 One of the biggest misconceptions about Roe v. Wade is that it ushered in an era of deeply divided, hyper-polarized opinion about abortion rights. Though an advocate for reproductive freedom, future justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously called the landmark decision a heavy-handed judicial intervention that was difficult to justify. She said the ruling appears to have provoked not resolved conflict, but that's just not true. Regardless of heated and occasionally violent opposition from radical pro-lifers, for most Americans, Roe led to a half century of remarkably stable cultural consensus about how to balance the rights of women with the rights of fetuses, or as pro-lifers prefer, unborn children. Attitudes towards abortion have stayed constant since Roe was decided, with just 19 percent of Americans agreeing that it should be banned in all circumstances. Two percentage points lower than in 1975 when Gallup started asking the question. Fully 80 percent agree that it should be legal in all or some circumstances, which is four percentage points higher than in 1975. That consistency is all the more remarkable when you realize that when Roe was decided, 30 states banned abortion completely and only 20 allowed it under some circumstances. Roe held that the state could regulate but not outlaw abortions in the interest of the mother's health in the second trimester of pregnancy and banned abortions only in the third trimester, as the fetus developed more potentiality of human life. Its successor case, Planned Parenthood versus Casey, affirmed a right to an abortion until a fetus becomes viable outside the womb. Unlike slavery and civil rights, abortion is not an issue that lends itself to absolute moral clarity. There are obviously two sets of rights involved, but exactly when legal personhood for the fetus begins has always been contested as seen in historic laws that banned abortion only after quickening. The cultural genius of Roe is that it created broad parameters that reflect how we think about pregnancy and abortion. At some point during gestation, the fetus becomes a person with a right to life and liberty, but drawing that line will always be a compromise. Honest brokers on both sides of the abortion debate will acknowledge that the opposing side has a case. Survey data show that Roe was remarkably effective at balancing the rights of the fetus and the mother in a way that fits with our societal values. 60% of Americans support abortion in the first three months of pregnancy and only 13% in the final three months. Even more telling is data showing that 93% of abortions are performed before the 13th week of pregnancy and just 1% are done after 21 weeks. Abortion policy is about creating a workable pragmatic compromise that allows people to live their lives on their own terms and peaceably argue for their point of view. Ending Roe risks allowing states to outlaw abortion altogether or to ban out-of-state travel for women seeking the procedure. Individual freedom trumps federalism. Keeping abortion legal doesn't mean that pro-lifers won't be able to reduce its incidents. The abortion rate has declined for decades despite the procedure's availability. So has the unwanted pregnancy rate. These are outcomes worth celebrating as they reflect women being in more control of their own bodies. Overthrowing Roe and Casey would threaten that progress by stoking a new culture war in which states rush to ideological extremes that run roughshods over the rights of women or fetuses depending on the state, some of which are already trying to restrict access to their resident's ability to receive or even fund abortions performed elsewhere. Post-Roe America would be one with fewer rights and likely more political division. There's no perfect policy on abortion, but in 1973 the court struck a compromise that most Americans continue to endorse. That victory, I fear, is about to be undone.