 Welcome to the World Economic Forum 2022, and at this session we are going to be discussing how to respond to the new migration flows in Europe. Today, the 24th of May marks three months since Russia invaded Ukraine. And that would displace millions of people both internally and in flows of refugees into the rest of Europe. What actions should European policymakers and business leaders take to respond to the immediate and longer-term humanitarian consequences of this crisis caused by the war in Ukraine? This is the topic of this session, and I'm very pleased to be here with the speakers. Let me introduce them. This is my honour to have here with me Natalia Gavrilita, Prime Minister of Moldova. Margarita Sinas, Vice President for Promoting the European Way of Life, the European Commission. And back here, Frank Kavec, Chief Commercial Officer and President, North America Manpower Group from the US. Great to have you here. This session is streamed on the World Economic Forum platforms, and it is also live on Euronews. And to start with, I would like to tell you that we will have the possibility to make this discussion interactive and to ask the questions a little bit later on. If you do have comments, please don't hesitate also to use the social media, use the hashtag at WEF2022, and we're going to get back and we're going to discuss the comments and the questions that you're going to have to all the speakers here as much as we can. Prime Minister, let me start with you. I would like to separate this into a few parts, and let's go into the immediate response on the first stage of what happened since the war started on the invasion. Moldova was among the very first countries to open the borders to Ukrainian refugees and offer them help. What are those decisions that had to be made on the national level in the first days of the war? Well, first, let me put things a little bit into perspective. Moldova has a border of 1200 kilometers with Ukraine. Compare this to 500 with Poland. And indeed, Moldova has been the country that has received the first wave of the refugees. We had in total about half a million people who have crossed the border between Ukraine and Moldova, and we still have 90,000 people who are in Moldova and decided to stay. Again, for proportion, this is about 3.5% of the population. The equivalent in France, for example, would be 2.7 million or 2.1 million in Germany. So we already were in an emergency situation caused by the energy crisis that Moldova has faced since the end of last year. So we were able to take quick decisions through the emergency committee. We had some contingency plans that we had prepared. And I must say that the Ministry of Interior and other state authorities have acted in a disciplinary and excellent way, immediately coming with the necessary decisions to facilitate the entry of the Ukrainian refugees. So from the very first days, we allowed entry with expired passports, with internal documents. We facilitated the entry of cars, the entry of pets. So all sorts of these little things that matter at the border have been resolved in a matter of 24 to 48 hours. We also had an extraordinary mobilization of the society and the volunteers. So in the past several days, President Sandu gave out thank you letters to over 100 non-governmental organizations that participated in the refugee response. And we had thousands of volunteers that came forward right away, offering information at the border, transportation, a hot meal, accommodation, private sector operators came to the fore. So just before the session, we discussed about some wineries located at the border with Moldova, and immediately opened up their premises for Ukrainian refugees. So indeed, this was a bright spot. The response of Moldova to the refugee crisis and indeed of Europe and the world has been one of the few bright spots if we look at this terrible and unjust war of Russia on Ukraine. When it comes to the early days, that's why I wanted to hear about the immediate response. I myself was in Ukraine and I have the firsthand experience of the way people moved from Ukraine. When they evacuated, they at first, they just wanted to evacuate their families, they wanted to evacuate their children. It's only later that they were asking themselves about the papers, the legal status of that. And Vice President, do you agree to activate the temporary protection directive in record time this time? It was just one week after the invasion. What differentiated this crisis, the war in Ukraine, to pull all member on the same page in such an immediate and swift response? Well, this was Europe at its best. I feel very proud of this historic decision of the Council of Home Affairs Ministers on the 4th of March. A unanimous decision that provided immediate and unconditional access to millions of people who fled the war into our education systems, our health systems, our residence status, and of course the job markets. This testifies to the fact that Europe will always remain an asylum destination for those who flee war and persecution. This is what defines us. This is the model of society we stand for. This is the European way of life, if you like. Now we are very actively engaged first in translating this blanket protection status into a tangible reality in our societies. And I think we're having good rates of success in doing this. First of all, Ukrainian children went to school from day one. And we were very lucky because Ukraine had a fully digitalized curriculum that allows young Ukrainian students in our schools to liaise virtually with platforms and not lose expertise and lessons from the Ukrainian system. We have an issue with qualifications because as you rightly said, people left with a suitcase. They didn't have the time to bring their diplomas and qualifications with them. So we are fast-tracking now all this paperwork. On health, there is an issue because Ukraine was a relatively low vaccination country. So we are now, thankfully, we have reserves of vaccines to help the refugees. At the same time, we also identified 10-15,000 hospital beds for emergency treatments and we are paying from the EU budget through the civil protection mechanism so that those who need urgent attention find it. So in a nutshell, this was a big moment for Europe and it's understood like that. It's felt like that in European public opinion. It's a bit funny or paradoxical that this temporary protection directive, we enacted it in 2001 to plan ahead of an exodus from Yugoslavia as a result of the Kosovo war. But it was never applied. Who would have told us that we have to apply it 21 years later to cater for a war in Ukraine? But this shows also an idea of how the political accelerator of history works. But we were ready and I'm very proud to be able to give this policy response effectively in record time. Absolutely. Baki, private sector and businesses as well, they really reacted instantly when Russia invaded Ukraine. For many refugees leaving the country, finding a job is, as Vice President said, is a really crucial first step for people to get settled for a while temporarily or for longer. But that's one of the first things that they need. What else could you single out as the immediate needs that businesses can also address and help with? Yes, I'd say first at Manpower Group, we believe that unleashing human potential is how we'll change the world around us. And the pathway, the primary pathway to that is sustainable employment. It can be temporary or it can be permanent, which is why access to a job was so crucial and is so crucial for refugee resettlement. And so I'd say what more? I'd categorize it in two ways. Open borders and open minds. So what I mean by that is open borders. I'm so impressed with what the EU did to allow protective orders so people can come in and come across the border. We need more of that. We need employees and government and employers working more closely together. I'll give you two examples. We have a big operation in France. And in France, traditionally, you have to speak French. In working with our clients in France, we were able to say as long as one in ten of a Ukrainian group speaks French, we could actually place ten of the employees. And so opening up our borders even within companies. The other piece I'll say, and I think Prime Minister mentioned it, is around childcare. Access to childcare and education, as you mentioned, are so crucial. 85% of the Ukrainian refugees that we've placed to work in Poland have been women. 85% and the majority have been female. So that's open borders. In terms of open minds, employers, the private sector, has to realize that we are in a borderless talent community now. Talent will move, talent is moving. Yes, they're moving when they have to move, as in Ukraine. And they're moving when they choose to move for opportunity. An example of that, we work with several of the European automakers who traditionally haven't allowed women in certain parts of the manufacturing process. Now we've worked with our clients to unlock the capability, with some change of requirement, for women to work in places they never have before. And so as employers, we have to realize to unleash potential. We have to, yes, open borders, but we have to be much more open-minded on how we put people to work. And it has to be done rather quickly as well, to be that open-minded. With urgency. Absolutely. Let's go into the lessons after this immediate response as we open the session. Let's go into some of the lessons that we can say you've learned and you've realized after that immediate response. Prime Minister, the UN has to support package for Moldova in response to the ongoing crisis. Do you require any additional immediate response, seeing already, having this experience already, having reacted to it? Of course, we are very grateful for the support that we have received. The EU, of course, is a major contributor, but other countries have also stepped up and we have received additional support from the US, Japan and other partners. And we have been very impressed with how international non-governmental organizations stepped up as well. At the same time, we are moving into a more protracted situation. So as was mentioned here, the majority of the refugees are women with children. So half of the refugees that are staying in Moldova are children. They have access to our schools. The women have access to health care and children as well. So the refugees have access to health care and jobs. But of course, this then puts additional strain on a country with limited resources. So Moldova, of course, is facing the problems that many countries in Europe are facing, but because of our GDP per capita, it's influencing us more. So our inflation has already reached 27 percent, it's highest in Europe. And there will be no growth even though we were on quite a good growth path before the war. So we have already received additional financing from the IMF, the World Bank. We will receive macro-financial assistance from the EU. But one that was calculated before the war and second, we are reaching our debt sustainability limits and we are incurring currency risks with these loans. So it's not just important to receive assistance, but it's important the type of assistance that we receive. You know, the assistance that we receive in, for example, for projects or loans, it's harder to absorb. It carries these other risks that I've referred to. So we are asking our partners for grant support and budget support, which can be absorbed much quicker and oriented towards those services like health and education that have higher pressure now. But also, very importantly, we need support in the form of investments. You know, we need strategic investment, strategic geopolitical investments, if you wish, in various sectors. You know, that would build trust, build confidence and also make Moldova more resilient. So we need investments in the media space, for example. We need investments in energy sector. We need investments, you know, that would help us have this open mind and maintain open borders. And here I want to mention, of course, our application to become a member of the European Union. We need sort of a positive outlook. We need this light at the end of the tunnel for our people. We need to make sure that we maintain the gains that's getting closer to the EU over the last eight years through the association agreement and through deep and comprehensive free trade agreement has allowed us to achieve. So, you know, we are talking to the European Union about removal of quotas, liberalization of transport, authorizations. You know, we want to be part of more mechanisms and institutions that would anchor us in the free world and help us develop in spite of the crisis of the day. Yeah, and develop the resilience as well and to strengthen that resilience, as you said. Vice President, you mentioned the works on the Temporary Protection Directive that started much earlier. What lessons can we take from the previous refugee crisis when it comes to the EU response to the current Ukraine refugee crisis? How can, what has been done now by the European Union, how can this help shape the response to other crises? Because that's another aspect of resilience. Yeah, that's actually a very timely question, because as you know, at the same time that we provided this comprehensive response to the Ukrainian refugees, we're still struggling as a European Union to get an agreement on a broader, holistic, cohesive EU framework for migration and asylum, which we sadly not yet have. We are the biggest and better regulated single market in the world. We account for 20% of the world's GDP. We have the second world currency of reference. We bought vaccines. We have the recovery plan. We welcome 5 million Ukrainian refugees, but we do not yet have a migration policy. This obliges us to very often function like firefighters instead of architects. We want a stable legal system, which we have proposed, this commission and my responsibility already in September 2020, it's still being discussed with ministers. I think that time is running out and my patience also is running out. It's too much talking. Okay, I understand that during the pandemic, this is not the sort of negotiation that ministers can do from a screen. They need to see eye to eye, but now I think we are getting to a critical point where with the new government in Berlin and the new, well, old but renewed in the bullet box present of the French Republic, I think we need some traction for this big agreement. And let me share with you, this is a public session, but I will share with you what I told the Home Affairs Ministers in the Council we had on the 28th of March when we were discussing our proposals for a new EU asylum and migration pact. I told them, look, take your time. You need three more years. Take more three years to discuss. But look what's happening around you. We have created a huge common protection space in Europe. It's happening. It's a reality. And we also have a huge legal migration scheme next to it because these people are into our job markets. So I told them the political clock is slower than the reality clock. So we have a duty. You have a duty as decision makers because we, as you know, the Commission, we are the ones who initiate policy. They are the ones who decide. There is now an opportunity, and this is the lesson, the main lesson for me, to synchronize the political clock with the reality around us. It's a unique opportunity. And I really hope that in the next three presidencies that are coming, first the Czechs, then the Swedes, and then the Spaniards, this is the window of opportunity to get this big European agreement we need. Because it's also fair to say that the momentum that is not right here now, this is, as you said, that will make national responses, European responses, stronger for any possible crisis in the future, and that wouldn't be the need for this emergency, instant discussions, negotiations, and the system would be set and would be in place. True. But if you allow me a comment in my view of things, I don't want Europe to be able to react only under crisis and when and external. I mean, we need a rules-based, normal system, as everybody else has, where everything connects to everything else, that we can activate each time we need under normal circumstances. And we're not far from that agreement, but we're not yet there. We're getting there. Hopefully we're getting there. Vicky, what lessons would you highlight based on the experience supporting the refugees in the past when it comes to this current situation and this current crisis? Yes, so I'd say I'm going to pick up on the reality clock. I love that language. Whether it's Syrian refugees that we've assisted, Afghan refugees that we've assisted, or now Ukrainian refugees, the commonality we've seen is the need for skills and upskilling. And so from a worker perspective, skills are changing at the pace of technology. And so we have to keep pace to make sure as employers we're future-proofing these workers, refugees, and workers across the economy alike. And one of the things that we were so fortunate, and I love your concept of preparedness, you have to be prepared prior to the crisis, we have a global career coaching and upskilling platform at Manpower Group called MyPath. And what MyPath does is basically say this is who you are, Becky, this is your current skills, and this is what you have the potential to do in the future. And we were so grateful that we had that in place prior to the Ukrainian crisis because it allowed us to welcome in this talent, understand who they work quickly, and then start pathing them into their future jobs. And it can be micro-skilling, things like communication skills and soft skills, or in the Ukrainian crisis perspective, a lot of language support helping them understand the basic languages so that they can be effective in the workplace. And so the commonality we've seen, and it's not just in the crisis, it's been over 70 years of our existence, is the need to constantly future-proof workers because the world changes constantly and we have to make sure it's our responsibility as employers to make sure that we're providing the training and development to keep workers ready for work. Yes, certainly. Skills are indeed the currency of the future of today and the future. That's one of these things that we have seen also to prove these days. Before we go to the questions and answers with people with us in the room and the comments on social media, I'm going to just quickly also finalize my round of what I want to ask you. We're going to go into the long-term humanitarian consequences of the crisis and the future of the migration policy, something that you, as President, touched upon already. But let me start here, Prime Minister, what migration strategy would Moldova want to have in the future and what way will the country change or will not change the current policies regarding the migrants from Ukraine and elsewhere? So what we have seen in this crisis is that Moldova is a small country with a big heart and I'm very proud of the response of the Moldovan authorities and the Moldovan society to this crisis. We were able to very quickly allow through the emergency situation committee the right to work under a very facilitated procedure. And I think that this has influenced the way that the government is looking more broadly at what employers have been asking us for a long time and that is the opportunity to employ foreigners under more facilitated procedures. I think for the longer term we will have and we are already working on removing sludge or removing the bureaucracy from the employment of foreigners. But for Moldova also what matters when we discuss migration policy is the policy towards diaspora. Moldova has a very large and competent and skilled diaspora so for sure part of our migration policy before the refugee crisis but also after the refugee crisis is how to convince Moldovans to come back and to get involved in Moldova's future and Moldova's development. We have been able to attract Moldovans to top jobs. The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration is sitting in this room and he came and joined the government from the diaspora but we are also looking at a much broader participation in the management of state-owned enterprises, involvement in the private sector. So I think there are two sides to migration policy when it comes to Moldova. So one is, you know, de-bureaucratizing employment and the ability of refugees but also as you say under normal circumstances of foreigners to be employed and on the other hand we have the policy to bring diaspora back. Thank you. Vice President, what do you see as the key long-term issues when it comes to the European Union migration pact? We talked about synchronizing the political clock and the reality clock but the more precise and practical issues, what do you see as those? I think that the time has come, at least in Europe, to try to detoxify migration debates or de-politicize, de-dramatize. You can pick any verb you like but I think migration has always been part of Europe's DNA. This is an international audience but I'm sure that in a European audience everyone somehow linked to some sort of migration if we trace our past. So I understand that migration policies touch the heart of national sovereignty. They are very close to political cleavages. They are very easy subject for the populists to promise very simple solutions, very complex realities. But I still think that now is the time to de-dramatize and detoxify migration policy. At least that's what I'm trying to do. Now on how this future EU migration policy would look like, this is actually what drives our proposals of September 2020. I like to present this as a three-story building, a house with three floors. The first floor has to be a very strong external dimension, relations with countries of origin and transit. We will never be able to manage internally unless we are able to manage externally with these countries of origin and transit. The second floor has to be border management. The European Union should have a collective system for managing its external border. We need this. There will be no migration policy without border management and without uniform border procedures at our external border. And the third floor would be the solidarity floor where everyone shares the burdens and we are a family. We cannot delegate this only to the member states that geography has put in the first line of reception. So this is my dream, this is my vision of a holistic migration policy. What's the problem? The problem is that in the negotiations so far, member states prefer to take the lift and go straight to the floor that interests them. So if you talk to the solidarity givers, they all want to stay on the first and the second floor. They don't much care about the third. Say if we work with third countries and we have border management, few people would come so no need for solidarity. The solidarity receivers, they want to go straight to the third floor. And they say, well, border management, the rest will work out. I'm very adamant and thank you for giving me the opportunity to repeat this. This house has to be constructed with all three floors at the same time and with equal degree of resilience and resistance. Otherwise it won't happen. Again, we are not yet there. There's lots of construction work happening and I hope we'll get there soon. Back in terms of long term refugee employment policy, there is an interesting issue here in the question on how can businesses shape up an efficient model to support refugees in need to do that work but also to keep up with their business and to be competitive and efficient. Yes, so we see this as probably the biggest challenge in the next five to ten year horizon. Companies and countries need to have a longer term view around supply. We were chatting a bit before the session on you think about employer value proposition. Countries are going to need a value proposition. What's going to attract talent into your country, particularly in Europe where we're seeing so much opportunity for migration. So that would be the first thing is a longer term view of supply. The Vice President and I were chatting. We're both hearing across Europe countries saying they need 400, 500,000 immigrants today just to maintain current economic growth because make no mistake. Talent is the fuel for economic growth and so figuring out long term supply is essential. The second thing I would say back to the employer side is we as employers in private sector have to invest in employee development. Back to skills and upskilling, 90% of companies around the world now are doing more around employee development than they were five years ago. So you could take that stat and say okay, we're good, we're not. We were doing nothing really five years ago and now we're doing something and we have so much more to do to make sure we're keeping pace with skills. And the last thing I would say is I'll leave you with a story. We had a young woman named Daria who was a Ukrainian migrant actually before refugee. She moved to Poland. We helped her get a role at Dell. Quite successful. Her sister, Sarah, was still in the Ukraine, wanted to come across the border and Prime Minister, you talked about it. I mean, even as private sector, you don't just meet them when they show up at your office. You go to the border. You wait in queue and then you pick them up and not just Sarah. We picked up an entire van load of refugees because you're not going to leave a seat unfilled when you're dealing with a human crisis. We brought Sarah into Poland. She went through the MyPath program and now she's working alongside her sister Daria for Dell. And so that is private sector bridging some of the gap, being a conduit for refugees, skilling, upskilling, and then placing these two sisters side by side in the tech sector where we all know we need more female representation. Absolutely. And businesses have been so active and responsive in it happened. What I want to note here is that all businesses, bigger businesses, but also SMEs as well, and the micro enterprises as well, everybody really stepped in. We're going to get a few questions from the audience. Please raise your hand. And also, I'm going to ask you also to stand up when you ask a question. Can we have the first question here, please? I'm Yulia Klamenko. I'm a member of the Ukrainian parliament. And first of all, I would like to thank you. You really host 6 million of Ukrainians and save our future, I hope. But my question is, I have two questions. Basically, one question is, do you think that migration became not only in Europe and not only with Ukraine, but became a hybrid war tool in geopolitical place? Yes, because we see and I think that Putin thought that 6 million or 10 million of Ukrainians fled to Europe will collapse Europe. And that's my question probably to Vice President. And another question is, what kind of policies do you need from Ukrainian side to implement your own policies? Because I think we unfortunately have much faster euro integration because of Putin. He has done more expansion of NATO and now he actually facilitates integration of Ukraine to Europe. So what kind of Ukrainian policies do you need to implement your own policies? Vice President, I want to start here with that. Okay, on the first question of instrumentalization, I want to be very clear. No one can blackmail the European Union. Three authoritarian leaders tried in 2020 in the Greek-Turkish border. A bit later in May 2020 in the Spanish enclave of Delta in Northern Africa. And during the summer 2020, the last European dictator Lukashenko tried to push 25,000 people into Poland, Latvia and Lithuania. In all three instrumentalization attempts failed. We were able to cope. We were able to provide solidarity to our frontline member states. We organized procedures, humanitarian aid, and we proved that it's not easy for these authoritarian leaders to blackmail us. I don't think that the situation in Ukraine is directly comparable to this design, this instrumentalization moves. This is a war, and in a war, people flee to flee, save their families. We have four member states with common borders with Ukraine, plus Moldova, who is a partner. So I don't see it as an instrumentalization. I see it as a direct consequence of the war, and I think we did the best we could. Now, on what kind of policies one would expect from Ukraine, I think this is a very good question, especially because after the war there will be many pilgrimages to Kiev. Many people would come to Kiev to take lessons on cyber, on how a digital nation can cope in a war, on how organizing a war effort, but that would also place burdens to the Ukrainian governments for more modernization, more fight, sustained fight against corruption, better use of foreign aid. This is what is expected of Ukraine, and I have no doubt that these expectations will be honoured. Prime Minister, what is expected of Ukraine? So, you know, this is a very interesting question because our thinking is how we can help Ukraine at the same time sort of maintaining social cohesion and political stability in our country. But what I want to highlight here is the importance of the joint border controls that we had with Ukraine. This really helped us work together, so our border guards worked together with the Ukrainian border guards, and information flow was very quick, so we were able to identify people without documentation through this information flow. So I think that sort of maintaining an open policy and maintaining good communication on all levels and this information flow is actually the most important thing. Thank you. What's your take on that? What is expected from Ukraine? Yes, I would say be ready to welcome new skill sets back into the country after the war. We have quite a few women who were not working in the Ukraine when they came across the border to Poland who now we have helped skill build. They may choose to work when they come home, not all, but many likely will choose and be ready to welcome those new skills back into your economy. Well, that would be a nice moment for Ukraine to get ready to welcome all those people coming back. I do know that. We're going to get one more question. I saw one here. I'm going to just ask you to be rather brief because I'm on a time restraints. You can just stand up, please. Thank you. My name is Marcus Price. I'm the EU correspondent of the German TV. I have a question to the Prime Minister. I guess nobody in Brussels does not want to support Moldova, does not want to support Ukraine. But I have the feeling that it's something completely different when it comes to EU membership. So you also applied for it. What kind of game are you entering? Do you have the feeling that it's really honest to debate or is it only driven by sympathy? What is the benefit for your country if you get the status as a candidate without anything really happening for many years? So are leaders honest with you and what is your benefit? Thank you. You know, you ask for what is the benefit and I'm thinking, well, it's not about the benefit. It's the fact that we are a European country. And, you know, we have a European history, European mindset. And, you know, we have been implementing the association agreement, the DCFTA. We have been aligning to the Akiko Monetary. And in July, you know, we saw this generational change where Moldovans voted for an almost constitutional majority of a party that is very EU oriented and has built a campaign on rule of law, improving good governance, combating corruption. And this was much before the war. And this was a very clear European mandate. And I would argue to you that applying to the European Union and achieving candidate status was the mandate that we have been given before the war by our people. And we've been hit with multiple crises, you know, post-COVID recovery and the energy crisis and now this unjust and terrible war. But this hasn't stopped us from implementing the reforms that our own people mandated us to implement. So, you know, we are progressing rapidly on external evaluation of judges and prosecutors and implementing rule of law reforms. You know, we have made significant progress in cleaning up state institutions of corrupt schemes and state-owned enterprises. We are seeing how Moldova is quickly advancing on the, you know, democracy index and rule of law index. So, you know, we were on this path already. We feel that this is a historic moment of opportunity, window of opportunity. We have missed some windows of opportunity before, you know, I remember discussions before the Salonik summit and we discussed this briefly before the session with the vice president. And, you know, there was real talk about Moldova joining the Balkan states and achieving candidate status even then. So, you know, I think both Ukraine and Moldova and Georgia, you know, have sort of been moving along on this path. And this is just an acceleration because of this window of opportunity. Thank you. We're going to take one more brief question. Please keep it brief. Can you stand up so we can see you better? And I'm going to ask you to be brief as well. Thank you so much. Well, my name is Diana and I come from Ukraine, but I'm Ukrainian-Syrian. So, I can't help but notice the unfair treatment between Ukrainians and Syrians. And we're super thankful to how Ukrainians are treated. But what I've been watching for the past 12 years, how Syrians are treated in Europe, is not the same. So, is there any anything done in Europe right now to implement the best practices and case studies created with the Ukrainians now to have fair treatment to refugees coming from all over the world? Thank you. Thank you, Diana. I come across this question very often and I want to repeat that there is no different treatment for a very simple reason, that this was a war. In four member states with common border, people just crossed. So, we had to deal with a situation which was unique. In Syria, we had a slow motion collapse that created an exodus that did not cross into the European Union. Many people stayed in Turkey, then in Greece. And although all Syrians who applied for asylum in the European Union obtained it, may I remind you that the tools we applied in that situation were different because the situation was different. At the time, we applied the system of mandatory relocation from Greece and Italy, which was not very particularly a move, particularly popular move, but it helped. So, the situation is different, but the principle is the same. Europe will always be an asylum destination for those who flee in war. But the tools will be adjusted to the situation at hand. Thank you. What's your take on that? Have you seen what you experienced on that? From a private sector perspective, we actually helped, as I mentioned earlier, with Syrian resettlement and Syrian refugees. And so, in this borderless world of talent, I mean, honestly, we welcome everyone across borders and do our best to try to place talent. We have a talent shortage, and so I haven't seen any difference in terms of how we have helped Syrian refugees, again, Afghan refugees or Ukrainian refugees, and I'm sorry for your personal experience. Prime Minister. I actually worked with Syrian refugees in my previous job. I was working for a sort of social impact investing fund in London, and we gave grants to organizations that were working on alternative pathways to migration. I, you know, Moldova didn't sort of see a large inflow of refugees, but there were Syrian asylum seekers in Moldova. There were a very small number, and they were usually on their way to other countries. But I think it was a very different situation, both in terms of what the migrants wanted and what was requested from Moldova. So, yeah, I think the situations were very different, and the numbers were very different for Moldova. The issues that we have discussed here at this session, certainly we're going to go back to them here at Davos. We're going to go back to them at where we are at our workplaces and so on. There will be more decisions and more solutions. Hopefully, as you all said, they will be rather quicker than sooner than later. But to quote you here for the conclusion of the session, I'm going to quote the European Commission Vice President to you here when you said that paradoxically this war in Ukraine and what happened when it comes to the Ukrainian refugees fleeing the war going to Europe. It was Europe at its best in such a dark moment. And to quote you, the speakers, it takes the open borders, open minds, but also it takes open hearts to react in the best way. Thank you so much for the speakers. Thank you so much for everybody in the audience. Thank you.