and now living in Germany he signed himself Eugène Vonne Savoy to show the three nationalities to which he belonged. His long pale face and brilliant eye showed his Italian origin. He was a man of culture but a true Italian in the calmness with which he regarded the horrors which war brought about. As a soldier he was distinguished for his dashing courage. He showed himself equally careless of his own safety and of the lives of his soldiers. Even before they met Malbara and Eugène had conceived a great esteem for one another which ripened into friendship when they came to know one another. Each admired the other's genius with perfect frankness and they worked together with the same aim and the same views without any of those jealousies which so often make perfect concord impossible between two generals in high command. Prince Eugène won a victory at Cremona and took Villarrois prisoner. Van Dom, a far abler general was sent to succeed Villarrois and was joined by young King Philip of Spain who wished to command his armies in person. An indecisive battle was fought with Eugène at Luzara and at the end of the campaign the French still occupied the Milanese. Eugène had been too feebly supported to do much. The same year an attack was made on Carith by the English and Dutch fleets. This attack had been planned by William and great results were hoped for it, but there was no one amongst its leaders capable of directing it vigorously. Ormond, the general of the troops, disagreed with Sir George Rook, the admiral of the fleet. The Dutch and the English quarreled and they returned without having effected anything beyond the capture of some Spanish treasure from galleons which had taken refuge at Vigo. On the whole the only marked success of the campaign of 1702 was Malbara's capture of the fortresses on the Meuse by which he had done much to protect the Dutch frontier. The news of his success was received with joy in England and the Tories did not fail to draw comparisons between his campaign and William's. A public thanksgiving was held at St. Paul's and attended by the Queen and both houses of Parliament and both houses passed votes of thanks to Malbara for his services. The Queen determined to show her favour by making him a duke. She wrote to Lady Malbara, It is very uneasy to your poor unfortunate faithful morally to think that she has so very little in her power to show how truly sensible I am of all my Lord Malbara's kindness, especially at a time when he deserves all that a rich crown could give. But since there is nothing else at this time I hope you will give me leave as soon as he comes to make him a duke. Lady Malbara was not eager for this distinction as she thought that their wealth was not enough to enable them to support it, but Malbara himself was not averse to a more dignified title, saying that he thought it would do the Queen's cause on the continent good if her general were distinguished. The reluctance of Lady Malbara was overcome by their friends and the Queen granted Malbara five thousand pounds a year out of the post office for his lifetime. She desired the Commons to take measures to settle this sum permanently upon him and his heirs. But here she met with unexpected resistance. And even presenting a remonstrance against her grant. This drove her to still greater generosity, and she added to the five thousand pounds two thousand out of the privy purse. End of Section 11. Section 12 of Life of John Churchill, Duke of Malbara by Louise Creighton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. Chapter 6 The First Years of the War Part II In the beginning of the year 1703 Malbara met with a great sorrow. He had only one surviving son, the Marquis of Blandford, a youth of great promise, who now at the age of seventeen was just finishing his studies at Cambridge, and hoped soon to serve under his father in the Netherlands. Early in February he was taken ill of the smallpox. His father and mother hastened to him. The Queen sent her own doctors and showed the tenderest anxiety for his safety, but he sank rapidly and died on the twentieth of February to the bitter grief of his parents. Malbara had little time to indulge in selfish sorrow and was soon busy in preparations for the next campaign for which Parliament had granted him ample supplies. He went to the Hague early in March, and his letters to the Duchess showed that their recent loss had only served to bind them closer together. The greatest ease I now have, he writes, is sometimes sitting for an hour in my chair alone and thinking of the happiness I may yet have of living quietly with you, which is the greatest I propose to myself in this world. In the course of 1703, the Duke of Savoy and the King of Portugal both joined the Grand Alliance. Louis XIV's power was also weakened by a rebellion in the Sevenne. A number of Ugeno had taken refuge from the persecutions of the government in the rugged fastnesses of these mountains. They formed themselves into bands and called themselves kamizar, from a kind of white blouse which they wore. Animated by religious fanaticism, they lashed themselves into fervor on the battlefield by wild hymns of praise. The cruelties they had suffered, made them sometimes in turn, revenge themselves by equal cruelties on priests and monasteries. And at the approach of regular troops they would escape by unknown mountain paths into secure hiding places. Their chief leader was Jean Cavallier, a brave and upright man with a decided talent for war. He turned for aid to the members of the Grand Alliance, and they, though unable to help, were anxious to foment the insurrection as it diverted some of Louis XIV's troops. In the campaign of 1703, Louis XIV determined to make use of the alliance of the Elector of Bavaria, which opened up to him a large part of the country between France and Austria, and sent his army straight to Vienna, that he might crush with one blow the power of Austria. But the general to whom he entrusted this scheme, Villar, did not cooperate well with the Elector of Bavaria, and the plan failed. In the Netherlands, death had freed Malbara from the rivalry of Atlone and the Prince of Zabruk. But three new Dutch generals had been appointed in their place, Overkirk, Optham and Schlangenberg. Overkirk was no longer young, but was a soldier of great ability. From the other two, Malbara met with much opposition. His plan for the campaign had been to invade Brabant and French Flanders, but the Dutch pressed him first to besiege Bunn, with a view of securing the lower Rhine. Malbara was obliged to give way to these timid councils and Bunn fell on the 16th May. After this, Malbara returned to his old plan and hoped to signalize the campaign by the capture of Antwerp and Astend. But he was disappointed in all his hopes by the folly and inefficiency of the Dutch generals who failed to cooperate with him. He was obliged to return from before Antwerp after having for five hours tried to persuade a council of the generals and field deputies to attack the French lines, and he had to content himself with the capture of two more fortresses, Wee and Limburg. Whilst Malbara was arranging the winter quarters of his troops, he heard that the Archduke Charles, now called Charles III of Spain, had arrived at Duseldorf. Success had widened the aims of the Grand Alliance. The Emperor had been emboldened to proclaim his son, King of Spain, and in the treaty by which Portugal became a member of the Grand Alliance, the object of the Allies was clearly stated to be to secure the throne of Spain to the Archduke Charles. It was thought right that he should go and fight for his own cause in Spain, and he was now on his way to England whence he was to sail for Spain. Malbara hastened to meet him at Duseldorf and the young king received him with every possible mark of distinction, and gave him a sword richly set with diamonds and his portrait also set with diamonds. Soon afterwards Malbara returned to England to be ready to receive Charles, who after a short stay there sailed for Lisbon. During the whole of the campaign of 1703, Malbara had been harassed by news of the disturbances produced by the party factions in England. The Tories as a body were only half-hearted in their support of the war. The Earl of Rochester spent all his time in London. All the discontented Tories gathered round him, and passed their time in cabaling against the government. Malbara and Godolphin persuaded the Queen to order Rochester to return to his post in Ireland, which as they had expected he angrily refused to do, and resigned the Lord left tenancy. The Duke of Ormond was appointed in his stead, and Malbara and Godolphin were rid of a troublesome colleague. But though Rochester lost his share in the government, some of his friends still held high office and were an endless cause of trouble. The Duchess of Malbara continued to urge her husband to incline more to the wigs, who would be much more likely than the Tories to support the war with Zeal. She was in continual intercourse with the wigs, by means of one of their leaders, the Earl of Sunderland, who had married her second daughter, Lady Anne Churchill, in 1700. He was the son of that Earl of Sunderland whose cleverness and unscrupulousness had enabled him to play such an important part in the reigns of Charles II and James II. He was an advanced wig, a man of decided ability, and an eloquent speaker, but wanting imprudence and tact. His free and violent way of expressing his opinions made him especially disagreeable to those who differed from him, and he was not a likely man to conciliate Malbara with the wigs. Malbara himself would have preferred to rule independently of party. I hope, he writes to his wife, I shall always continue in the humour I am now in, that is to be governed by neither party, but to do what I think is best for England, by which I shall disoblige both parties. Some wigs still took part in the government and were members of the Privy Council. The Earl of Nottingham, Secretary of State, who was a firm friend of Rochester and a violent Tory, had opposed, as far as he could, the policy of Gdolphin and Malbara. He knew that the Queen esteemed him highly, and counting on her favor declared that he could no longer remain in office unless all the wigs were excluded from the government. He hoped in this way to humble his rivals, but the Queen remained true to her ministers, and refused to do as he wished. Nottingham resigned, and his place was filled by Harley, the speaker of the Commons. He was a personal friend of Malbara's, whose political views he shared, knew valued him on account of his industry and financial talents. Harley was a man determined to get on, by his plausible ways he managed to keep on good terms with both wigs and Tories, churchmen and dissenters. He meant to stick to Malbara as long as he could hope to gain anything from him, and succeeded in inspiring the Duke with complete confidence. A friend of Harley's, and a man of far more brilliant talent, Henry St. John, was about the same time made Secretary of War. He had won the Duke's favor by professing the warmest attachment to him, but the Duchess regarded both these statesmen with suspicion, and blamed the Duke for not having promoted some of her friends the wigs. End of Section 12 Section 13 of Life of John Churchill, Duke of Malbara by Louise Creighton. The campaign of 1703 had been on the whole a successful one for Louis XIV, and had given him hope that he might be able utterly to crush the allies. All through the winter he was busy in preparations for the next campaign, and in the spring was able to put eight splendid armies on foot. The rebels in the Seven were becoming formidable, and an army under Villar was sent against them. A fine army was sent to Spain under the Duke of Beric, a natural son of James II by Malbara's sister, Erebella Churchill, and one of the ablest generals in the French service. But the great effort was to be made in Germany, where Louis XIV hoped to carry out the plan which had been made for the year before. The road to the Austrian frontier lay open to the French army, as the Elector of Bavaria had his camp at Ume. When once Marshal Talar had joined him they would be able to lead their armies to the very walls of Vienna. Austria was already much harassed by the Hungarian rebels with whom the Elector of Bavaria was in communication. Louis XIV hoped to force her to conclude a separate peace with him, and then he would only have England and Holland against him. The only general who was likely to be able to offer any opposition to Talar was the Margrave Louis of Baden, who commanded in Alsace. So Talar, after leading some troops to join the Elector at Ume, hastened back to oppose the Margrave in Alsace. But Malbara had long ago seen what were the plans of the French, and he felt that if they were allowed to succeed, the Allies would be hopelessly ruined. He knew that there was only one man who could see the whole bearing of the state of affairs as he did, and to Prince Eugène, he communicated his fears and his plans. They agreed together to lead their armies into Bavaria, and there combined to fight the French on their way to Vienna. A glance at the map will show the boldness of Malbara's plan. In those days when there were no railways and roads were bad, to lead an army by rapid marches all the way from Holland to Bavaria, where if defeated it would be in the midst of a hostile country, was an undertaking of perilous difficulty. But on the other hand, it was the only hope of saving the Grand Alliance, and Malbara was not a man to shrink from difficulties. He doubtless dreaded less the difficulties of the march and the campaign than all the tiresome proceedings which would be necessary before he could get permission to lead his troops away from the Netherlands. He knew that it would be useless to tell his real object to the Tories at home who already thought the English operations too extensive, or to the Dutch who trembled for the safety of their frontier, even if he suggested a bold plan of operations in the Netherlands. He therefore kept his real object entirely secret and did not even confide it entirely to the Queen and Cadolphean. Prince Eugène, at Malbara's suggestion, made the Emperor write a pressing request to Anne for aid in his great danger, and in consequence, Malbara obtained a permission from the cabinet to go to Holland and take such steps in concert with the Dutch as should seem best for aiding the Emperor. His plan was to profess to intend a campaign on the Moselle, and when he had once got his troops there, to lead them on into Bavaria. He managed this difficult matter with his usual ability. His perfect command of temper enabled him to be calm and bland under the most provoking circumstances, and to combat with unwerying patience the objections raised to his plans. On this occasion, he showed great firmness and made the Dutch understand that he meant to lead his own troops to the Moselle and that they would consult their own safety best by cooperating with him. At last, on the 4th May, he got from the Dutch powers to carry out his schemes. About the same time too, he was relieved from another trouble which weighed heavily on his spirits. He had left England after a dispute with the Duchess and had not managed to make peace before starting. She even sent an angry letter after him. Malbara could not be happy for a moment when she was angry, and we can see how he must have suffered by his joy when she at last relented and wrote him an affectionate letter offering even to accompany him on the campaign. I would not for anything in my power, he writes, your letter had been lost, for it is so very kind that I would in return lose a thousand lives if I had them to make you happy. Before I sat down to write this letter, I took yours that you wrote at Harwich out of my strong box and have burnt it, and if you will give me leave, it will be a great pleasure to me to have it in my power to read this dear, dear letter often and that it may be found in my strong box when I am dead. I do this minute love you better than ever I did before. This letter of yours has made me so happy that I do from my soul wish we could retire and not be blamed. What you say as to coming over I should be extremely pleased with, for your dear letter has so transported me that I think you would be happier in being here than where you are, but you will see by my last letter as well as this that what you desire is impossible. But love me as you now do and no hurt can come to me. You have by this kindness preserved my quiet and I believe my life for till I had this letter I have been very indifferent of what should become of myself. I have pressed this business of carrying an army into Germany in order to leave a good name behind me, wishing for nothing else but good success. I shall now add that of having a long life that I may be happy with you. The army which Malboro hoped to lead into Bavaria was to consist of about 40,000 men and all. Of these a great many were English, some were Dutch and others were troops in the pay of England in Holland supplied by the different German states which had joined the Grand Alliance. These German troops were stationed at different places along the Rhine and were to join the main army on its march. Overkirk was left in Holland with the greater part of the Dutch troops to defend the frontier. Malboro started from Mastovic and began his march on the 19th of May and on the 25th reached Koblenz. Everywhere he was received with marks of the greatest distinction and says in his letters to his wife that he was ashamed even to repeat the flattery which was heaped upon him. Mainz was reached on the 29th and the troops were reviewed by the elector who was much struck by their cleanly and neat appearance. These gentlemen he said, speaking of the officers, seemed to be all dressed for the ball. Here Malboro received the provoking news that the Margrave of Baden had allowed some bodies of French troops to join the camp of the elector of Bavaria at Ulm. The Margrave was a slow and punctilious general and though we saw what ought to be done was not active enough to do it and so missed the important moment. The French meanwhile watched Malboro's movements with wonder and alarm. At first they thought that his destination was the Moselle then that he meant to act in Alsace. Marshal Vitois had followed him from the Meuse and now sent for more troops from Flanders and hoped to effect a junction with Talar so as to protect Alsace. Of Malboro's real intention no one had the least suspicion. His troops were in excellent spirits. Notwithstanding the continual marching he writes the men are extremely pleased with this expedition. His object could not much longer remain a secret. On the 9th June he reached Mundelsheim on the Neckar and was there joined by Prince Eugène. This was the first meeting of the two generals and personal intercourse increased the confidence which they felt in one another. Malboro reviewed his troops in the presence of Eugène who complimented him much upon their excellent condition and the fine spirit they showed. Money, he said, of which you have no want in England can buy clothes and accoutrements but nothing can buy the spirit which I see in the looks of your men. It is an earnest of victory. The two generals were soon joined by the Margrave of Baden that the three might together decide upon the future operations of the campaign. Malboro and Eugène wished to act together upon the Danube and leave the Margrave on the Rhine but the Margrave wanted to be where most laurels could be won and asserted his right as elder in rank to up the choice before Eugène. Neither would he allow to Malboro the command in chief but insisted that they should command on alternate days. Malboro foresaw many difficulties from this arrangement. Prince Eugène, he wrote, has been very free with me in giving me the character of the Prince of Baden by which I find I must be much more on my guard than if I was to act with Prince Eugène. On the 14th, the generals separated. Eugène to go to the Rhine and the Margrave to bring his troops to join Malboro's army. From Holland, meanwhile, came anxious news. Overkirk, through the difficulties thrown in his way by the timidity of the deputies, had missed an opportunity for striking a decisive blow. The Dutch were alarmed at the report that Wilrois was returning and terrified at the thought that Malboro was going so far from them, begged him to send back some of the auxiliary forces. Malboro's calm spirit was unmoved by these difficulties. He pacified the fears of the Dutch by ordering boats to be in readiness on the Rhine to convey some of his troops back to the mews if necessary, and having at last heard that the Margrave's troops were in motion, proceeded to cross the mountainous defile of Geislingen, which led into the plains of the Danube. On the 22nd of June, he set up his camp at Uersping just at the opening of the plains of the Danube, whilst the Margrave was at Westerstelling nearby. The Elector of Bavaria had moved his camp from Ulm to the neighborhood of Dillingen. Malboro's object was to reduce Bavaria before the Elector could receive reinforcements from France, and Eugène had promised to suffer the last extremity before he would let a French army cross the Rhine. Malboro did not intend to begin by attacking the Elector's camp. He wished first to secure Donavet, which would be a useful place for making a magazine and collecting stores, as it was easy of access from the friendly district of Franconia. The Elector had thought to make Donavet quite safe by stationing 12,500 men on the Schellenberg, a fortified height overhanging Donavet. Malboro determined at once to attack the Schellenberg. With his usual care for his soldiers, he first established a hospital for the wounded at Nordlingen, and then pressed on to the Schellenberg, having with some difficulty persuaded the Margrave to agree to his vigorous movements. End of section 13. Section 14 of Life of John Churchill, Duke of Malboro by Louise Creighton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain, recording by Pamela Nagami. Chapter 7. Blenheim, Part 2. On the 2nd of July, it was Malboro's turn to command, and his army started at five in the morning on their march to the Schellenberg. Malboro himself, who had hurried on with a first attachment of troops, came inside of the Schellenberg at nine o'clock and began to reconnoiter the position. By midday, the main body of the army had come up. Malboro was determined not to miss the chance of making the attack on the day when he had the command. After a short rest, the troops were ordered to advance, but there was still a stream to be crossed, and it was six o'clock in the evening before he could order the attack. The troops advanced firmly, but were met by a terrible fire. Many brave officers fell, and there was a moment's pause. Soon order was restored and they pressed on again. Once more they gave way under fire, and the enemy rushed out upon them, but were driven back by the English guards who firmly stood their ground. Again the English pressed on, though their ranks grew thin under the heavy fire, and they hesitated till General Lumley gallantly brought up the horse and gave them new courage. The enemy, too, had suffered severely and were beginning to lose heart. Just as the English and Dutch were about to break through the entrenchment, the Margrave himself led up the imperialist troops, who having arrived later had not yet joined in the attack. This raised the spirit of the allies and completed the confusion of the enemy. One more effort, and the French and Bavarians were flying in disorder from their entrenchments. Malboro ordered his horse to charge the fugitives and there was a terrible carnage. Some fled to Donavet and were cut down on the way. Others tried to escape by the bridge that led over the Danube, but broke it down by their weight and were lost in the river. Only 3,000 ever got back to the elector and all their baggage fell into the hands of the allies. The loss was heavy on both sides. The allies had 1,500 killed and 4,000 wounded and many officers were slain. Knights set in with a terrible rain and Malboro busied himself with doing all that he could for the wounded. The victory did not lead to any better understanding between Malboro and the Margrave and Malboro's letters are full of complaints of the difficulties thrown in his way by the jealous temper and slow disposition of the Margrave. After the defeat on the Schellenberg, the elector withdrew the garrison from Donavet and retired to Augsburg and the allies thus gained peaceable possession of Donavet. Malboro then led his army across the Danube and the Lek into the fertile plains of Bavaria. The elector was so disheartened by the defeat on the Schellenberg which had destroyed some of his finest regiments that there were hopes that he might be persuaded to make a separate peace with the allies. But the promise of succor from the French revived his spirits and the negotiation came to nothing. Malboro determined therefore to punish the subjects for the sins of their ruler and to lay waste Bavaria as far as Munich. But though in this act of destruction he followed the cruel example which Turen had set in the Palatinate. He at least grieved for the suffering which he considered himself forced to cause. He writes to his wife, We are in the elector's country and he will find it difficult to persuade us to quit it. We sent this morning 3,000 horse to his chief city of Munich with orders to burn and destroy all the country about it. This is so contrary to my nature that nothing but absolute necessity could have obliged me to consent to it for these poor people suffer for their master's ambition. There having been no war in this country for above sixty years, these towns and villages are so clean that you would be pleased with them. Meanwhile, Marshal Talar had been marching from the Rhine to Bavaria and fording the Danube at Moschuk had affected a junction with the troops of the elector at Augsburg. Prince Eugène had marched from the Rhine in a parallel line with Talar and reached Hochstadt about the same time as Talar joined the elector. It became absolutely necessary for the armies of Eugène and Malbara to combine, for each was separately much weaker than the United French and Bavarian army. But there were great difficulties in the way of affecting a junction. If Eugène marched to join Malbara and the Margrave in Bavaria, he would make it easy for the enemy to cross the Danube and interrupt the communications of the allies with Franconia and then they would be cut off from their supplies. If Malbara and the Margrave marched to join Eugène, they would lose their command of Bavaria. It was an anxious crisis. Malbara knew that failure now meant ruin to himself as well as to the cause of the allies, for he had undertaken the whole expedition almost on his own authority and there were plenty who would be only too glad to condemn him if he failed. Eugène himself came to consult with them what was to be done and they met at Schrobenhausen. There they decided that it would be impossible for them to keep their footing in Bavaria without the possession of the fortress of Ingolstadt. The Margrave was easily persuaded to besiege it as he was told that great glory would attach to its reduction, for it boasted itself of being a virgin fortress which had never yielded to any foe. Malbara was to lead his troops to join those of Prince Eugène and the two generals, free from their troublesome colleague, hoped to be able to act with vigor and decision. When the Margrave had started for Ingolstadt, Eugène hastened back to his army and Malbara started on his march toward the plains of Hochstadt. His movements were hastened by hearing that the enemy was advancing with the obvious intention of attacking Eugène's army before it could be reinforced. Eugène sent urgent messages begging Malbara to make haste. The march was difficult, for there were several rivers besides the Danube to be crossed and all had been swollen by heavy rains. On the 11th of July, the first part of the English troops joined those of Eugène and the main army came up on the 12th, having marched 24 hours the day before. Malbara and Eugène mounted the tower of Doppheim Church to survey the country and discovered the enemy engaged in marking out a camp on the other side of the little river Nebel between Blenheim and Lutsingen. The site filled them with joy. They hoped to have a favorable opportunity for attacking whilst the enemy was still disordered by the confusion of settling in a new camp. When it was known that the generals meant to fight, several of the officers remonstrated with Malbara on the rashness of the step. For the forces of the enemy were superior as they numbered 60,000 men, whilst the allies only had 52,000 and the enemy were in a strong position. But Malbara paid no heed. He knew that every hour gave the enemy opportunities to strengthen their position, whilst Vilrois was advancing to cut off the communication of the allies with Franconia. The orders to prepare for battle on the moral were received by the troops with enthusiasm. On the night of the 12th, the army of the allies was encamped on the banks of the castle, a little river flowing into the Danube from the north. On the other side of the castle lies a small plane about seven miles long and in no place more than three miles wide. This plane is bounded on the south by the Danube, there about 300 feet wide with banks either steep or swampy and no fords. To the north of the plane, the ground rises irregularly in a series of wooded hills from which many small streams flow into the Danube. In about the middle of the plane, the Nebel flows into the Danube and just where it joins that river on its western bank is the village of Blenheim. A little above Blenheim on the Nebel are two water mills and still farther, about two miles from Blenheim, is the village of Oberglau and then half a mile further on the village of Unterglau. The banks of the Nebel along its whole course are swampy and sometimes especially between Oberglau and Blenheim surrounded by so much more wrasse as to be impassable. The French and Bavarians were encamped on the west side of the Nebel where the ground rises slightly, their lines stretching from Blenheim where Marshal Talard had his headquarters to Lutsingen near the sources of the Nebel where the elector and the French general Marseille were quartered. Before sunrise on the morning of the 13th August, the allies were in motion and by three o'clock had crossed the Kessel. Malburra and Eugène rode forward to observe the enemy and make their plans. Eugène was to lead his army to the right where he would be confronted by the elector and Marseille. Whilst Malburra was to lead his troops across the Nebel near the water mills where the passage seemed easiest and forming on the other side attack the French troops under Talard. The morning was hazy and the enemy had no idea that the allies were approaching. Talard was convinced that they did not mean to give battle but to retreat on Nordlingen. At seven as the fog cleared off their columns were seen advancing and there could no longer be any doubt that they meant to fight. Talard hastened to make his preparations. He thought that Blenheim was the key of the position and he threw a large number of troops into it and strengthened it with barricades of wagons, boards and gates. This was his great mistake for he put so many troops into Blenheim that they were not able to move freely and their loss unnecessarily weakened his line. His artillery was well posted on the surrounding heights. Malburra too had commanding batteries on the heights below Oberglau on the other side of the Nebel. Malburra's troops were in position at about eight o'clock but he was not to begin the attack till Eugène was ready and Eugène's troops had a long and difficult march over rough and broken country dragging their artillery with terrible toil. Meanwhile, prayers were offered up by the chaplains in each regiment of the English. Malburra after pointing out to the surgeons the best positions to take up rode along the front of his troops and was delighted to see the excellent spirits of his men. A brisk cannonating was kept up between the batteries. At twelve o'clock the message expected with such impatience at last arrived and they learned that Prince Eugène was ready. Lord Kutz, one of the bravest officers in the English army was immediately ordered to begin the attack on Blenheim. The watermills were taken and the allies crossed the Nebel amidst a terrible fire. It soon became clear that Blenheim was too strong to be taken. Malburra ordered Lord Kutz to keep up a feigned attack sufficient to occupy the troops in Blenheim whilst a great effort was made on the center of Talard's lines. End of Section 14. Section 15 of Life of John Churchill, Duke of Malburra by Louise Creighton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain recording by Pamela Nagami. Chapter 7, Blenheim, Part 3. Near Unterglau, General Churchill, Malburra's brother, had already forced a passage for some of the troops. There was much difficulty in getting across the Nebel and if Talard had attacked the cavalry whilst they were struggling in the marshy ground he might have scattered them in confusion. But he allowed the opportunity to pass and they were able to form on the other side of the Nebel. About one o'clock, Eugène had led his troops across the Nebel to the attack. But the imperial cavalry on that day did not fight well. Three times they were driven back across the Nebel. Eugène himself fought with desperate valor and exposed his person most recklessly, but it was in vain. At last in despair he turned to the infantry which was composed of Prussian troops and had shown great resolution. Inspired by his courage they drove the enemy through the wood beyond Lützingen, but were even then unsupported by the cavalry and their advanced position might have placed them in great danger had it not been that meanwhile the event of the battle was being decided in another quarter. Malburra's cavalry after the passage of the Nebel had formed in two strong lines fronting the enemy. They charged amidst a terrible fire and at the second charge broke the enemy's line and an open space was left in the center. Talar saw that the day was lost, but he hoped still to save his army. Whilst he paused, hoping for support from the elector or Marseille, Malburra bade the trumpet sound for the charge. The French cavalry did not await it. They fired their carbines, turned and fled, some to the left toward Hochstadt, some to the right toward Zondahain. The allies followed and the slaughter was great. Many were cut down and taken prisoners, others madly plunged into the Danube and were drowned. Talar himself was captured. In Blenheim 11,000 men still remained. They made a desperate attempt to resist, but they were so hemmed in that both resistance and escape were impossible and they were obliged to surrender unconditionally. The army of the elector and Marseille did not suffer so severely. They were able to retreat in good order. For Eugène's troops were too exhausted to pursue them and Malburra did not venture to do so since in the obscurity caused by the darkening night and the thick masses of smoke, it was easy to mistake Eugène's forces for the enemy. The French and Bavarians had lost 28,000 in killed and wounded, besides 12,000 prisoners, while the losses of the allies were 12,000 killed and wounded. As soon as Malburra was certain of the fate of the battle, he tore a leaf from his pocketbook and wrote a hasty pencil note to the duchess. I have not time to say more, but to beg you will give my duty to the queen and let her know her army has had a glorious victory. Monsieur Talar and two other generals are in my coach and I am following the rest. The bearer, my aide-de-camp Colonel Park, will give her an account of what is past. I shall do it in a day or two by another more at large. Malburra. Malburra had been 17 hours on horseback and was glad when the battle was over to seek a little rest and a watermill near Hochstadt. The next morning he and Eugène entered Hochstadt and then visited Marshal Talar and the chief French prisoners. Between Malburra and Eugène there was no jealousy about the honors gained by the victory. Eugène gladly gave to Malburra the first place. Whilst Malburra repeatedly stated that Eugène had only been prevented from playing a more distinguished part by bad luck, by the difficulties of his position and the inferiority of the imperial cavalry. Had the success of Prince Eugène, he wrote to the duchess, been equal to his merit, we should in that day's action have made an end of the war. Malburra only reserved Marshal Talar and one or two of the most distinguished prisoners for the Queen and caused the others to be equally divided between himself and Eugène as if their share in gaining the victory had been equal. In England the whole country broke out into rejoicing at the wonderful victory. Anne went in state to give thanks at St. Paul's and the people were eager to do anything which might show their joy and their devotion to their great general. The most important result of the victory was that it broke the force of the spell which had surrounded the great power of France. Louis XIV had gloried and calling himself the Invincible. His armies had never suffered any important defeat. His soldiers had fought with the confidence that repeated victories had given whilst his enemies had fought against him almost with the feeling that it was vain to hope for success. Now the finest French regiments had been destroyed in one battle. For the moment the French lost their confidence and the name of Malburra became a terror to them whilst on all sides the enemies of France took heart. Malburra was looked upon almost as if he had the fate of Europe in his hand. From Rome Lord Shrewsbury wrote to him, I must tell you that in this holy, ignorant city they have an idea of you as of a tamer lane and had I a picture of old Colonel Birch with his whiskers I could put it off for yours and change it for one done by Raphael. The emperor, usually cold and indifferent, was roused to congratulate Malburra in the warmest terms. He was anxious to make him a prince of the empire and Anne was very willing that he should receive this honor. But Malburra preferred to wait till the emperor had some principality which he could give him rather than receive an empty title. Numbers of poems appeared in honor of this victory but neither Godolphin nor Malburra were men of literary tastes and they had never exerted themselves to show protection and favor to any of the rising poets or pamphleteers. These poems were so bad that even Godolphin was disgusted with their badness. He was determined that something better should be written and consulted Halifax, a leading wig and a well-known friend of literature on the subject. After some pressing Halifax at last recommended Addison, who was at that time living in comparative obscurity and poverty. He had first become known by his Latin poems and had attached himself to Halifax and the wigs. The accession of Anne had disappointed his hopes of advancement through the wigs who were willing to reward writers who favored their party by some small post under government. Now Addison in his humble lodging was surprised by a visit from Boyle, the chancellor of the Exchequer in person, for Halifax had insisted that his friend the poet should be treated with due distinction. He gladly consented to write a poem in honor of the Battle of Blenheim which might well be looked upon as a great wig triumph. When his poem, The Campaign, came out, it was hailed with delight and pleased Godolphin so much that he gave Addison a commissionership worth 200 pounds a year. The poem is stately and melodious and contains some very fine lines, especially those which describe Malbara on the battlefield. It was then great Malbara's mighty soul was proved that in the shock of charging hosts unmoved, amidst confusion, horror and despair, examined all the dreadful scenes of war. In peaceful thought the field of death surveyed, two fainting squadrons sent the timely aid. Inspired repulsed battalions to engage and taught the doubtful battle where to rage. So when an angel by divine command with rising tempests shakes a guilty land such as of late or pale Britannia past, calm and serene he drives the furious blast and pleased the Almighty's orders to perform, rides in the whirlwind and directs the storm. End of section 15. Section 16 of Life of John Churchill, Duke of Malbara by Louise Creighton. This LibriVox recording is in the public domain, recording by Pamela Nagami. Chapter eight, Campaign of 1705, part one. Even after the Battle of Blenheim, the Elector of Bavaria refused to desert the French cause and left his country with the remains of the French army. The electorate remained behind and was forced to make terms with the allies. Malbara tried to get moderate terms for her, but she had to surrender all the fortresses and the country was put under Austrian administration. Malbara and Eugène were joined by the Margrave of Baden, indignant that such glory had been gained whilst he was away. The allies then marched in detachments to the Rhine whither the French had retreated. After meeting together at Phillipsburg, they made arrangements for besieging Landau. The French army now commanded by Vilrois was too dispirited to offer them any resistance and fell back even from the most advantageous positions as they approached so that they were able completely to invest Landau. Joseph, the young king of the Romans who was full of the warmest admiration from Malbara and eager to serve with so famous a general, arrived at the camp before Landau and took the nominal command. The garrison of Landau was full of courage and determined to resist. It was the third siege which the unfortunate city had to sustain within three years. Malbara, having seen everything well arranged, determined not to be idle during the time of the siege and leaving the Margrave in command, marched to reduce some of the strong places on the Moselle. In England, many objections were made to this continuation of the campaign as Malbara was much wanted at home. But Malbara wished to prepare for the campaign of the following year when he hoped to carry the war into France. He was successful in taking both Treve and Trauerbach by the middle of November. Whilst suffering and health from the fatigues at the Battle of Blenheim and harassed with the difficulties of troublesome marches and sieges in the Palatinate, he was still further perplexed by demands from all sides for his advice and direction in matters of English politics and in the affairs of the Grand Alliance. There were some amongst the Tories who were by no means pleased with the victory of Blenheim. They disliked the war, disapproved of the large scale on which it was conducted, and were disgusted at a victory which tended to make it more popular. They declared that the battle had been a needless waste of men and would do little really to abase Louis XIV who could easily raise new armies. The duchess in her letters kept back none of the vexatious things which were said against the war or against the duke. She had no notion of keeping her husband's mind at ease and saving him from anxieties. Her hope always was to disgust him with the Tories and bring him over entirely to her friends the Whigs. Gadolfin too wrote to him for advice in all matters and Malbara's disgust with party factions increased. I do assure you, he wrote to the duchess, as for myself, my pretending to be of no party is not designed to get favor or to deceive anybody, for I am very little concerned what any party thinks of me. I know them both so well that if my quiet depended upon either of them I should be most miserable. And again, while I live I will meddle with no business but what belongs to the army and from hence forward shall never more use the expression of being of no party but shall certainly not care what any party thinks of me. He was much troubled by the state of affairs in Spain where the duke of Chamburg, far from showing himself equal to his famous father, had effected nothing and had spent his time in quarrelling with the Dutch and Portuguese commanders so that the duke of Beric had been able to carry on a successful war in Portugal. The only success in that quarter had been the surprise on the 4th of August by the English fleet under the Prince of Hesedarmstadt and Sir George Rook of the Rock of Gibraltar which since then has always remained in the English possession. Its importance was hardly realized at that time and it was little thought that this small spot would be the one permanent acquisition gained by England from a war distinguished by such victories as that of Blenheim. Gibraltar gives England the command of the Mediterranean Sea. The Spaniards repeatedly tried to get it back but the English people clung to it first because they considered it due to the national honor to keep this prize the sole thing that remained to recall a long and victorious war afterwards because its position made it important for the security of the road to India. From Italy to the news was bad. The small army of Victor Amadeus was completely hemmed in by the French under Vendome one of Louis XIV's most able generals and there were fears lest he should not be able to defend his capital. He sent urgent messages to Malbara for help which were echoed by the Emperor Leopold who was most anxious to drive the French from Italy. Malbara felt that help must be sent to Victor Amadeus and determined to try and persuade the King of Prussia to allow 8,000 of his soldiers to go to Italy in the pay of the English. For this purpose, having settled his troops in winter quarters on the Moselle he undertook a fatiguing journey to Berlin at the very worst time of the year. He knew that only by flattering the King of Prussia's vanity could he hope to get anything out of him and he could do this best by word of mouth. During his journey he heard at last of the fall of Landau which he had expected most impatiently. He reached Berlin on the 22nd of November, 1704 after a most troublesome journey during which owing to the badness of the roads he was obliged to travel for 14 or 15 hours a day. At Berlin his persuasive words were entirely successful. I am very well contented, he writes, at the pains I have taken in coming here. It is not to be expressed the civilities and honors they have done me here. It was not long before the 8,000 men were on their way to the relief of the Duke of Savoy. Malbara traveled home by way of the Hague and at last reached England on the 14th December bringing with him Marshal Talat and his most distinguished prisoners and the chief standards which he had taken from the French. He was greeted with the greatest rapture by all classes. On the next day he took a seat in the House of Lords and received a warm address of congratulation. On the 3rd of January there was a solemn procession of the trophies of war from the tower to Westminster Hall. First came companies of the horse and foot guards together with many distinguished persons and then 128 pikemen each carrying a captured standard. The procession passed through the streets amidst the exalting shouts of the people who were ready to laud Malbara to the skies. On the 6th the Lord Mayor and Town Council gave a magnificent banquet to Malbara in the Goldsmiths Hall. He went there in one of the royal carriages accompanied by Godolphin, the Duke of Somerset and the Prince of Hesse-Darmstadt and followed by a long cavalcade of carriages. At Temple Bar he was received in state by the city marshals, crowds thronged every street, filled the windows and covered the housetops as he passed that they might catch a glimpse of his face. The commons of their own accord presented an address to the Queen begging her to suggest some fit means for perpetuating the memory of the great services of the Duke of Malbara Ann joyfully agreed and proposed to convey to the Duke and his heirs the royal manner of Woodstock. A bill for the purpose passed without opposition and Ann, not satisfied with this reward, joined to the grant, an order to the Board of Works to build at the royal expense a splendid palace in the Park at Woodstock which was to be called Blenheim Palace and to be a perpetual memory of the victory. The architect chosen for this great building was Sir John Vanbara who was looked upon as one of the first architects of the day. The Queen approved his model which she kept in the palace at Kensington and the works were begun at once. In the campaign of 1705, Malbara hoped to reap the effect of his successes in 1704. He intended to invade France from the Moselle where in Trev and Trauerbach he had capital magazines for ammunitions and stores. It was the most vulnerable side of France and he hoped to have a successful campaign in Lorraine where he believed that the people would welcome him with open arms for they inclined much more to the rule of the empire than to that of France. Malbara went to the Hague in April and after discussions which lasted three weeks got the consent of the states to his projected campaign. He reached Koblenz by the 17th of May and was disgusted by the backward conditions of the preparations. The Margrave of Baden was slow as usual and complained that a wound which he had got at the Schellenberg made it impossible for him to move from his palace at Rostadt. Malbara made a journey dither himself to try and put his troublesome colleague into a good temper. He flattered him in every possible way, praised his formal buildings and trim gardens at Rostadt and the Margrave promised to join him but said that he could only bring a much smaller number of troops than had at first been expected. Neither did the court at Vienna fulfill its promises. The emperor was growing old. All his ministers were old too and unfit to pursue a vigorous policy. The German states were equally slow and Malbara could get neither the troops nor the artillery which had been promised him. The Margrave instead of joining the army turned aside to drink the waters at Schlangenbad and Malbara met with nothing but vexations and disappointments. The death of the emperor Leopold and the accession of his son Joseph led him to hope for better things but nothing could make the Viennese administration more vigorous. Louis XIV on the other hand, instead of being cast down by the severe reverses of the last campaign, had busied himself with nuziel in preparations to meet his enemies. His hands were now free at home. Villar had brought to an end the war with the Huguenot in the Sevent by granting them very moderate terms. Their leader, Jean Cavallier, took service with the English in Spain where he commanded a regiment of his fellow exiles. Villar, having finished his work in the Sevent, was sent with a large army against the allies on the Moselle but he had strict orders not to venture a battle as a defeat there would leave France exposed to an invasion. Malbara tried in vain to make him fight but Villar entrenched himself in a strong position and persisted in remaining on the defensive. Malbara's impatience at the dilatory conduct of the allies which took away all hopes of a successful campaign increased daily. Writing to Gadolfini says, I have for these last 10 days been so troubled by the many disappointments I have had that I think if it were possible to vex me so far a fortnight longer it would make an end of me. In short, I am weary of my life. END OF SEXTION XVI SEXTION XVIII. CHAPTER VIII. CAMPAIGN OF 1705. PART II In the middle of June anxious news came from Holland. Villar and the Elector of Bavaria who commanded the French forces there had made a dash upon the Meuse, retaken Hui and invested the edge. Over Kierch the Dutch general was placed in a most dangerous position. Urgent messages were sent to Malbara begging him to send troops and if possible to come himself. He determined to do so at once and started on the 17th of June 1705 having left sufficient troops to protect his conquests on the Moselle under Dobach, the Palatinate general. His approach caused Villar at once to withdraw from before Liege and Malbara and over Kierch affected their junction without difficulty. Hui too was soon recaptured but Malbara had the mortification of hearing that scared by the approach of a small number of French troops Dobach had retired from Trev and Zaurbruch without a struggle and both these places with all their magazines had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Malbara still hoped to do something in the Netherlands. After the fall of Hui he determined to break the lines by which the enemy had defended the frontier of Brabant. These lines extended from Antwerp to Namur. They had taken three years to make and the greatest possible skill had been employed in their construction. In great part they followed the course of the rivers and every natural accident of the ground had been made use of to increase their strength. At the two ends were the fortresses of Antwerp and Namur and between these many strongly fortified posts. The whole lines were now protected by the presence of the French army under Virgois which was 70,000 strong. Malbara decided to force the lines at a point between Leuwe and Heilishheim which both nature and art had made so strong that it was less well guarded than the rest. He kept his design secret from everyone except Overkirk. He was determined, he said, to cheat the Dutch into a victory. On the night of the 17th of July the attempt was made and was entirely successful. The enemy was completely taken by surprise and the main body of the army had no idea what was being done until Malbara had passed the lines. Wilrois was obliged to retire behind the deal to the neighborhood of Louvain. Malbara was anxious to press on after him but the Dutch generals objected and urged that the troops were too fatigued. Tielemont however and several strong places on the lines surrendered to the allies at the first summons. This success caused the greatest exaltation but more than all other congratulations Malbara valued the devotion which was shown by the soldiers whom he commanded and who for the most part had fought with him at Blenheim. The kindness of the troops to me, he writes, has transported me and makes me resolve to endure anything for their sakes. Malbara hoped that this success would encourage the Dutch and make them less fearful of energetic measures. Unfortunately heavy rains set in for eight or nine days and made further movements impossible. This gave time for the Dutch ardor to cool and their generals grew more discontented than ever especially Schlangenberg who cherished a strong dislike to Malbara. At last Malbara persuaded the field deputies to allow the army to cross the deal so as to be in a position to attack the French. The passage of the river was begun successfully the enemy were too distant to offer any opposition when suddenly the Dutch generals began to hesitate. Schlangenberg urged that the attempt was too dangerous and in spite of all Malbara's efforts orders were sent to recall those troops who had already passed and to suspend the passage. Malbara was bitterly disappointed and had to suffer the further mortification that his opponents in England and Holland put down the failure to his own want of skill. But disappointment never diminished his energy. Since the Dutch generals would not cross the deal he determined to lead them round its sources and then attack the French army. The march was successfully accomplished the enemy alarmed moved their camp so as to have the little river East in front of them. On August 18th the allies were ready to attack the enemy's camp. Malbara had carefully surveyed the ground both alone and with Overkirk and they had made all their arrangements. At midday he begged the deputies to give orders for the troops to advance but they demurred saying they must first consult with their generals. When they were all summoned Malbara who was in a fever of impatience but as usual outwardly calm pressed upon them in strong terms the importance of an immediate advance. I am convinced he said that conscientiously and as men of honor we cannot now retire without an action. Should we neglect this opportunity we must be responsible before God and man. His words were only received with a murmur of disapprobation. Schlangenberg was foremost in expressing his opinion that the passage of the East was impracticable and in spite of Malbara's perfectly courteous replies continued to mutter murder and massacre. For three hours the discussion went on. Malbara stood by in an agony of impatience feeling that the precious moments were being lost. At last some of the Dutch generals went to reconnoiter the enemy's position. They declared it impossible to force their posts and meanwhile night was falling. When Malbara heard the result of their observation he exclaimed bitterly I am at this moment ten years older than I was four days ago. The next morning the attack was declared still more hopeless than before where the enemy had made use of the night to strengthen their position. Malbara could not stay where he was for want of bread and was obliged to fall back. Through the obstinacy of the Dutch generals he lost the opportunity of winning what he says would have been a greater victory than Blenheim. The battle had he been allowed to fight would have taken place on the field of Waterloo some hundred years later by another great English general. Malbara had the still greater mortification of learning from some deserters who were picked up that had he advanced the French would not have resisted him but would have fallen back on Brussels. The French generals were at a loss to understand his conduct and began to believe that he could not be a great general after all but that the victory of Blenheim must have been owing to some happy chance. When the state of the case became known in England a storm of indignation arose at the conduct of the Dutch generals and deputies Malbara wrote a letter of complaint to The Hague which he tried to make as temperate as possible for he knew that any sign of dissension among the allies would be most harmful to the common cause. When this letter was made public the general voice of Holland was loud in his favour and the conduct of the deputies was severely blamed. Hensius, the pensionary a firm friend of Malbara and of England sturdily maintained Malbara's cause and the state sent a special envoy to make an apology to the English cabinet. Malbara finished the campaign with a capture of Leuwe and superintended the demolition of that portion of the French lines which he had conquered. Malbara was much troubled at this time by the affairs of the Grand Alliance. Everyone wrote to him for help and advice and his camp at Adenhals was really the centre of European affairs. It is no wonder that the Grand Alliance produced great complications. The war had to be carried on in many different quarters and the soldiers who fought were provided by many different nations but were for the most part paid by England and Holland. All the smaller German states that had joined the Alliance furnished troops for the pay of which they were not responsible. Yet all these varied elements had to be made to work together and no one but Malbara seemed to be able to keep things going. It was necessary to arrange where and under what generals the different bodies of troops were to fight to settle who was to pay for them to persuade the German states to be true to their promises to stir up the court of Vienna to greater activity and to keep the touchy king of Prussia in a good temper. In Spain the Allies had had a marked success. The Earl of Peterborough had been sent from England to make a dissent upon Catalonia and Valencia. Peterborough was one of the most striking characters of the age. Without prudence, self-command or patience he possessed the courage of a tyrant and an activity of mind which made nothing so hateful in his opinion as idleness. He was famous for the rapidity with which he travelled over Europe. Swift said of him, knows every prince in Europe's face flies like a squib from place to place, and travels not, but runs a race. Only a small force was now confided to him, but he was just the man to undertake what to others would seem desperate. The Archduke Charles accompanied him, and it was determined to attack Bartholona, but this was one of the best fortified cities in Spain, and its capture seemed hopeless. The attack was given up and the forces prepared to re-embark. But in the night Peterborough started with only 1600 men to attack the fort of Monjuic which overhung Bartholona. At the first attack part of the fort fell into his hands. In three days the whole fort was his, and shortly afterwards Bartholona itself capitulated. The result of this capture was that all Catalonia and Valencia declared for the Archduke, and the Allied army was largely increased by recruits and by deserters from Philip's army. In Italy things had not gone so well for the allies. Eugène had been sent there but was feebly supported. He fought a fierce battle at Cassano in which both he and Vandome claimed the victory. But the situation of the Duke of Savoy was still full of danger. Moreover the 8000 Prussian troops had only been promised for a year, and the King of Prussia who had taken offense at the court of Vienna threatened to recall them. Malboro was entreated to go to Vienna upon the steps to be taken for the relief of the Duke of Savoy and to make another journey to Berlin to pacify the King. Convinced that his journey might be of great use to the cause of the alliance he got the necessary permission from England and started on October 26th from Erntals for Vienna. His journey was like a triumphal progress. Everywhere he was received with the greatest honor and distinction. At Vienna the Emperor treated him with the most marked favor. He created him a Prince of the Empire and conferred upon him the Lordship of Mindelheim in Schwabia. Malboro had hoped to meet Prince Eugen, but he was detained in Italy and could only communicate his views by writing. In Vienna Malboro showed once more his great diplomatic talents and his conciliatory powers. He pacified the jealousy which had arisen between Holland and Austria. He persuaded the Emperor to offer the King of Prussia such terms as would soothe his pride and to propose an honorable treaty to the Hungarian rebels. As there was a pressing need for supplies for the war in Italy he guaranteed in the name of his government alone which was to be at once raised in Vienna. From Vienna he went to Berlin and was again successful in humoring the fanciful pride of the King who promised to allow his troops to remain in Italy as a mark of respect to the Queen and a particular friendship to the Duke. On his way back Malboro visited Hanover where he soothed some misunderstandings which had arisen between the electoral court and England. Before coming back to England he had to pause at the Hague to make the Dutch to agree to the arrangements which he had made at Vienna. There was a party in Holland in favor of accommodation with France and Louis XIV knew well how to attract the disaffected Dutch by offers of a separate peace. Malboro had a firm friend in Hensius who exerted his utmost efforts to keep the Dutch true to their engagements. At last everything was finished the necessary arrangements for the supply of troops for the next campaign were made and Holland had agreed to furnish its share of the funds needed so that early in January Malboro was able to go back to England. End of section 17