 5. Campaign in Asia Minor Although Alexander had landed safely on the Asiatic shore, the way was not yet fairly open for him to advance into the interior of the country. He was upon a sort of plain, which was separated from the territory beyond by natural barriers. On the south was a range of lofty land called Mount Ida. From the northeastern slopes of this mountain, there descended a stream, which flowed north into the sea, thus hemming Alexander's army in. He must either scale the mountain or cross the river before he could penetrate into the interior. He thought it would be easiest to cross the river. It is very difficult to get a large body of horsemen and of heavy armed soldiers, with all their attendance and baggage, over high elevations of land. This was the reason why the army turned to the northward, after landing upon the Asiatic shore. Under thought the Grinicus less of an obstacle than Mount Ida. It was not a large stream, and was easily fordable. It was the custom in those days, as it is now when armies are marching, to send forward small bodies of men in every direction, to explore the roads, remove obstacles, and discover sources of danger. These men are called in modern times Scouts. In Alexander's day, and in the Greek language, they were called prodromy, which means forerunners. It is the duty of these pioneers to send messengers back, continually to the main body of the army, informing the officers of everything important which comes under their observation. In this case, when the army was gradually drawing near to the river, the prodromy came in with the news, that they had been to the river, and found the whole opposite shore, at the place of crossing, lined with Persian troops, collected there to dispute the passage. The army continued their advance, while Alexander called the leading generals around him, to consider what was to be done. No recommended, that they should not attempt to pass the river immediately. The Persian army consisted chiefly of cavalry. Now cavalry, though very terrible as an enemy on the field of battle by day, are peculiarly exposed and defenceless in an encampment by night. The horses are scattered, feeding, or at rest. The arms of the men are light, and they are not accustomed to fighting on foot, and on a sudden incursion of an enemy at midnight into their camp. Their horses and their horsemanship are alike useless, and they fall an easy prey to resolute invaders. Parmino thought, therefore, that the Persians would not dare to remain and encamp many days in the vicinity of Alexander's army, and that, accordingly, if they waited a little, the enemy would retreat, and Alexander could then cross the river without incurring the danger of a battle. But Alexander was unwilling to adopt any such policy. He felt confident that his army was courageous and strong enough to march on, directly through the river, ascend the bank upon the other side, and force their way through all the opposition which the Persians could make. He knew, too, that if this were done it would create a strong sensation throughout the whole country, impressing everyone with a sense of the energy and power of the army which he was conducting, and would thus tend to intimidate the enemy, and felicitate all future operations. But this was not all. He had a more powerful motive still for wishing to march right on, across the river, and force his way through the vast bodies of cavalry on the opposite shore, and this was the pleasure of performing the exploit. Accordingly, as the army advanced towards the banks, they manoeuvred to form an order of battle, and prepared to continue their march as if there were no obstacles to oppose them. The general order of battle of the Macedonian army was this. There was a certain body of troops, armed and organised in a peculiar manner, called the phalanx. This body was placed in the centre. The men composing it were very heavily armed. They had shields upon their left arm, and they carried spears sixteen feet long and pointed with iron, which they held firmly in their two hands, with the points projecting far before them. The men were arranged in lines, one behind the other, and all facing the enemy, sixteen lines and a thousand in each line, or, as it is expressed in military phrase, a thousand in rank and sixteen in file, so that the phalanx contained sixteen thousand men. The spears were so long that when the men stood in close order, the rear ranks being brought up near to those before them, the points of the spears of eight or ten of the ranks projected in front, forming a bristling wall of points of steel, each one of which was held in its place by the strong arms of an athletic and well-trained soldier. This wall, no force which in those days could be brought against it, could penetrate. Men, horses, elephants, everything that attempted to rush upon it, rushed only to their own destruction. Every spear, feeling the impulse of the vigorous arms which held it, seemed to be alive, and darted into its enemy, when an enemy was at hand, as if it felt itself the fierce hostility which directed it. If the enemy remained at a distance, and threw javelins or darts at the phalanx, they fell harmless, stopped by the shields, which the soldiers wore upon the left arm, and which were held in such a manner as to form a system of scales, which covered and protected the whole mass, and made the men almost invulnerable. The phalanx was thus, when only defending itself and in a state of rest, an army and a fortification all in one, and it was almost impregnable. But when it took an aggressive form, put itself in motion, and advanced to an attack, it was infinitely more formidable. It became then a terrible monster, covered with scales of brass, from beneath which they projected forward ten thousand living, darting points of iron. It advanced deliberately and calmly, but with a prodigious momentum and force. There was nothing human in its appearance at all. It was a huge animal, ferocious, dogged, stubborn, insensible to pain, knowing no fear, and bearing down with resistless and merciless destruction upon everything that came in its way. The phalanx was the centre and soul of Alexander's army. Powerful and impregnable as it was, however, in ancient days, it would be helpless and defenseless on a modern battlefield. Solid balls of iron flying through the air with the velocity which makes them invisible would tear their way through the pikes and the shields, and the bodies of the men who bore them, without even feeling the obstruction. The phalanx was subdivided into brigades, regiments, and battalions, and regularly officed. In marching it was separated into these its constituent parts, and sometimes in battle it acted in divisions. It was stationed in the centre of the army on the field, and on the two sides of it were bodies of cavalry and foot soldiers, more lightly armed than the soldiers of the phalanx, who could accordingly move with more alertness and speed, and carry their action readily wherever it might be called for. The troops on the sides were called the wings. Alexander himself was accustomed to command one wing, and Parmenio the other, while the phalanx crept along slowly but terribly between. The army thus arranged and organised, advanced to the river. It was a broad and shallow stream. The Persians had assembled in vast numbers on the opposite shore. Some historians say there were one hundred thousand men, others say two hundred thousand, and others six hundred thousand. However this may be, there is no doubt their numbers were vastly superior to those of Alexander's army, which it will be recollected was less than forty thousand. There was a narrow plain on the opposite side of the river, next to the shore, and a range of hills beyond. The Persian cavalry covered the plain, and were ready to dash upon the Macedonian troops the moment they should emerge from the water, and attempt to ascend to the bank. The army, led by Alexander, descended into the stream, and moved on through the water. They encountered the onset of their enemies on the opposite shore. A terrible and protracted struggle ensued, but the cornice, courage and strength of Alexander's army carried the day. The Persians were driven back. The Greeks affected their landing, reorganised and formed on the shore, and the Persians finding that all was lost fled in all directions. Alexander himself took a conspicuous and a very active part in the contest. He was easily recognised on the field of battle by his dress, and by a white plume which he wore in his helmet. He exposed himself to the most imminent danger. At one time, when desperately engaged with a troop of horse, which had galloped down upon him, a Persian horseman aimed a blow at his head with a sword. Alexander saved his head from the blow, but it took off his plume and a part of his helmet. Alexander immediately thrust his antagonist through the body. At the same moment another horseman on another side had his sword raised, and would have killed Alexander, before he could have turned to defend himself, had no help intervened. But just at this instant a third combatant, one of Alexander's friends, seeing the danger, brought down so terrible a blow upon the soldier of the second assailant as to separate his arm from his body. Such are the stories that are told. They may have been literally and fully true, or they may have been exaggerations or circumstances somewhat resembling them which really occurred, or they may have been fictitious altogether. Great generals, like other great men, have often the credit of many exploits which they never perform. It is the special business of poets and historians to magnify and embellish the actions of the great, and this art was understood as well in ancient days as it is now. We must remember too, in reading the accounts of these transactions, that it is only the Greek side of the story that we hear. The Persian narratives have not come down to us. At any rate, the Persian army was defeated, and that too without the assistance of the phalanx. The horsemen and the light troops were alone engaged. The phalanx could not be formed, nor could it act in such a position. The men, on emerging from the water, had to climb up the banks, and rush on to the attack of an enemy consisting of squadrons of horse, ready to dash at once upon them. The Persian army was defeated and driven away. Alexander did not pursue them. He felt that he had struck a very heavy blow. The news of this defeated the Persians, which go with the speed of the wind all over Asia Minor, and operate most powerfully in his favour. He sent home to Greece an account of the victory, and with the account he forwarded three hundred suits of armour, taken from the Persian horsemen killed on the field. These suits of armour were to be hung up in the Parthenon, a great temple at Athens, the most conspicuous position for them perhaps, which all Europe could afford. The name of the Persian general, who commanded at the Battle of Granicus, was Memnon. He had been opposed to the plan of hazarding a battle. Alexander had come to Asia with no provisions and no money. He had relied on being able to sustain his army by his victories. Memnon therefore strongly urged that the Persians should retreat slowly, carrying off all the valuable property, and destroying all that could not be removed, taking a special care to leave no provisions behind them. In this way he thought that the army of Alexander would be reduced by privitation and want, and would in the end fall an easy prey. His opinion was, however, overruled by the views of the other commanders, and the battle of the Granicus was the consequence. Alexander encamped to refresh his army, and to take care of the wounded. He went to see the wounded men one by one, inquired into the circumstances of each case, and listened to each one who was able to talk, while he gave an account of his adventures in the battle, and the manner in which he received his wound. To be able thus to tell their story to their general, and to see him listening to it with interest and pleasure, filled their hearts with pride and joy, and the whole army was inspired with the highest spirit of enthusiasm, and with eager desires to have another opportunity occur in which they could encounter danger and death in the service of such a leader. It is in such traits as these that the true greatness of the soul of Alexander shines. It must be remembered that all this time he was but little more than twenty-one, he was but just of age. From his encampment on the Granicus, Alexander turned to the southward, and moved along on the eastern shores of the Aegean Sea. The country generally surrendered to him without opposition. In fact, it was hardly Persian territory at all. The inhabitants were mainly of Greek extraction, and had been sometimes under Greek and sometimes under Persian rule. The conquest of the country resulted simply in a change of the executive officer of each province. Alexander took special pains to lead the people to feel that they had nothing to fear from him. He would not allow the soldiers to do any injury. He protected all private property. He took possession only of the citadels and of such government property as he found there, and he continued the same taxes, the same laws, and the same tribunals that had existed before his invasion. The cities and the provinces accordingly surrendered to him as he passed along, and in a very short time all the western part of Asia Minor submitted peacefully to his sway. The narrative of this progress, as given by the ancient historians, is diversified by a great variety of adventures and incidents, which give great interest to the story, and strikingly illustrate the character of Alexander and the spirit of the times. In some places there would be a contest between the Greek and the Persian parties before Alexander's arrival. At Ephesus the animosity had been so great that a sort of civil war had broken out. The Greek party had gained the ascendancy, and were threatening a general massacre of the Persian inhabitants. Alexander promptly and opposed to protect them, though they were his enemies. The intelligence of this act of forbearance and generosity spread all over the land, and added greatly to the influence of Alexander's name, and to the estimation in which he was held. It was the custom in those days for the mass of the common soldiers to be greatly influenced by what they called omens, that is, signs and tokens which they observed in the flight, or the actions of birds, and other similar appearances. In one case the fleet, which had come along the sea, accompanying the march of the Amian land, was pent up in a harbour by a stronger Persian fleet outside. One of the vessels of the Macedonian fleet was aground. An eagle lighted upon the mast, and stood perched there for a long time, looking toward the sea. Parmenia said that, as the eagle looked toward the sea, it indicated that victory lay in that quarter, and he recommended that they should arm their ships, and push boldly out to attack the Persians. But Alexander maintained that, as the eagle alighted on a ship which was aground, it indicated that they were to look for their success on the shore. The omens could thus almost always be interpreted any way, and sagacious generals only sought in them the means of confirming the courage and confidence of their soldiers, in respect to the plans which they adopted under the influence of other considerations altogether. Alexander knew very well that he was not a sailor, and had no desire to embark on contests from which, however they might end, he would himself personally obtain no glory. When the winter came on, Alexander and his army were about three or four hundred miles from home, and, as he did not intend to advance much further until the spring should open, he announced to the army that all those Persians, both officers and soldiers who would be married within the year, might go home if they choose, and spend the winter with their brides, and return to the army in the spring. No doubt this was an admirable stroke of policy. For, as the number could not be large, their absence could not materially weaken his force. And they would, of course, fill all grief with tales of Alexander's energy and courage, and of the nobleness and generosity of his character. It was the most effectual way possible, of disseminating through Europe the most brilliant accounts of what he had already done. Besides, it must have awakened a new bond of sympathy and fellow-feeling between himself and his soldiers, and greatly increased the attachment to him, felt by both those who went, and those who remained. And though Alexander must have been aware of all these advantages of the act, still no one could have thought of or adopted such a plan, unless he was accustomed to consider and regard in his dealings with others. The feelings are defections of the heart, and to cherish a warm sympathy for them. The bridegroom soldiers, full of exultation and pleasure, set forth on their return to Greece in an attachment under the charge of three generals, themselves bridegrooms too. Alexander, however, had no idea of remaining idle during the winter. He marched on from province to province, and from city to city, meeting with every variety of adventures. He went first along the southern coast, until he came at length to a place where a mountain chain called Taurus comes down to the sea coast, where it terminates abruptly in cliffs and precipices, leaving only a narrow beach between them and the water below. This beach was sometimes covered and sometimes bare. It is true there is very little tide in the Mediterranean, but the level of the water along the shore is altered considerably by the long continued pressure exerted in one direction or another by winds and storms. The water was up when Alexander reached this pass. Still he determined to march his army through it. There was another way back among the mountains, but Alexander seemed disposed to gratify the love of adventure which his army felt, by introducing them to a novel scene of danger. They accordingly defiled along under these cliffs, marching as they say, sometimes up to the waist in water, the swell rolling in upon them all the time from the offing. Having at length exceeded in passing safely round this frowning buttress of the mountains, Alexander turned northward and advanced into the very heart of Asia Minor. In doing this he had to pass over the range which he had come round before, and as it was winter his army were for a time enveloped in snows and storms among the wild and frightful defiles. They had here, in addition to the dangers and hardships of the way and of the season, to encounter the hostility of their foes, as the tribes who inhabited these mountains assembled to dispute the passage. Alexander was victorious, and reached a valley through which there flows a river, which has handed down its names the English language and literature. This river was the Mianda. Its beautiful winding through verident and fertile valleys was so renowned that every stream which imitates its example is said to Mianda to the present day. During all this time Parmiinio had remained in the western part of Asia Minor with a considerable body of the army. As the spring approached Alexander sent him orders to go to Gordium, whether he was himself proceeding, and meet him there. He also directed that the detachment which had gone home should, on recrossing the helispont on their return, proceed eastward to Gordium, thus making that city the great rendezvous for the commencement of his next campaign. One reason why Alexander desired to go to Gordium was that he wished to untie the famous Gordian knot. The story of the Gordian knot was this. Gordius was a sort of mountain farmer. One day he was plowing, and an eagle came down and alighted upon his yoke, and remained there until he had finished his plowing. This was an omen, but what was the significance of it? Gordius did not know, and he accordingly went to a neighbouring town in order to consult the prophets and soothsayers. On his way he met a damsel, who, like Rebecca in the days of Abraham, was going forth to draw water. Gordius fell into conversation with her, and related to her the occurrence which had interested him so strongly. The maiden advised him to go back, and offer a sacrifice to Jupiter. Finally she consented to go back with him and aid him. The affair ended in her becoming his wife, and they lived together in peace for many years upon their farm. They had a son named Midas. Their father and mother were accustomed to go out sometimes in their cart or wagon, drawn by the oxen, Midas driving. One day they were going into the town in this way, at a time when it happened that there was an assembly convened, which was in a state of great perplexity on account of the civil dissensions and contests which prevailed in the country. They had just inquired of an oracle what they should do. The oracle said that a cart would bring them a king, who would terminate their eternal broils. Just then Midas came up, driving the cart in which his father and mother were seated. The assembly thought at once that this must be the cart meant by the oracle, and they made Gordius king by acclamation. They took the cart and the yoke to preserve a sacred relics, consecrating them to Jupiter, and Gordius tied the yoke to the pole of the cart by a thong of leather, making a knot so close and complicated that nobody could untie it again. It was called the Gordian knot. The oracle afterwards said that whoever should untie this knot should become monarch of all Asia. Thus far nobody had succeeded. Alexander felt a great desire to see this knot and try what he could do. He went accordingly into the temple where the sacred cart had been deposited, and after looking at the knot, and satisfying himself that the task of untieing it was hopeless, he cut it to pieces with his sword. How far the circumstances of this whole story are true, and how far fictitious no one can tell. The story itself, however, as thus related, has come down from generation to generation in every country of Europe for two thousand years, and any extrication of oneself from a difficulty by violent means has been called cutting the Gordian knot to the present day. At length the whole army was assembled, and the king recommended his progress. He went on successfully for some weeks, moving in a southeastly direction, and bringing the whole country under his dominion, until at length when he reached Tarsus, an event occurred which nearly terminated his career. There were some circumstances which caused him to press forward with the utmost effort in approaching Tarsus, and as the day was warm he got very much overcome with heat and fatigue. In this state he went and plunged suddenly into the river Sindus to bathe. Now the Sindus is a small stream, flowing by Tarsus, and it comes down from Mount Taurus at a short distance back from the city. Such streams are always very cold. Alexander was immediately seized with a very violent chill, and was taken out of the water shivering excessively, and at length fainted away. They thought he was dying. They bore him to his tent, and as tidings of their leader's danger spread through the camp, the whole army, officers and soldiers, were thrown into the greatest consternation and grief. A violent protracted fever came on. In the course of it an instant occurred which strikingly illustrates the boldness and originality of Alexander's character. The name of his physician was Philip. Philip had been preparing a particular medicine for him, which it seems required some days to make ready. Just before it was presented, Alexander received a letter from Parmenio, informing him that he had good reason to believe that Philip had been bribed by the Persians to murder him during his sickness by administering poison in the name of medicine. She wrote, he said, to put him on his guard against any medicine which Philip might offer him. Alexander put the letter under his pillow, and communicated its contents to no one. At length when the medicine was ready, Philip brought it in. Alexander took the cup containing it with one hand, and with the other he handed Philip the communication which he had received from Parmenio, saying, read that letter. As soon as Philip had finished reading it, and was ready to look up, Alexander drank off the draft in full, and laid down the cup with an air of perfect confidence that he had nothing to fear. Some persons think that Alexander watched the countenance of his physician while he was reading the letter, and that he was led to take the medicine by his confidence in his power to determine the guilt or the innocence of a person thus accused by his looks. Others suppose that the act was an expression of implicit faith in the integrity and fidelity of his servant, and that he intended it as a testimony, given in a very pointed and decisive, and at the same time delicate manner, that he was not suspicious of his friends, or easily led to distrust their faithfulness. Philip was, at any rate, extremely gratified at the procedure, and Alexander recovered. Alexander had now traversed the whole extent of Asia Minor, and has subdued the entire country to his sway. He was now advancing to another district, that of Syria and Palestine, which lies in the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. To enter this new territory, he had to pass over an aeroplane which lay between the mountains and the sea, at a place called Isis. Here he was met by the main body of the Persian army, and the great battle of Isis was fought. This battle will be the subject of the next chapter. End of Chapter 5 Chapter 6 of Alexander the Great This is the LibriVox recording, or LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Coming by a Lizzie driver. Alexander the Great by Jacob Abbott. Chapter 6 Defeat of Darius Thus far Alexander had had only the lieutenants and generals of the Persian monarch to contend with. Darius had, at first, looked upon the invasion of his vast dominions by such a mere boy, as he called him, and by so small an army, with contempt. He sent word to his generals in Asia Minor to seize the young fool, and send him to Persia bound hand and foot. By the time, however, that Alexander had possessed himself of all Asia Minor, Darius began to find that, though young, he was no fool, and that it was not likely to be very easy to seize him. Accordingly Darius created an immense army himself, and advanced to meet the Macedonians in person. Nothing could exceed the pomp and magnificence of his preparations. There were immense numbers of troops, and they were of all nations. There were even a great many Greeks among his forces, many of them enlisted from the Greeks of Asia Minor. There were some from Greece itself, mercenaries as they were called, that is soldiers who fought for pay, and who were willing to enter into any service which would pay them best. There were even some Greek officers and councillors in the family and court of Darius. One of them, named Cherrydemus, offered to the king very much by the free opinion which he expressed of the uselessness of all his pomp and parade in preparing for an encounter with such an enemy as Alexander. Perhaps, said Cherrydemus, you may not be pleased with my speaking to you plainly, but if I do not do it now it will be too late hereafter. This great parade and pomp, and this enormous multitude of men, might be formidable to your Asiatic neighbours, but such sort of preparation will be of little avail against Alexander and his Greeks. Your army is resplendent with purple and gold. No one who had not seen it could conceive of its magnificence, but it will not be of any avail against the terrible energy of the Greeks. Their minds are bent on something very different from idle show. They are intent on securing the substantial excellence of their weapons, and on acquiring the discipline and the hardy-hood essential for the most efficient use of them. They will despise all your parade of purple and gold. They will not even value it as plunder. They glory in their ability to dispense with all the luxuries and conveniences of life. They live upon the coarsest food. At night they sleep upon the bare ground. By day they are always on the march. They brave hunger, cold, and every species of exposure with pride and pleasure, having the greatest contempt for anything like softness and a feminacy of character. All this pomp and pageantry, with inefficient weapons and inefficient men to wield them, will be of no avail against their invincible courage and energy. And the best disposition that you can make of all your gold and silver and other treasures is to send it away and procure good soldiers with it, if indeed gold and silver will procure them. The Greeks were habituated to energetic speaking as well as acting. But Carademus did not sufficiently consider that the Persians were not accustomed to hear such plain language as this. Darius was very much displeased. In his anger he condemned him to death. Very well, said Carademus, I can die, but my avenger is at hand. My advice is good, and Alexander will soon punish you for not regarding it. Very gorgeous descriptions are given of the pomp and magnificence of the army of Darius. As he commenced his march from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean. The Persians worshipped the sun and fire. Over the king's tent there was an image of the sun in crystal, and supported in such a manner as to be in the view of the whole army. They had also silver altars, on which they kept constantly burning what they called the sacred fire. These altars were borne by persons appointed for the purpose, who were clothed in magnificent costumes. One came along procession of priests and magi, who were dressed also in very splendid robes. They performed the services of public worship. Following them came a chariot consecrated to the sun. It was drawn by white horses, and was followed by a single white horse of a large noble form, which was the sacred animal, being called the horse of the sun. The equaries, that is, the attendants who had charge of this horse, were also dressed in white, and each carried a golden rod in his hand. There were bodies of troops distinguished from the rest, and occupying positions of high honour, but these were selected in advance above the others. Not on account of their courage or strength, or superior martial efficiency, but from considerations connected with their birth and rank, and other aristocratic qualities. There was one body called the kinsmen, who were the relatives of the king, or at least, so considered, though, as there were fifteen thousand of them, it would seem that the relationship could not have been in all cases very near. They were dressed with great magnificence, and prided themselves on their rank, their wealth and the splendour of their armour. There were also corps called the immortals. They were ten thousand in number. They wore a dress of gold tissue, which glittered with spangles and precious stones. These bodies of men, thus dressed, made an appearance more like that of a civic procession, on an occasion of ceremony and rejoicing, than like the march of an army. The appearance of the king and his chariot was still more like an exhibition of pomp and parade. The carriage was very large, elaborately carved and gilded, and ornamented with statues and sculptures. Here the king sat on a very elevated seat in sight of all. He was clothed in a vest of purple, striped with silver, and over his vest he wore a robe glittering with gold and precious stones. Around his waist was a golden girdle, from which was suspended his scimitar, a species of sword. The scabbard of which was resplendent with gems. He wore a tiara upon his head of very costly and elegant worksmanship, and enriched, like the rest of his dress, with brilliant ornaments. The guards who proceeded and followed him had pikes of silver, mounted and tipped with gold. It is very extraordinary that King Darius took his wife and all his family with him, and a large portion of his treasures, on this expedition against Alexander. His mother, whose name was Cisigambis, was in his family, and she and his wife came, each in her own chariot, immediately after the king. Then there were fifteen carriages filled with the children and their attendants, and three or four hundred ladies of the court, all dressed like queens. After the family there came a train of many hundreds of camels and mules, carrying the royal treasures. It was in this style that Darius set out upon his expedition, and he advanced by a slow progress toward the westward, until at last he approached the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. He left his treasures in the city of Damascus, where they were deposited under the charge of a sufficient force to protect them, as he's opposed. He then advanced to meet Alexander, going himself from Syria toward Asia Minor, just at the time that Alexander was coming from Asia Minor into Syria. It will be observed, by looking upon the map, that the chain of mountains called Mount Taurus extends down near to the coast at the north-eastern corner of the Mediterranean. Among these mountains there are various tracks of open country, through which an army may march to and fro between Syria and Asia Minor. Now it happened that Darius, in going toward the west, took a more inland route than Alexander, who on coming eastward kept nearer to the sea. Alexander did not know that Darius was so near, and as for Darius, he was confident that Alexander was retreating before him. For, as the Macedonian army was so small, and his own forces constituted such an innumerable host, the idea that Alexander would remain to brave a battle was, in his opinion, entirely out of the question. He had, therefore, no doubt that Alexander was retreating. It is, of course, always difficult for two armies, fifty miles apart, to obtain correct ideas of each other's movements. All the ordinary intercommunications of the country are, of course, stopped, and each general has his scouts out, with orders to intercept all travellers, and to intercept the communication of intelligence, by every means in their power. In consequence of these and other circumstances of a similar nature, it happened that Alexander and Darius actually passed each other, without either of them being aware of it. Alexander advanced into Syria by the plains of Issus, marked A upon the map, and a narrow pass beyond called the gates of Syria. While Darius went farther to the north, and arrived at Issus after Alexander had left it, here each army learned to their astonishment that their enemy was in their rear. Alexander could not credit this report when he first heard it. He dispatched a galley with thirty oars along the shore, up the gulf of Issus, to ascertain the truth. The galley soon came back, and reported that, beyond the gates of Syria, they saw the whole country, which was nearly level-learned, though gently rising from the sea, covered with the vast encampments of the Persian army. The king then caught his generals and counsellors together, informed them of the facts, and made known to them his determination to return immediately through the gates of Syria and attack the Persian army. The officers received the intelligence with enthusiastic expressions of joy. It was now near evening, Alexander sent forward a strong reconnoitering party, ordering them to proceed cautiously, to ascend deminances and look far beyond them, to guard carefully against surprise, and to send back word immediately if they came upon any traces of the enemy. At the present day the operations of such a reconnoitering party are very much aided by the use of spy-glasses, which are maintained now with great care expressly for military purposes. The instrument, however, was not known in Alexander's day. When the evening came on, Alexander followed the reconnoitering party with the main body of the army. And midnight they reached the defile. When they were secure in the possession of it they halted. Strong watches were stationed in all the surrounding heights to guard against any possible surprise. Alexander himself ascended one of the eminences, from whence he could look down upon the great plain beyond, which was dimly illuminated in every part by the smoldering fires of the Persian encampment. An encampment at night is a spectacle which is always grand, and often sublime. It must have appeared sublime to Alexander in the highest degree on this occasion. To stand stealthily among these dark and somber mountains, with the defiles and passes below filled with the columns of his small, but undaunted army, and to look onward a few miles beyond, and see the countless fires of the vast host which had got between him and all hope of retreat to his native land. To feel as he must have done, that his fate, and that of all who were with him, depended upon the events of the day that was soon to dawn. To see and feel these things must have made this night one of the most exciting and solemn scenes in the conqueror's life. He had a soul to enjoy its excitement and sublimity. He gloried in it. And if you wish to add to the solemnity of the scene, he caused an altar to be erected, and offered a sacrifice, by torchlight, to the deities on whose aid his soldiers imagined themselves most dependent for success on the morrow. Of course a place was selected where the lights of the torches would not attract the attention of the enemy, and sentinels were stationed at every advantageous point to watch the Persian camp for the slightest indications of movement or alarm. In the morning at break of day, Alexander commenced his march down to the plain, in the evening at sunset. All the valleys and defiles among the mountains, around the plain of Issus, were thronged with vast masses of the Persian army, broken, disordered, and in confusion, all pressing forward to escape from the victorious Macedonians. They crowded all the roads, they choked up the mountain passes, they trampled upon one another, they fell exhausted with fatigue and mental agitation. Darius was among them, though his flight had been so sudden that he had left his mother and his wife and all his family behind. He pressed on in his chariot as far as the road allowed his chariot to go. And then, leaving everything behind, he mounted a horse and rode on for his life. Alexander and his army soon abandoned the pursuit, and returned to take possession of the Persian camp. The tents of King Darius and his household were inconceivably splendid, and were filled with gold and silver vessels, caskets, vases, boxes of perfumes, and every imaginable article of luxury and show. The mother and wife of Darius bewailed their hard fate, with cries and tears, and continued all the evening in an agony of consternation and despair. Alexander, hearing of this, sent Leonidas, his former teacher, a man of years and gravity, to quiet their fears and comfort them, so far as it was possible to comfort them. In addition to their own captivity, they supposed that Darius was killed, and the mother was mourning bitterly for her son, and the wife for her husband. Leonidas, attended by some soldiers, advanced toward the tent where these mourners were dwelling. The attendants at the door ran in, and informed them that a body of Greeks were coming. This threw them into the greatest consternation. They anticipated violence and death, and threw themselves upon the ground in agony. Leonidas waited some time at the door for the attendants to return. At length he entered the tent. This renewed the terrors of the women. They began to entreat him to spare their lives, at least until there should be time for them to see the remains of the son and husband whom they mourned, and to pay the last sad tribute to his memory. Leonidas soon relieved their fears. He told them that he was charged by Alexander to say to them that Darius was alive, having made his escape in safety. As to themselves, Alexander assured them, he said, that they should not be injured, that not only were their persons and lives to be protected, but no change was to be made in their condition or mode of life. They should continue to be treated like queens. He added, moreover, that Alexander wished him to say that he felt no animosity or ill-will whatever against Darius. He was but technically his enemy, being only engaged in a generous and honourable contest with him for the empire of Asia. During these things, Leonidas raised the disconsole at ladies from the ground, and they gradually regained some degree of composure. Alexander himself went to pay a visit to the captive princesses the next day. He took with him a festeon. His festeon was Alexander's personal friend. The two young men were of the same age, and though Alexander had the good sense to retain in power, all the old and experienced officers which his father had employed, both in the court and army, he showed that, after all, ambition had not overwhelmed and stifled all the kindlier feelings of the heart by a strong attachment to this young companion. Her festeon was his confidant, his associate, his personal friend. He did what very few monarchs have done, either before or since, in securing for himself the pleasures of friendship and of intimate social communion, with a heart kindred to his own, without ruining himself by committing to his favourite powers which he was not qualified to wield. Alexander left the wise and experienced Parmenio to manage the camp, while he took the young and handsome festeon to accompany him on his visit to the captive queens. When the two friends entered the tent, the ladies were, for some cause, deceived and mistook a festeon for Alexander, and addressed him accordingly, with tokens of higher respect and homage. One of the attendants immediately rectified the mistake, telling them that the other was Alexander. The ladies were at first overwhelmed with confusion and attempted to apologise, but the king reassured them at once, by the easy and good-natured manner with which he passed over the mistake. Saying it was no mistake at all. "'It is true,' said he, that I am Alexander, but then he is Alexander too. The wife of Darius was young and very beautiful, and they had a little son who was with them in the camp. It seems almost unaccountable that Darius should have brought such a helpless and defenseless charge with him into camps and fields of battle. But the truth was that he had no idea of even a battle with Alexander, and as to defeat, he did not contemplate the remotest possibility of it. He regarded Alexander as a mere boy, energetic and daring it is true, and at the head of a desperate band of adventurers. But he considered his whole force as altogether too insignificant to make any stand against such a vast military power as he was bringing against him. He presumed that he would retreat, as fast as possible, before the Persian army came near him. The idea of such a boy, coming down at break of day from narrow defiles of the mountains, upon his vast encampment covering all the plains, and in twelve hours put in the whole mighty master flight, was what never entered his imagination at all. The exploit was indeed a very extraordinary one. Alexander's forces may have consisted of forty or fifty thousand men, and if we may believe their story, there were over a hundred thousand Persians left dead upon the field. Many of these were, however, killed by the dreadful confusion and violence of the retreat, as fast bodies of horsemen, pressing through the defiles, rode over and trampled down the foot soldiers who were toiling an awful confusion along the way, having fled before the horsemen left the field. Alexander had heard that Darius had left the greater part of his royal treasures in Damascus, and he sent Parmenio there to seize them. This expedition was successful. An enormous amount of gold and silver fell into Alexander's hands. The plate was coined into money, and many of the treasures were sent to Greece. Darius got together a small remnant of his army and continued his flight. He did not stop until he had crossed the Euphrates. He then sent an ambassador to Alexander to make propositions for peace. He remonstrated with him in the communication which he made, for coming thus to invade his dominions, and urged him to withdraw and be satisfied with his own kingdom. He offered him any sum he might name as a ransom for his mother, wife and child, and agreed that if he would deliver them up to him on payment of the ransom, and apart from his dominions, he would thenceforth regard him as an ally and a friend. Alexander replied by a letter, expressed in brief but very decided language. He said that the Persians had, under the ancestors of Darius, crossed the Hellespont, invaded Greece, laid waste the country, and destroyed cities and towns, and had thus done them incalculable injury. And that Darius himself had been plotting against his, Alexander's, life, and offering rewards to any one who would kill him. I am acting then, continued Alexander, only on the defensive. The gods, who always favour the right, have given me the victory. I am now monarch of a large part of Asia, and your sovereign king. If you will admit this, and come to me as my subject, I will restore to you, your mother, your wife, and your child, without any ransom. And at any rate, whatever you decide in respect to these proposals, if you wish to communicate with me on any subject hereafter, I shall pay no attention to what you send, unless you address it to me as your king. One circumstance occurred at the close of this great victory, which illustrates the magnanimity of Alexander's character, and helps to explain the very strong personal attachment which every body within the circle of his influence so obviously felt for him. He found a great number of envoys and ambassadors from the various states of Greece at the Persian court, and these persons fell into his hands among the other captives. Now the states and cities of Greece, all except Sparta and Thebes, which last city he had destroyed, were combined ostensibly in the confederation by which Alexander was sustained. It seems, however, that there was a secret enmity against him in Greece, and various parties had sent messengers and agents to the Persian court to aid in plots and schemes to interfere with and defeat Alexander's plans. The Thebians, scattered and disorganized as they were, had sent envoys in this way. Now Alexander, in considering what disposition he should make of these emissaries from his own land, decided to regard them all as traitors except the Thebians. All except the Thebians were traitors, he maintained, for acting secretly against him. While ostensibly, and by solemn confidence, they were his friends, the case of the Thebians is very different, said he. I have destroyed their city, and they have a right to consider me their enemy, and to do all they can to oppose my progress, and to regain their own lost existence and their former power. So he gave them their liberty, and sent them away with marks of consideration and honour, as the fast army of the Persian monarch had now been defeated. Of course, none of the smaller kingdoms or provinces thought of resisting. They yielded one after another, and Alexander appointed governors of his own to rule over them. He advanced in this manner along the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea, meeting with no obstruction, until he reached the great and powerful city of Teya. The city of Teya stood on a small island three or four miles in diameter on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean Sea. It was in those days the greatest commercial city in the world, and it exercised a great maritime power by means of its fleets and ships, which traversed every part of the Mediterranean. Teya had rebuilt originally on the mainland, but in some of the wars which it had, to encounter with the kings of Babylon in the east, this old city had been abandoned by the inhabitants, and a new one built upon an island not far from the shore, which could be more easily defended from an enemy. The old city had gone to ruin, and its place was occupied by old walls, fallen towers, stones, columns, arches, and other remains of the ancient magnificence of the place. The island of which the tire of Alexander's Day had been built, was about half a mile from the shore. The water between was about eighteen feet deep, and formed a harbour for the vessels. The great business of the Tyrians was commerce. They brought and sold merchandise in all the ports of the Mediterranean Sea, and transported it by their merchant vessels to and fro. They hid also fleets of war-gallies, which they used to protect their interests on the high seas, and in the various ports which their merchant vessels visited. They were thus wealthy and powerful, and yet they lived shut up upon their little island, and were almost entirely independent of the mainland. The city itself, however, though contracted an extent on account of the small dimensions of the island, was very compactly built and strongly fortified, and it contained a vast number of stately and magnificent edifices, which were filled with stores of wealth that had been accumulated by the merchantile enterprise and thrift of many generations. Extravagant stories are told by the historians and geographers of those days, in respect to the scale on which the structures of tyre were built. It was said, for instance, that the walls were one hundred and fifty feet high. It is true that the walls rose directly from the surface of the water, and of course a considerable part of their elevation was required to bring them up to the level of the surface of the land. And then, in addition to this, they had to be carried up the whole ordinary height of a city wall, to afford the usual protection to the edifices and dwellings within. There might have been some places where the walls themselves, or structures connected with them, were carried up to the elevation above named, though it is scarcely to be supposed that such could have been their ordinary dimensions. At any rate, tyre was a very wealthy and magnificent and powerful city, intent on its commercial operations, and well furnished with means of protecting them at sea. But feeling little interest, and taking little part, in the contentions continually arousing among the rival powers which had possession of the land, their policy was to retain their independence, and yet to keep on good terms with all other powers, so that their commercial intercourse with the ports of all nations might go on undisturbed. It was, of course, a very serious question with Alexander, as his route now lay through Phoenicia, and in the neighbourhood of Tyre, what he should do in respect to such a port. He did not like to leave it behind him and proceed to the eastward, for, in case of any reverses happening to him, the Tyrians would be very likely to act decidedly against him, and their power on the Mediterranean would enable them to act very efficiently against him, on all the coasts of Greece and Asia Minor. On the other hand it seemed a desperate undertaking to attack the city. He had none but land-forces, and the island was half a mile from the shore. Besides its enormous walls, rising perpendicularly out of the water, it was defended by ships well armed and manned. It was not possible to surround the city and starve it into submission, as the inhabitants had wealth to buy and ships to bring in, any quantity of provisions and stores by sea. Alexander however determined not to follow Darius towards the east, and to leave such a stronghold as this behind him. The Tyrians wished to avoid a quarrel if it were possible. They sent complimentary messages to Alexander, congratulating him on his conquests, and disavowing all feelings of hostility to him. They also sent him a golden crown, as many of the other states of Asia had done, in token of their yielding a general submission to his authority. Alexander returned very gracious replies, and expressed to them his intention of coming to Tyre for the purpose of offering sacrifices, as he said, to Hercules. The Tyrians knew that wherever Alexander went, he went at the head of his army, and his coming in to Tyre at all, implied necessarily his taking military possession of it. They thought it might, perhaps, be somewhat difficult to dispossess such a visitor, after he should once get installed in their castles and palaces. So they sent him word that it would not be in their power to receive him in the city itself, but that he could offer the sacrifice which he intended on the mainland, as there was a temple sacred to Hercules among the ruins there. Alexander then called a council of his officers, and stated to them his views. He said that on reflecting fully upon the subject, he had come to the conclusion that it was best to postpone pushing ex-expedition forward into the heart of Persia, until he should have subdued Tyre completely, and made himself master of the Mediterranean Sea. He said also that he should take possession of Egypt, before turning his arms towards the forces that Darius was gathering against him in the east. The generals of the army concurred in this opinion, and Alexander advanced toward Tyre. The Tyrians prepared for their defence. After examining carefully all the circumstances of the case, Alexander conceived the very bold plan of building a broad causeway from the mainland to the island on which the city was founded, out of the ruins of old Tyre, and then marching his army over it to the walls of the city, where he could then plant his engines and make a breach. This would seem to be a very desperate undertaking. It is true the stones remaining on the site of the old city afforded sufficient materials for the construction of the pier, but then the work must go on against a tremendous opposition, both from the walls of the city itself, and from the Tyrian ships in the harbour. It would seem to be almost impossible to protect the men from these attacks, so as to allow the operations to proceed at all, and the difficulty and danger must increase very rapidly as the work should approach the walls of the city. But, notwithstanding these objections, Alexander determined to proceed. Tyre must be taken, and this was obviously the only possible mode of taking it. The soldiers advanced to undertake the work with great readiness. Their strong personal attachment to Alexander, their confidence that whatever he should plan and attempt would succeed, the novelty and boldness of this design, of reaching an island by building an isthmus to it from the mainland, these and other similar considerations excited the ardour and enthusiasm of the troops to the highest degree. In constructing works of this kind in the water, the material used is sometimes stone and sometimes earth. But as far as earth is employed, it is necessary to resort to some means to prevent it spreading under the water, or being washed away by the dash of the waves at its side. This is usually affected by driving what are called piles, which are long beams of wood pointed at the end, and driven into the earth by means of powerful engines. Alexander sent parties of men into the mountains of Lebanon, where a vast forest of cedars, which were very celebrated in ancient times, and which are often alluded to in the sacred scriptures. They cut down these trees and brought the stems of them to the shore, where they sharpened them at one end and drove them into the sand, in order to protect the sides of their embankment. Others brought stones from the ruins and tumbled them into the sea in the direction where the pier was to be built. It was some time before the work made such progress as to attract much attention from tyre. At length, however, when the people of the city sought gradually increasing in size and advancing toward them, they concluded that they must engage in earnest in the work of arresting its progress. They accordingly constructed engines on the walls to throw heavy darts and stones over the water to the men upon the pier. They sent secretly to the tribes that inhabited the valleys and ravines among the mountains to attack the parties at work there, and they landed forces from the city at some distance from the pier, and then marched along the shore, and attempted to drive away the men that were engaged in carrying stones from the ruins. They also fitted up and manned some galleys of large size, and brought them near to the pier itself, and attacked the men who were at work upon it with stones, darts, arrows and missiles of every description. But all was of no avail. The work, though impeded, still went on. Alexander built large screens of wood upon the pier, covering them with hides which protected his soldiers from the weapons of the enemy, so that they could carry on their operations safely behind them. By this means the work advanced for some distance further. As it advanced various structures were erected upon it, especially along the sides and at the end toward the city. These structures consisted of great engines for driving piles, and machines for throwing stones and darts, and towers carried up to a great height to enable the men to throw stones and heavy weapons down upon the galleys which might attempt to approach them. At length the Tyrians determined on attempting to destroy all these wooden works, by means of what is called in modern times a fire ship. They took a large galley and filled it with combustibles of every kind. They loaded it first with light dry wood, and they poured pitch and tar and oil over all this wood to make it burn with fiercer flames. They saturated the sails and the cordage in the same manner, and laid trains of combustible material through all parts of the vessel, so that when fire should be set in one part, it would immediately spread everywhere, and set the whole mass in flames at once. They towed this ship on a windy day, near to the enemy's works, and on the side from which the wind was blowing. Then they put it in motion toward the pier at a point where was the greatest collection of engines and machines, and when they had got as near as they dared to go themselves, the men who were on board set the trains on fire, and made their escape in boats. The flames ran all over the vessel with inconceivable rapidity. The vessel itself drifted down upon Alexander's works, notwithstanding the most strenuous exertions of his soldiers to keep it away. The flames and engines and the enormous and complicated machines which had been erected took fire, and the whole mass was soon enveloped in a general conflagration. The men made desperate attempts to defend their work, but all in vain. Some were killed by arrows and darts, some were burned to death, and others in the confusion fell into the sea. Finally the army was obliged to draw back, and to abandon all that was combustible in the vast construction they had reared to the devouring flames. Not long after this the sea itself came to the aid of the Tyrians. There was a storm, and as a consequence of it a heavy swell rolled in from the offing, which soon undermined and washed away a large part of the pier. The effects of a heavy sea on the most massive and substantial structures, when they are fairly exposed to its impulse, are far greater than will be conceived possible by those who had not witnessed them. The most ponderous stones are removed, the strongest fastenings are torn asunder, and embankments the most compact and solid are undermined and washed away. The storm in this case destroyed in a few hours the work of many months, while the army of Alexander looked on from the shore, witnessing its ravages in dismay. When the storm was over, and the first shock of chagrin and disappointment had passed from the minds of the men, Alexander prepared to resume the work with fresh figure and energy. The men commenced repairing the pier and widening it, so as to increase its strength and capacity. They dragged whole trees to the edges of it, and sunk them, branches and all, to the bottom, to form a sort of platch on there to prevent the stones from sinking into the slime. They built new towers and engines, covering them with green hides to make them fireproof, and thus they were soon advancing again, and gradually drawing nearer to the city, and in a more threatening and formidable manner than ever. Alexander, finding that his efforts were impeded very much by the ships of the Tyrians, determined on collecting and equipping a fleet of his own. This he did at Sidon, which was a small town a short distance north of Tyre. He embarked on board this fleet himself, and came down with it into the Tyrian seas. At this fleet he had various success. He chained many of the ships together, two and two, at a little distance apart, covering the enclosed space with a platform on which the soldiers could stand to fight. The men also erected engines on these platforms to attack the city. These engines were of various kinds. There was what they called the battering ram, which was a long and very heavy beam of wood, headed with iron or brass. This beam was suspended by a chain in the middle, so that it could be swung back and forth by the soldiers, its head striking against the wall each time, by which means the wall would sometimes be soon battered down. They had also machines for throwing great stones, or beams of wood, by means of the elastic force or strong bars of wood, or of steel, or that of twisted rope. The part of the machine upon which the stone was placed would be drawn back by the united strength of many of the soldiers, and then, as it recovered itself when released, the stone would be thrown off into the air with prodigious velocity and force. Alexander's double galleys answered very well as long as the water was smooth. But sometimes when they were caught out in a swell, the rolling of the waves would rack and twist them, so as to tailor platforms asunder and sink the men into the sea. The difficulties unexpected and formidable were continually arising. Alexander, however, persevered through them all. The Tyrians, finding themselves pressed more and more, and seeing that the dangers impeding them became more and more formidable every day, at length concluded to send a great number of the women and children away to Carthage, which was a great commercial city in Africa. They were determined not to submit to Alexander, but to carry their resistance to the very last extremity. And as the closing scenes of a siege, especially if the places that last taken by storm are beyond description, they wished to save their wives and daughters and hapless babes from having to witness them. In the meantime, as the siege advanced, the parties became more and more incensed against each other. They treated the captives which they took on either side, with greater and greater cruelty. Each thinking that they were only retaliating worse injuries from the other, the Macedonians approached Nira and Nira. The resources of the unhappy city were gradually cut off and its strength worn away. The enemies approached Nira and Nira to the walls, until the battering rams bore directly upon them, and breaches began to be made. At length one great breach on the southern side was found to be practicable, as they call it. Alexander began to prepare for the final assault, and the Tyrians saw before them the horrible prospect of being taken by storm. Still they would not submit. The battle would now have done but little good, though it might have saved some from the final horrors of the scene. Alexander had become greatly exasperated by the long resistance which the Tyrians had made. They probably could not now have averted destruction. But they might, perhaps, have perverted its coming upon them in so terrible a shape, as the eruption of thirty thousand frantic and infuriated soldiers through the breaches and their walls, to take their city by storm. The breach by which Alexander proposed to force his entrance was on the southern side. He repaired a number of ships, with platforms raised upon them, in such a manner that, on getting near the walls, they could be let down and form a sort of bridge, over which the men could pass to the broken fragments of the wall, and then to send the breach above. The plan succeeded. The ships advanced to the proposed place of landing. The bridges were let down. The men crowded over them to the foot of the wall. They clambered up through the breach to the battlements above, although the Tyrians thronged the passage and made the most desperate resistance. The Tyrians were killed by darts and arrows and falling stones, and their bodies tumbled into the sea. The others, paying no attention to their falling comrades, and drowning the horrid screams of the crashed and the dying with their own frantic shouts of rage and fury, pressed on up the broken wall, till they reached the battlements above. The vast throng then rolled along upon the top of the wall, till they came to the stairways and slopes by which they could descend into the city. And pouring down through all these avenues, they spread over the streets and satiated the hatred and rage which had been gathering strength for seven long months, in bursting into houses and killing and destroying all that came in their way. Thus the city was stormed. After the soldiers were weary with the work of slaughtering the wretched inhabitants of the city, they found that many still remained alive. And Alexander tarnished the character for generosity and forbearance for which he had thus far been distinguished, by the cruelty with which he treated them. Some were executed, some thrown into the sea, and it is even said that two thousand were crucified along the seashore. This may mean that their bodies were placed upon crosses after life had been destroyed by some more humane method than crucifixion. At any rate we find frequent indications from this time that prosperity and power were beginning to exert their usual and unfavourable influence upon Alexander's character. He became haughty, imperious, and cruel. He lost the modesty and gentleness which seemed to characterise him in the earlier part of his life, and began to assume the moral character as well as perform the exploits of a military hero. A good illustration of this is afforded by the answer that he sent to Darius about the time of the storming of Tyre, and replied to a second communication which he had received, from him proposing terms of peace. Darius offered him a very large sum of money for the ransom of his mother, wife, and child, and agreed to give up to him all the country he had conquered, including the whole territory west of the Raphratis. He also offered him his daughters to Tyre in marriage. He recommended to him to accept these terms, and be content with the possessions he had already acquired, that he could not expect to succeed, if he should try, in crossing the mighty rivers of the east, which were in the way of his march toward the Persian dominions. Darius then replied that, if he wished to marry his daughter, he could do it without his consent. As to the ransom, he was not in want of money. In respect to Darius's offering to give him up all the west of the Raphratis, it was absurd for a man to speak of giving what was no longer his own, that he had crossed too many seas in his military expeditions, since he left Macedon, to feel any concern about the rivers that he might find in his way, and that he should continue to pursue Darius wherever he might retreat, in search of safety and protection. And he had no fear but that he should find and conquer him at last. It was a harsh and cruel message to send to the unhappy monarch, whom he had already so greatly injured. Parmenio advised him to accept Darius's offer. I would, said he, if I were Alexander. Yes, said Alexander, and so would I, if I were Parmenio. What a reply from a youth of twenty-two to a venerable general of sixty, who had been so tried and faithful a friend, and so efficient a co-ajutor, both to his father and to himself for so many years. The siege and storming of Tyre has always been considered one of the greatest of Alexander's exploits. The boldness, the perseverance, the indomitable energy which he himself and all his army manifested, during the seven months of their Herculean toil, attracted the admiration of the world. And yet we find our feelings of sympathy for his character and interest in his fate, somewhat alienated by the indications of pride, imperiousness, and cruelty which began to appear. While he rises in our estimation as a military hero, he begins to sink somewhat as a man. And yet the change was not sudden. He bore during the siege his part in the privations and difficulty which the soldiers had to endure, and the dangers to which they had to be exposed he was always willing to share. One night he was out with a party upon the mountains. Among his few immediate attendants was Lycemicus, one of his former teachers, who always loved to accompany him at such times. Lycemicus was advanced in life and somewhat in firm, and consequently could not keep up with the rest in the march. Alexander remained with Lycemicus, and ordered the rest to go on. He rode at length became so rugged that they had to dismount from their horses and walk. Finally they lost their way, and found themselves obliged to stop for the night. They had no fire. They saw, however, at a distance, some campfire blazing which belonged to the barbarian tribes against whom the expedition was directed. Alexander went to the nearest one. There were two men lying by it, who had been stationed to take care of it. He advanced elfily to them, and killed them both, probably while they were asleep. He then took a brand from their fire, carried it back to his own encampment, where he made a blazing fire for himself and Lycemicus, and they passed the night in comfort and safety. Each reader must judge for himself. One thing is certain, however, that there are many military heroes, of whom such stories would not be even fabricated. After completing the subjugation of Tyre, Alexander commenced his march for Egypt. His route led him through Judea. The time was about three hundred years before the birth of Christ, and, of course, this passage of the great conqueror through the land of Israel took place between the historical periods of the Old Testament and of the New, so that no account of it is given in the sacred volume. There was a Jewish writer named Josephus, who lived and wrote a few years after Christ, and, of course, more than three hundred years after Alexander. He wrote a history of the Jews, which is a very entertaining book to read, but he liked so much to magnify the importance of the events in the history of his country, and to embellish them with marvellous and supernatural incidents, that his narratives have not always been recede with implicit faith. Josephus says that, as Alexander passed through Palestine, he went to pay a visit to Jerusalem. The circumstances of this visit, according to his account, were these. The city of Tyre, before Alexander besieged it, as it lived entirely by commerce and was surrounded by the sea, had to depend on the neighbouring countries for a supply of food. The people were accordingly accustomed to purchase grain in Phoenicia, in Judea, and in Egypt, and transported by their ships to the island. Alexander in the same manner, when besieging the city, found that he must depend on the neighbouring countries for supplies of food, and he accordingly sent requisitions for such supplies, to several places, and among others to Judea. The Jews, as Josephus says, refused to send any such supplies, saying that it would be inconsistent with fidelity to Darius, and to whose government they were. Alexander took no notice of this reply at the time, being occupied with the siege of Tyre. But, as soon as that city was taken, and he was ready to pass through Judea, he directed his march towards Jerusalem, with the intention of destroying the city. Now the chief magistrate at Jerusalem at this time, the one who had the command of the city, ruling it, of course, under a general responsibility to the Persian government, was the High Priest. His name was Jadus. In the time of Christ, about three hundred years after this, the name of the High Priest, as the re-door recollect, was Keofas. Jadus, and all the inhabitants of Jerusalem, were very much alarmed. They knew not what to do. The siege in captor of Tyre had impressed them all with a strong sense of Alexander's terrible energy and martial power, and they began to anticipate certain destruction. Jadus caused great sacrifices to be offered to a mighty God, and public and solemn prayers were made, to implore his guidance and protection. The next day, after these services, he told the people that they had nothing to fear. God had appeared to him in a dream, and directed him what to do. "'We are not to resist the conqueror,' said he, but to go forth to meet him and to welcome him. We are to strew the city with flowers, and adorn it as for a festive celebration. The priests are to be dressed in their pontifical robes, and to go forth, and the inhabitants are to follow them in a civic procession. In this way we are to go out to meet Alexander as he advances, and all will be well. These directions were followed. Alexander was coming on with a full determination to destroy the city. When, however, he saw this procession, and came near enough to distinguish the appearance and dress of the high priest, he stopped, seemed surprised and pleased, and advanced toward him with an air of the profoundest deferrence and respect. He seemed to pay him almost religious homage and adoration. Every one was astonished. Parmenio asked him for an explanation. Alexander made the following extraordinary statement. When I was in Macedon, before setting out on this expedition, while I was revolving the subject in my mind, musing day after day on the means of conquering Asia, one night I had a remarkable dream. In my dream this very priest appeared before me, dressed just as he is now. He exhorted me to banish every fear, to cross the helispont boldly, and to push forward into the heart of Asia. He said that God would march at the head of my army, and give me victory over all the Persians. I recognize this priest as the same person that appeared to me then. He has the same countenance, the same dress, the same stature, the same air. It is through his encouragement and aid that I am here, and I am ready to worship and adore the God whose service he administers. Alexander joined the high priest in the procession, and they returned to Jerusalem together. There Alexander united with them, and with the Jews of the city in the celebration of religious rites, by offering sacrifices and noblations in the Jewish manner. The writings, which are now printed together in our Bibles as the Old Testament, were in those days written separately on parchment rolls and kept in the temple. The priests produced from the rolls the one containing the prophecies of Daniel, and they read and interpreted some of these prophecies to Alexander, which they considered to have referenced to him, though written many hundred years before. Alexander was, as Josephius relates, very much pleased at the sight of these ancient predictions, and the interpretation put upon them by the priests. He assured the Jews that they should be protected in the exercise of all their rites, and especially in their religious worship. And he also promised them that he would take their brethren who resided in Medea and Babylon under his special charge, when he should come into possession of those places. The Jews of Medea and Babylon were the descendants of captives, which had been carried away from their native land in former wars. Such is the story which Josephus relates. The Greek historians, on the other hand, make no mention of this visit to Jerusalem, and some persons think that it was never made, but that the story arose and was propagated from generation to generation among the Jews, through the influence of their desire to magnify the importance and influence of their worship, and that Josephus incorporated the account into his history without sufficiently verifying the facts. However it may be in regard to Jerusalem, Alexander was delayed at Gaza, which, as may be seen upon the map, is on the shore of the Mediterranean Sea. It was a place of considerable commerce and wealth, and was, at this time, under the command of a governor whom Darius had stationed there. His name was Betis. Betis refused to surrender the place. Alexander stopped to besiege it, and the siege delayed him two months. He was very much exasperated at this, both against Betis and against the city. This unreasonable anger was very much increased by a wound which he received. He was near a mound which his soldiers had been constructed near the city, to place engines upon for an attack upon the walls, when an arrow, shot from one of the engines upon the walls, struck him in the breast. It penetrated his armour, and wounded him deeply in the shoulder. The wound was very painful for some time, and the suffering which he endured from it only added fuel to the flame of his anger against the city. At last breaches were made in the walls, and the place was taken by storm. Alexander treated the wretched captives with extreme cruelty. He cut the garrison to pieces, and sold the inhabitants to slavery. As for Betis, he dealt with him in a manner almost too horrible to be described. The redo will recollect that Achilly set the siege of Troy after killing Hector, dragged his body around the walls of the city. Alexander, growing more cruel as he became more accustomed to war and bloodshed, had been intending to imitate this example, so soon as he could find an enemy worthy of such a fate. He now determined to carry his plan into execution with Betis. He ordered him into his presence. A few years before, he would have rewarded him for his fidelity in his master's surface. But now, grown selfish, hard-hearted, and revengeful, he looked upon him with a countenance full of vindictive exultation, and said, You are not going to die the simple death that you desire. You have got the worst torments that revenge can invent to suffer. Betis did not reply, but looked upon Alexander with a calm and composed, and own subdued air, which incensed the conqueror more and more. Observe his dumb arrogance, said Alexander, but I will conquer him. I will show him that I can draw groans from him, if nothing else. He then ordered holes to be made through the heels of his unhappy captive, and, passing a rope through them, had the body fastened to a chariot, and dragged about the city till no life remained. Alexander found many rich treasures in Gaza. He sent a large part of them to his mother, Olympius, whom he had left in Macedon. Alexander's affection for his mother seems to have been more permanent than almost any other good trait in his character. He found, in addition to other stores of valuable merchandise, a large quantity of frankincense and myrrh. These are gums which were bought from Arabia, and were very costly. They were used chiefly in making offerings and in burning incense to the gods. When Alexander was a young man in Macedon, before his father's death, he was one day present at the offering of sacrifices. And one of his teachers and guardians, named Leonatus, who was standing by, thought he was rather profuse in his consumption of frankincense and myrrh. He was taken it up by handfuls and throwing it upon the fire. Leonatus reproved him for this extravagance, and told him that when he became master of the countries where these costly gums were procured, he might be as prodigal of them as he pleased, but that in the meantime it would be proper for him to be more prudent and economical. Alexander remembered this reproof, and, finding vast stores of these expensive gums in Gaza, he sent the whole quantity to Leonatus, telling him that he sent him this abundant supply that he might not have occasion to be so reserved and sparing for the future in his sacrifices to the gods. After this conquest and destruction of Gaza, Alexander continued his march southward to the frontiers of Egypt. He reached these frontiers at the city of Pelusium. The Egyptians had been under the Persian dominion, but they abhorred it, and were very ready to submit to Alexander's sway. They sent ambassadors to meet him upon the frontiers. The governors of the cities, as he advanced into the country, finding that it would be useless to resist, and warned by the terrible example of Thebes, Tyre, and Gaza, surrendered to him as fast as he summoned them. He went to Memphis. Memphis was a great and powerful city, situated in what was called Lower Egypt on the Nile, just above where the branches which form the mouth of the Nile separate from the main stream. All that part of Egypt is flat country, having been formed by the deposits brought down by the Nile. Such land is called alluvial. It is always level, and as it consists of successive deposits from the turbid waters of the river, made in the successive inundations, it forms always a very rich soil, deep and inexhaustible, and is, of course, extremely fertile. Egypt has been celebrated for its unexampled fertility from the earliest times. It weighs with fields of corn and grain, and is adorned with groves of the most luxuriant growth and riches verdure. It is only, however, so far as the land is formed by the deposits of the Nile, that this scene of verdure and beauty extends. On the east it is bounded by ranges of barren and shrucky hills, and on the west by vast deserts consisting of moving sands, from which no animal or vegetable life can derive the means of existence. The reason of this sterility seems to be the absence of water. The geological formation of the land is such that it furnishes few springs of water and no streams, and in that climate its seldom or never rains. If there is water, the most barren sands will clothe themselves with some species of vegetation, which, in its decay, will form a soil that will nourish more and more fully each exceeding generation of plants. But in the absence of water, any service of earth will soon become a barren sand. The wind will drive away everything imponderable, leaving only the heavy sands to drift in storms, like fields of snow. Among these African deserts, however, there are some fertile spots. They are occasioned by springs which arrive in little dells, and which saturate the ground with moisture for some distance around them. The water from these springs flows for some distance in many cases, in a little stream, before it is finally lost and absorbed in the sands. The whole tract, under the influence of this irrigation, clothes itself with verdure. These go up to shade it. It forms a spot whose beauty, absolutely great, is heightened by the contrast which it presents to the gloomy and desolate desert by which it is surrounded. Such a green spot in the desert is called an oasis. They are the resort and the refuge of the traveller and the pilgrim, who seek shelter and repose upon them in their weary journeys over the trackless wilds, nor must it be supposed that these islands of fertility and vizure are always small. Some of them are very extensive, and contain a considerable population. There is one called the Great Oasis, which consists of a chain of fertile tracts of about a hundred miles in length. Another, called the Oasis of Siwa, has in modern times a population of 8,000 souls. This last is situated not far from the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, at least not very far, perhaps two or three hundred miles, and it was a very celebrated spot in Alexander's day. The cause of its celebrity was that it was the seat and centre of the worship of a famous deity, called Jupiter Amon. This god was said to be the son of Jupiter, though there were all sorts of stories about his origin and early history. He had the form of a ram, and was worshipped by the people of Egypt, and also by the Carthaginians, and by the people of northern Africa generally. His temple was in this oasis, and it was surrounded by a considerable population, which was supported in a great degree by the expenditures of the worshippers who came as pilgrims, or otherwise to sacrifice at his shrine. It is said that Alexander, finding that the various objects of human ambition, which he had been so rapidly attaining by his victories and conquests for the past few years, were insufficient to satisfy him, began now to aspire for some supernatural honours, and he accordingly conceived the design of having himself declared to be the son of a god. The heroes of Homer were sons of the gods. Alexander envied them the fame and honour which this distinction gave them in the opinion of mankind. He determined to visit the temple of Jupiter Amon, in the oasis of Siwa, and to have the declaration of his divine origin made by the priest there. He proceeded accordingly to the mouth of the Nile, where he found a very eligible place, as he believed, for the foundation of a commercial city, and he determined to build it on his return. Thence he marched along the shores of the Mediterranean toward the west, until he reached a place called Peritornium, which will be found upon the map. He then left the seashore and marched south, striking at once into the desert when he left the sea. He was accompanied by a small detachment of his army as an escort, and they journeyed eleven days before they reached the oasis. They had a variety of perilous adventures and crossing the desert. For the first two days the soldiers were excited and pleased with the novelty and romantic grandeur of the scene. The desert has, in some degree, the sublimity of the ocean. There is the same boundless expanse, the same vast unbroken curve of the horizon, the same tracklessness, the same solitude. There is, in addition, a certain profound and awful stillness in repose, which imparts to it a new element of impressiveness and grandeur. Its dread and solemn silence is far more imposing and sublime than the loudest thunders of the seas. The third day the soldiers began to be weary of such a march. They seemed afraid to penetrate any further into such boundless and terrible solitudes. They had been obliged to bring water with them in goatskins, which were carried by camels. The camel is the only beast of burden which can be employed upon the deserts. There is a peculiarity in the anatomical structure of this animal, by which you can take in, at one time, a supply of water for many days. He is formed, in fact, for the desert. In his native state he lives in the oases and in the valleys. He eats the hermit which grows among the rocks and hills at alternate, with the great sandy plains in all these countries. In passing from one of his scanty pastures to another, he has long journeys to make across the sands, where, though we can find food here and there, there is no water. Providence has formed him with a structure adapted to this exegency, and by means of it he becomes extremely useful to man. The soldiers of Alexander did not take a sufficient supply of water, and were reduced at one time to great distress. They were relieved, the stories say, by a rain, though rain is extremely unusual in the deserts. Alexander attributed this supply to the miraculous interposition of heaven. They catch the rain, in such cases, with cloths, and afterwards ring out the water, though in this instance, as the historians of that day say, the soldiers did not wait for this tardy method to supply, but the whole detachment held back their heads and opened their mouths to catch the drops of rain as they fell. There was another danger to which they were exposed in their march, more terrible even than the scarcity of water. It was that of being overwhelmed in the clouds of sand and dust, which sometimes swept over the desert in gales of wind. These were called sandstorms. The fine sand flew in some cases in driving clouds, which filled the eyes and stopped the breath of the traveller, and finally buried his body under its drifts when he laid down to die. A large army of fifty thousand men, under a former Persian king, had been overwhelmed and destroyed in this way some years before, in some of the Egyptian deserts. Alexander's soldiers had heard of this calamity, and they were threatened sometimes with the same fate. They, however, at length escaped all the dangers of the desert, and began to approach the green and fertile land of the Oasis, the change from the barren and dismal loneliness of the sandy plains, to the groves and the villages and the beauty and the vizure of the Oasis, was delightful both to Alexander himself and to all his men. The priests at the great temple of Jupiter Amon received more with marks of great distinction and honour. The most solemn and magnificent ceremonies were performed, with offerings, oblations and sacrifices. The priests, after conferring in secret with the God in the temple, came out with the enunciation that Alexander was indeed his son, and they paid him accordingly almost divine honours. He is supposed to have bribed them to do this by presence and pay. Alexander returned at length to Memphis, and in all his subsequent orders and decrees he startled himself Alexander King, son of Jupiter Amon. But though Alexander was thus willing to impress his ignorant soldiers with a mysterious veneration for his fictitious divinity, he was not deceived himself on the subject. He sometimes even made his pretensions to the divine character a subject of joke. For instance, they one day bought him in too little fire in the focus. The focus, or fireplace used in Alexander's day, was a small metallic stand on which the fire was built. It was placed wherever convenient in the tent, and the smoke escaped above. They had put upon the focus too little fuel one day when they brought it in. Alexander asked the officer to let him have either some wood or some frankincense. They might consider him, he said, as a god or as a man, whichever they pleased, but he wished to be treated either like one or the other. On his return from the oasis, Alexander carried forward his plan of building a city at the mouth of the Nile. He drew the plan, it is said, with his own hands. He superintended the constructions, and invited artisans and mechanics from all nations to come and reside in it. They accepted the invitation in great numbers, and the city soon became large and wealthy and powerful. It was intended as a commercial post, and the wisdom and sagacity which Alexander manifested in the selection of the site is shown by the fact that the city rose immediately to the rank of the great seat of trade and commerce for all those shores, and has continued to hold that rank now for twenty centuries. There was an island near the coast, opposite the city, called the island of Pharros. They built a most magnificent lighthouse upon one extremity of this island, which was considered in those days one of the wonders of the world. It was said to be five hundred feet high. This may have been an exaggeration. At any rate it was celebrated throughout the world in its day, and its existence and its greatness made an impression on the human mind which has not yet been afaced. Pharros is the name for lighthouse in many languages to the present day. In building the city of Alexandria, Alexander laid aside for a time his natural and proper character, and assumed a mode of action in strong contest with the ordinary course of his life. He was throughout most of his career a destroyer. He roamed over the world to interrupt commerce, to break in upon and disturb the peaceful pursuits of industry, to batter down city walls, and burn dwellings and kill men. This is the true vocation of a hero and a conqueror. But at the mouth of the Nile, Alexander laid aside this character. He turned his energies to the work of planning means to do good. He constructed a port. He built warehouses. He provided accommodations and protections for merchants and artisans. The nations exchanged their commodities far more easily and extensively in consequence of these facilities, and the means of comfort and enjoyment were multiplied and increased in thousands and thousands of huts in the great cities of Egypt, and in the rural districts along the banks of the Nile. The good too, which he thus commenced, had perpetrated itself. Alexandria has continued to fulfill its beneficent function for two thousand years. It is the only monument of his greatness which remains. Everything else which he accomplished perished when he died. How much better would it have been for the happiness of mankind, as well as for his own true fame and glory, if doing good had been the rule of his life instead of the exception? End of chapter 8