 Chapter 1 in the Battle of America. Chapter 1 was the Battle of Cuba. It was finished on January the 8th, 1959, here in Havana. The kind of history these people began writing here was not intended to stop here. As the men who led this revolution see it, there are 19 more chapters to follow, one for each of the countries in South America where conditions are right for this. And this is revolution. As revolutions have gone throughout the world since the end of World War II, this one in Cuba holds no special honors or distinctions. But revolutions have gone until this one. The Cuban revolution is very special. It's very special for several reasons and all of them are pretty much a mystery to this fellow, John Q. American, here. Who is particularly wrapped up in that Cuban revolution? He doesn't really understand what happened in Cuba back in January of 1959. Despite the fact that no other person on this planet has a greater number or a variety of ways to read about, hear about, see about, and know about things, the tons of newsprint that he's read through and the untold hours of airtime that he's listened through about turmoil and unrest and revolutions everywhere around him for years. None of that prepared him for today's Cuba. He's confused. Particularly so, because like thousands of other Americans, he's been to Cuba. As a matter of fact, he was there vacationing only a few weeks before that scene you saw on the screen a moment ago happened in Havana. When he was there, there wasn't much to suggest to him that things would go as they have gone in that island country. What John Q. American didn't see in Cuba when he was there and what happened in Cuba is tonight's Cuba, the battle of America. Main street in almost any large city in any country south of the border. As it happens, this is one of the main streets in Havana, Cuba. Modern hotels, gambling casinos, exotic restaurants, department stores and office buildings. This is Tourist Alley. Well-known to most American visitors to Cuba. To most American visitors, this is Cuba. That is, it's all of Cuba they usually get to see. It isn't Cuba at all, of course, it's a transplanted bit of the United States from the air conditioned hotels to the table linen and silver serving dishes in the restaurants. Most of what you see on your screen was built by Americans in fact. In Havana's case, much of that transplanted bit of North America was built by a very special group of Americans who have given too many of the Cuban people a somewhat peculiar picture of what life in America must be like. John Q. there had a whale of a time in Havana back in December of 1958, several weeks before Castro reached that city. I'm Albert Burke. I'll try to tell you how and why this was the case. He lost quite a bit of money at the gaming tables in the casinos along Tourist Alley, many of which were built by a group of American racketeers with the profits of the crime syndicates headquartered in New York and Chicago, which run most of the bookie operations, dope peddling, numbers and policy rackets, abortion mills, prostitution and poker houses here in the States. He enjoyed the excellent food served in the exotic restaurants along Tourist Alley and many of them were built by the same men with the same kind of money. And although he doesn't go for that kind of thing himself, that he wanted that kind of feminine companionship. Havana was famous throughout the whole of South America for the quality of its red light district, conveniently located a few blocks away from Tourist Alley. And this is a business enterprise which has been set up and run by the same racketeers who shared their hard-earned Cuban pesos and American dollars with a number of Cuba's government officials for the privilege of providing such services to the vacationing public. All that was part of the transplanted bit of the United States in Cuba that made John Q's vacation there a delightful interlude, but left the visiting Guajiro, the Cuban peasant, with a somewhat peculiar idea about what the American way of life must be like over on the mainland a short 90 miles away. Tourist Alley is of course not the whole picture of American dollars invested in the Cuban economy, but it has always been the most spectacular part of that picture in Cuba. And there are Tourist Alley's all over South America. For a dangerously long time, they've been the most important blocks to John Q. American's understanding, what really went on south of our border, what life was really like there. John Q. Youse is accustomed to the foam rubber mattress, tiled bathroom kind of light. He rarely moves away from this wherever he goes in the world. But there isn't much of that kind of world anywhere in Africa, in Asia, or in South America, except in the Tourist Alley's that had been set up to cater to those few of the world's two and three quarter billion people who can afford to live that way. From Tourist Alley's wherever they are, it's been very hard to see the seeds of the kind of revolution that spilled over much of the world since the end of World War II and most recently in Cuba. Very few Americans are prepared now to see those seeds over all of South America. S. Che Guevara, Castro's right hand man in Havana saw them last March when he described the Cuban Revolution as chapter one in the battle for America. The Cuban leaders see those seeds sprouting in 19 other South American countries where conditions are ripe for Castro's kind of revolution. What are those conditions? Pope John 23rd put his finger squarely on the most important part of them in his radio message to Cuba's first National Catholic Convention last year. 500,000 Cubans gathered to hear the Holy Father tell them that, and I quote, the face of the world could change if true charity were to rule. And this is the charity of the Christian man who knows that his wealth has a social function and that it's his duty to give what is above his own needs to those who are deprived of the bare necessities of life. Unquote Pope John. What Pope John 23rd was talking about was a kind of South America that can be seen a fairly short distance away from any tourist alley in any other South American country. The visitor in Buenos Aires, for example, is always impressed by places like Republic Square and streets like the Avenue of the 9th of July. Buenos Aires has some of the widest, best-paved, clean and beautiful streets in the world and they're lined with the smartest shops and hotels. But the visitor rarely sees or hears about a place called the Cinturón de la Misería, the Belt of Misery, which almost surrounds the beautiful part of that city. In this belt, more than a million Argentines live under conditions of filth and poverty, which few North Americans alive today have ever known and even fewer would understand. This gulf between the rich and the poor in every country south of the border is the stuff revolutions are made of. Not the kind that we're known in every South American country before January of 1959, but this man's kind, which, as revolutions have gone in the world since 1945, is not particularly unusual. But in Cuba and in Latin America, Mr. Castro's revolution has been very unusual. Fidel Castro offered Cuba's miserable ones, Cuba's poor, most of whom are the Guajiros, the Cuban peasants. He offered them a better deal, he offered them a better life than they'd ever known before. This group, the Guajiros with their families, make up about half the Cuban population. He told this group in effect that his revolution would make what Pope John meant by Christian charity a reality for them. This revolution of Castro's was the first in Cuban history to base its policies and its power on the peasant. And his was one of the very, very few revolutions in modern South American history that was not fought between power groups, between the military, between the upper classes. In all other revolutions, the peasant, the poor, the miserable ones, took no real part. They couldn't have cared less who won or who lost because their lives never changed anyway. But Castro told that group that the revolution he headed was for them. He gave the Guajiro a sense of political power. He gave them to understand what political power meant and what could be done with it. They flocked to his support. Today, almost two years later, they are his main support. Despite an active growing opposition from the upper and from the middle classes and from the workers in the cities, the Guajiros are still very solidly with him as the backbone of a revolution new to the Western hemisphere. Now, these are the conditions that give men like Che Guevara, Castro's right-hand man in Havana, the confidence he felt last March when he said that Cuba was only chapter one in the much bigger revolution to come in the whole of South America. That he wasn't just batting his gums about this was pointed up by the visit to Cuba earlier this year by Janio Cuadros. At that time, Cuadros was a candidate for the presidency of Brazil. And during that visit to Cuba, he said that he would follow the example set by Fidel Castro in his country if he was elected. He also said that Brazil had many problems like those in Cuba, problems of corruption, problems of inflation. And he said there was a long overdue need for basic reforms. Well, three weeks ago, Janio Cuadros there won Brazil's presidential election with a landslide majority. And if his opinions about the Cuban revolution have not changed since that visit, chapter two in the Battle of America may be written with or without a revolution in South America's largest nation. Whatever happens to Castro in Cuba or to his revolution in the future, whether Castro stays on as the maximum leader as he's called or whether his revolution fails, Cuba will never be the same again. It will never go back to things as they were. South America will never be the same again either. Pope John warned in that talk that the gulf between the rich and the poor had to be bridged. The continent to the south of us will never be the same again because the words gotten around that that gulf can be bridged, that for the Venezuelan and the Bolivian mestizo and for the Paraguayan and the Brazilian Indian better lives are possible. Schools to learn to read and write are possible. That one does not have to age quickly and die young because of hard work and hunger and disease. That better houses to live in than mud huts and packing cases with tin roofs. These things are possible. This word has gotten around. The trouble is though that this word is not being spread by Christian men who practice a Christian charity as Pope John suggested. It is being spread by revolutionaries who practice a very different method as suggested by the men who offered these goods and services to Mr. Castro to help him try to stabilize his revolution in Cuba. These are Soviet jet fighters. The kind Mr. Mikoyan of the USSR has offered Cuba's maximum leader. They point up a problem which seriously concerns and disturbs all Americans right now. The problem of a communist controlled or communist influenced military base in the Americas. There are reports that in addition to the building of airfields for planes like these Soviet technicians are at work in Cuba now building hard missile launching sites which could cover every part of the United States. There are reports too about Soviet and communist Chinese technicians building submarine pens for possible future use by the submarine fleets of the two major communist powers. Reports and rumors which we here have looked into and which we would like to have you look into too after a short time out. What we've heard about the activities of Russians and Chinese in Cuba today has come to us for men like Ray Robinson for example who was a pilot for Kubana Airlines. Robinson was a first lieutenant in the United States Air Force before that. And a short time ago he told our man in Miami Alexander Rourke about Soviet MiG planes, missiles and submarines in Cuba. How many MiGs did you say that they have there? Well at the time that I was there the last count I have was somewhere around 35 but it's been a week left of time since that time so they might have more because there has been quite a bit of shipping in and out of Russian. Have you seen the Russians in the Czech? Yes I have. I've seen them on quite a few occasions and also I've seen two red Chinese since just recently left there they're coming out more and more. What about, we've heard these rumors of rocket bases and so forth in Cuba. What have you heard about them? Well I understand the present time now in the Rio de Janeiro area that they have actually started construction that's somewhat close to the general to the rocket base in that area. And I'm not too sure I've never seen it myself but I have had very different reports of reliable sources that they were there and also airfields that they're going to expand for larger types of airfields. Right, you're gonna think about the rumors of submarine bases being built out on Cuba. Yet we have heard many rumors, many of the people there will talk about that they have believed that there are started construction on the base and it's nothing for just refueling. And the reports go on with Neil Macaulay next. He was an American who fought for Castro was given a farm in Pinar del Rio in Cuba for his services and then pulled out of Cuba to escape the communist takeover there. Said Mr. Macaulay. There are a number of people there who came from behind the Iron Curtain. There are a number of Russians and probably more Chinese. Chinese families. And a first assortment of Czechs and Polish, Hungarians, and U.S. law. The Russians are the most conspicuous because they're always going groups of three or four. They always have to have a secret policeman or a Communist Party member among the group and they don't mix with the people at all. They wear these heavy and blue turd suits and the tropics and they're out of place. They just look far into Cuba. Have you met any of them? Well, I met the agricultural team in Pinar del Rio province. But what do you think these people are there for? Are they just agricultural technicians or do you think they have more importance to it? Oh, well, I'm sure that there's a good infiltration of secret service, secret policemen or intelligence agents mixed into this group. And there are, of course, these certain that they're political organizers too. But Ray Robinson and Neil Macaulay were talking about in those interviews was the problem of Cuba right now as most Americans see it. And this is the problem of a communist controlled or a communist influenced military base in the Americas which poses a direct head on military threat to our homes, our factories and to our future. These are the obvious things that concern and disturb us about a Cuba in which the only organized political party allowed to operate today in Cuba is the Partido Socialista Popular. This is the Communist Party. These are the obvious things about today's Cuba. But they are not necessarily the most important things, certainly not in an age of intercontinental air power, intercontinental ballistic missile power. But especially missile carrying nuclear submarines. Which Mr. Khrushchev informed the world in a speech two weeks ago were now operational and part of the USSR submarine fleet. The Soviet Union and Communist China are just as aware as we are of the enormous importance of the missile carrying sub as a moving, hard to spot missile launching platform. No base on land, whether it's Cuba or any place else can compare with this in today's kind of warfare. Now this does not mean that military bases on land have no value anymore. But it does mean that Cuba is not particularly important to a Communist Russia or to a Communist China as a military base. You see the leaders of those two communist powers have other, bigger and much more important goals in mind in South America than just a military foothold on an island in our front yard. Cuba is particularly important to the Soviet Union and the Communist China in other ways. About which John Q. American there, and that means all 180 million of us knows little or nothing. Mainly because it's very hard for him or for anyone else to see men like these from the tourist alleys south of the border. These men seldom if ever get into the hotels, the bars of the gambling casinos of those alleys. But these men and what moved them to the kind of revolution they pulled off successfully there almost two years ago makes that island, the island of Cuba, particularly important to both of the Communist powers. What is there about those men and their revolution in Cuba that's so special? Well something that this fellow is supposed to have decided about 43 years earlier as he tried to make another revolution stick and work in Russia. The man addressing this crowd is Lenin, the father of his country, the first Communist-governed country in history. Lenin had to face a problem soon after his followers had taken over the Russian revolution to set up the world's first Communist state and his problem was that Russia was supposed to be only one of many states that would explode in revolution after the First World War. There was supposed to be a rising of workers and peasants all over the world to lead to a Communist world. But this didn't happen. Lenin is supposed to have decided at that time that the best way to bring about a Communist future for the world would not be by concentrating on revolutions in the advanced industrial nations but by working for revolutions in the colonies and what were called the spheres of influence of the Empire powers that is Britain, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Portugal and all the rest. Lenin is supposed to have phrased that decision in these words and I quote, the way to victory for communism over the West lies by way of Peking and Calcutta in Asia. Well, the experts on Soviet affairs have never been able to get together about this statement. Some say Lenin did make it, some say he didn't. But this doesn't really matter because another Soviet leader did say much the same thing only a few years ago. This man shortly before he died back in 1953. Stalin said that the way to victory for communism in the world lay in an alliance of the Soviet Union's interests with those of the former colonial and oppressed peoples of the world. Lenin's statement has been around much longer than this man's but both statements lead straight out of the past to much of the kind of history that has been made by the communists since the end of World War II in Asia. What these statements have to do with men like these we'll get into in a moment. Those statements also lead directly out of the past to these men who by Fidel Castro's own definition are among the world's former colonial and oppressed peoples. Now according to that definition, Cuba was first made a colony of and oppressed by Spain. And this was in the early 1500s. Well, the Spanish-American War put an end to Spanish rule in their island country. But Cuba then became what amounted to a colony of and was oppressed by the United States. And this was in the late 1800s. According to Castro, this situation lasted until about January the 8th, 1959, which was when his revolution reached Havana to finish chapter one in the Battle of America. This may not be history as you know it from your American history books, but it is the kind of history these men believe which is now being written into new Cuban textbooks for the primary and secondary schools in their country. For Juan de Sprado here, it was a kind of history that this man wanted to see end. Juan had one burning ambition when he joined Castro in the Sierra Maestra Mountains back in 1956. And his ambition was to see Cuba free. That is free of a government and a way of life that allowed what this man called foreign interests and big landowners to take Cuba's best farmlands away from Cuban farmers to be worked for the benefit of people outside Cuba. What he had in mind particularly was seven companies that owned about five million acres of Cuban farmland, which turned out agricultural products that few Cubans used and profits that few Cubans saw. Those seven companies had their home offices in the United States and those five million acres were about half of all the land under crops in Cuba. They were paying dividends to American investors the way off in the United States. This was colonialism to Juan de Sprado. And so this man fought for what he called freedom and for land reform in his nation of mostly farmers. His friend Nunez Iberas here had worked for several years as a mechanic in the Guantanamo Naval Base and this is the American military base in Oriente Province off in eastern Cuba. Nunez was one of eight children born to Guajiro parents, peasants who owned no land, who made their living cutting cane for one of the 161 sugar grinding mills on the island. Until Nunez was 15 years old, his world reached all the way from his boheal to the general store in the village. And the boheal was home. That is, it was a squat, usually windowless, airless shack made of leftover palm tree lumber. The boheal was home to hundreds of thousands of Cubans peasants who lived and worked their lives away under conditions that were the rule in Europe about a thousand years back. Though these were primitive farming conditions under which the peasants aged fast and died young, Nunez was 15 years old when his father died at the ripe old age of 36. His father was helped to an early death by a variety of infections and diseases that still affect most of his people. That is, outside the cities. There were health services in Cuba and there were good ones too in the cities, but they didn't quite reach down to the level of this man and his family. Hunger reached down to the level of this man though. Nunez knew hunger every year of his life, even when his parents both had jobs during the sugar time. During the very long off sugar season, when there was no other work of any kind to be had, things would get pretty desperate for these people. Nunez Iberis joined Fidel Castro in the Sierra Maestra Mountains back in 1956 and he had one burning ambition by that time, which was to see Cuba free, free of governments that did little or nothing for the bulk of Cuba's people, that is the farming peasants, and free of a way of life that kept the Guajiros out of the 20th century. Nunez worked up this burning ambition while he worked at the American Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, which like most of tourist alley in Havana was a transplanted bit of the United States in Cuba. At Guantanamo, Nunez saw the 20th century up close. He saw it in decent housing, in good schools, in medical care, and in good wages. He heard all about the good life on the base radio. He saw it in American moving pictures and on television. And Nunez was converted. Nunez took to the hills with Castro to fight for what he called economic reform. What he meant was the kind of economy that spelled the good life for Americans. And this meant industrial development for Cuba that would give them what you see on your screen. It meant a drastic overhaul of Cuba's farming setup, which kept Cuban farmers back in the Middle Ages. Nunez had no idea about how this could be done. He only knew that it had to be done. And his friend Jose Martinez here agreed with him. Jose joined Castro in 1956 too, because at that time Jose had one burning ambition. And that was to see Cuba free, free of governments and a way of life that allowed what this man called foreign interests to dig up and haul out of Cuban mines such things as chromite, manganese, copper, and nickel. Jose, you see, was a miner. And although he received pretty good wages working for a Cuban branch of an American company in the United States, he resented the fact that Cuba's mineral riches were not being worked in Cuba to make more jobs and better lives possible for his people. Instead, Cuban iron ore, as an example, was shipped off to places like the Tidewater Plants of the Bethlehem Steel Company off in Baltimore, Maryland. And away off there, Cuban ores were used to make more jobs and better lives possible for Americans. Jose Martinez wanted to see economic reform in Cuba too, that is the kind that would force foreign users of Cuban minerals and ores to mine them and process them in his country. As he saw Cuban history, ever since the year 1511, foreigners, first Spain, then the United States, had been pulling minerals and ores out of Cuba with little or no benefit to his people. It was time for a change, and Jose thought his way into Havana with Castro to bring about that change. And it was change that interested Pedro Jimenez here too. But Pedro's interest in change was not quite the same as the others. This man had a burning ambition too, and that was to see Cubans treated as dignified human beings, that is as the equals of all other men. And right now, there is no subject about which practically all of the world's peoples around Europe and North America are more sensitive. Just as Pedro here is sensitive about racial prejudice. Sensitive people like Pedro have changed the whole political map of the world since 1945 in revolutions which have just about wiped out the empires and the spheres of influence of West Europeans. And in that kind of world, people like Pedro have made Cuba particularly important to communist East Europeans and to the communist Chinese. Because you see the kind of world these men live in is shot through with the need for land reform. And this is the very thing Juan de Sprado backed their fort for in Cuba. The world these men live in desperately needs, no subject about which practically all of the world peoples around Europe and North America are more sensitive. Just as Pedro here is sensitive about racial prejudice. Sensitive people like Pedro have changed the whole political map of the world since 1945 in revolutions which have just about wiped out the empires and the spheres of influence of West Europeans. And in that kind of world, people like Pedro have made Cuba particularly important to communist East Europeans and to the communist Chinese. Because you see the kind of world these men live in is shot through with the need for land reform. And this is the very thing Juan de Sprado backed their fort for in Cuba. The world these men live in desperately needs, economic reforms, industrial development to change the world from the poor agricultural place it is to the better, more industrialized place it could be just as Núñez Iberes and Jose Martinez fought for this in Cuba. And in that kind of world, Núñez and Jose have made Cuba particularly important to a communist Russia and China. Because those are the kind of interests which not too long ago Joseph Stalin said the Soviet Union should line up with in order to bring about a final victory for communism over the non-communist West. Because John Q. American doesn't live in that kind of world. He doesn't see the kind of Cuba these men fought over in revolution for which reason he doesn't really understand how serious a threat to his way of life, the kind of Cuba they helped to set up has become. Somehow despite the fact that no person on this planet has a greater number or variety of ways to read about, to hear about, to know about things there hasn't been much in the tons of newsprint that John Q. American has read through and the uncountable hours of time he's listened through to help him know how and why the words land reform have been and still are the stuff that revolutions are made of. He hasn't read much about how and why the kind of economic reforms that Iberes and Martinez want to see for Cuba is so hard for Cuba and for so much of the rest of the world to get. And unfortunately for millions of other Americans just like him there hasn't really been much passed on to him through all those ways he has to know about things which would disprove the idea that he really is a better human being than Cubans or Indians or Chinese or Negroes among others. After all, compare his kind of life with theirs. If those people had minds that were just as good as his and if they can do things just as well as he can why haven't they done what he's done to live so well? Well, let's get into that one after we have a short time out. About two months ago, I spoke to a half dozen young people from different parts of South America who were in the Soviet Union as students here at the University of Moscow. Their tuition was free, their transportation was paid all of them were from small towns and villages in their respective countries. When they finished their studies in this place they intended to head back to those towns and villages. How did they feel about this opportunity? Very grateful, they told me. What kind of program was it that put them in that university in the Soviet capital? It was a special program that began two years ago in communist China and last year in the USSR to educate and train young Ecuadorians, Bolivians, Paraguans, Peruvians and the rest in the ideas and the ways of Marx and communism and also a variety of specially selected subjects. Those young people trained here sent back to their villages and towns will wait for the day to do the things that have to be done to stabilize any revolution. If and as Castro's revolution goes well and with communist help, the next 19 chapters of the Battle of America are written. The students trained there will have their chance to step into power in their countries and there isn't much doubt about this. This will happen for very much the same reasons that Cuban communists are moving into power in Cuba now. You see, Fidel Castro could fight a revolution without people trained in economics and in finance and in problems of transportation and communications, without training and running businesses and industries and agriculture, but Castro could not stabilize his revolution without such people. When I asked those young South Americans at the University of Moscow this summer what courses they were taking, interestingly enough they were studying, economics, finance, problems of transportation, communications and the rest. It's an important characteristic of revolutions that they leave political, social and economic vacuums because the people who run revolutions find that they cannot trust the people they revolt against. And in order to make their futures secure they often use very effective methods to make sure that people like these will not endanger their revolution. This fellow on your screen may have been trained in some important field of government work, but to these men he's the enemy. And in dealing with such enemies, the way you are about to see, what you are about to see is the stuff that vacuums which follow revolutions are made up. We're witnessing an execution, an execution of a former military commander in Cuba. He's been given the choice of giving the command for his own execution and so enemies disappear in revolutions. You see it's an important characteristic of the vacuums created by revolutions. It's an important characteristic of vacuums as any good physics textbook will point out, that vacuums can be filled and filled easily. Who was there in Cuba? Among those Castro and his revolutionaries could trust and by that I mean not from the upper or the middle classes or from the workers either because those groups had been in with the government Castro threw over. Who was there in Cuba? Among the farming peasants particularly from those small towns and villages. Who could step in to fill the vacuums after Castro came to power? Where were the non-communist educated and trained people from those small towns and villages to fill that vacuums? In other words, what force have we prepared? What force are we thinking about preparing now as the Soviet Union and Communist China are now preparing those young South Americans in special schools? What force have we prepared against the day of revolution that was written all over Cuba to see for years? As it was written all over Asia and Africa to see for years and as it is written all over South America to say today to see two outside tourist alley, that is. Those training programs for South American students in Moscow and in Peking are communism's investment in the future and this is the future that Mr. Stalin laid out through places like Cuba as the way to a communist future for the world and this is the same future which Mr. Khrushchev and Mr. Mao Tse Tung now assure the whole world will someday be theirs. What investment have we made? Or are we thinking of making to see to it that that future will not be Khrushchev's or Mao Tse Tung's? Is this to be our investment against a communist future for the world? This is a meeting in Miami, Florida in that city's Flagler Park and this is a group of Cuban exiles who call themselves the Alliance for Liberation. These people have one burning ambition today and that burning ambition is to see Cuba free but this time free from Castro. There are all kinds of Cuban groups like these, most of them disunited, disorganized, but intensely, wholly committed to counterrevolution against Castro. I am Captain Achilles Chinea. I was commander of the San Julián base in Pinal de Rio. I was chief of the army school there. When six communists were sent to teach at the school, I reported this to Fidel. This was last March. I then realized that Fidel too was a communist. I had to go on the ground and took refuge in the Brazilian embassy in Havana. After three months, I was transported to Brazil and then came to the United States. I am member of the anti-communist Christian Fronts and the Alliance for Liberation. I am ready to join those already fighting castles. This is Dr. Antonio Verona. He was Speaker of Cuba Senate. Then he was Prime Minister. Today he is an exile and a counterrevolutionary and his group is called the Authentical Party. Then there is Dr. Yusto Carrillo, this man headed Cuba's development bank where he saw receipts from money sent to agents working for Castro and the communists in the other countries of South America. He escaped from Cuba and today is with the Democratic Revolutionary Front. And Dr. Aralino Sanchez Orango, once Minister of Cuban Education. He was a strong anti-Batista man. Today he's preparing to fight Castro. This is Captain Manuel Artemis who left medical school to join Castro and his revolution, only to learn later about Castro's plans to move Cuba into the communist world. He heads a group called the Counterrevolutionary Movement of Revolutionary Recovery. Dr. Jose Roscoe, who went to school then college with Fidel Castro today, he is the brains behind the Christian Democratic Movement, the fastest growing counterrevolutionary movement in Cuba. And Pedro Dias Lanz, the former head of Castro's Air Force. He was the first Cuban official to defect. He came to the United States by sailboat and warned the United States Investigating Committee about a communist takeover in Cuba. To back up the hopes of those counterrevolutionary groups, tools like these are being collected, secondhand weapons of all kinds, which are loaded into small boats like these for increasingly dangerous trips to Cuba, taking in supplies and bringing out refugees and fugitives from Castro's police. In this way, many exiles have gone back to Cuba to fight and many of those exiles have died. Many more will. Now at this point, John Q. American, you and I face a problem. Are those highly emotional, disorganized, many interested, counterrevolutionary Cuban forces with no clear cut program to meet the problems of the Cuba that those men fought under Castro to correct? Are those people armed with the latest weapons, weapons like these put in their hands where they practice the use of these weapons not far from Miami, Florida? Are men like these with this kind of training later to be carried out of the United States in American ships? Are these men and these weapons to turn Cuba into a battleground again? The question is, are those groups you saw and the methods you saw there to be our investment to keep the battle of America from going communism's way in the other 19 countries off of the border? The question is, is this an effective answer to communism anywhere in the world? How does this solve the problem of land reform? How does this solve the problem of economic reform of industrial development? How does it solve the problem of race prejudice as these things are the stuff revolutions are made of in today's kind of world? Let's go to Mr. McCauley again to get a view of this. Do you think that the United States should intervene or just what do you think is the solution? Well, at least I don't have a solution. This is a tough problem. I'd like to see some steps taken. I don't know what the United States can do as far as aiding the Cuban people and ridding themselves of the communist dictatorship. I think something more has to be done than we did in Hungary. We've got to give these people some sort of help but just what help I can't say. What about the possibilities of the Cubans within Cuba and the exiles from outside doing something? Do you think they have much of a chance? Frankly, I don't think they have much of a chance. The situation gets worse as time goes by. The chances of overthrowing Castro diminished with time. The Russians are getting a stranglehold on Cuba now. They're sending in their the arms, the equipment, the planes, the tanks, everything Castro needs to put down any popular rebellion. There's more to come on this subject in just a moment. We live in the world of the Juan de Spratos and Mojote Martinez. From Indonesia around the world to Cuba, it's a world of exploding populations, desperately in need of land reform, economic reforms, in agriculture and in setting up industries, and a world sensitive to the point of explosion about the idea held by too many white-skinned people that they are somehow better than dark-skinned people. These are some of the more important things revolutions are made of today that communists didn't create them. These problems showed up in human affairs before the first Bolshevik was out of diapers. And these problems would be around to spark revolutions in human affairs if every communist on earth very conveniently were to kick the bucket and die off this minute. Communists didn't create the stuff today's revolutions are made of, but they have fed on that stuff from Russia to Cuba. The Russian revolution was not a communist revolution back in 1918, but it became one. And nothing did more to keep the communists in business in that country about 40 years ago. Then the idea that was tried then by this country and others in Europe to deal with the stuff of revolution there by backing Russian counter-revolutionary groups with bullets. More than three years of bullets and counter-revolution in Russia did not destroy communism there for two reasons. First, the bullet hasn't been made yet that can shoot our way out of the kind of problems that exist in the world of men like Juan de Sprado and the Martinezes. Second, that was the easy answer to problems that have no easy answer. Cuba is not Russia. With today's weapons, that country, that island could not only be overrun it could be wiped out in minutes. But Cuba is like Russia in the sense that bullets and counter-revolution are no better solution today for the problems of land reform, economic reform and exploding populations than they were 43 years ago in Russia. Look hard at history as it happened, particularly during the past 15 years. 15 years and some $90 billion after World War II, despite all the military facts, the treaties and the defensive alliances we've put through in the best, top hat, cutaway coat and striped trouser kind of diplomacy. Despite military assistance, technical assistance, economic aid and .4 programs, communists have fed on the stuff that makes revolutions, have taken over other people's revolutions right into Cuba here in the Western Hemisphere for two reasons. First, the dollar hasn't been printed yet that can buy our way out of the kind of world the Juan de Sprados live in. And second, bullets and counter-revolutions are still the easy answer to problems that have no easy answer. There are no easy answers to deal with the stuff revolutions are made of. There are no easy answers to communism. There's only hard work, hard work by each individual thinking and voting American who must work hard to understand that the key to the survival of our way of life today lies in dealing with the kind of world those men live in, not just understanding it, but willingness to work in it away from the tourist alleys and the tiled bathroom kind of life to defend America. And not just in the battle of America which Mr. Castro has in mind for South America, but in the battle of the world which communism has in mind for this whole planet. This means hard work to face head-on and deal head-on with the problems of exploding populations, land reform, economic reform, but most important. The demand by human beings everywhere, even here at home, for dignity. To do this by other means than bullets and blank checks passed around by blank minds. Until we do this, it will not be communism that wins the world. It will be democracy that loses it. I am Albert Burke. We haven't finished with this subject. We'll be back. But thank you for being with us tonight. And good night.