 ac yn y gwneud y meddwl mewn y gwirch yn wyf, mae'r gweithio mewn cyfredigol yn y Gwyffredd. Mae'r gennyn nhw yn fawr i gyd ymlaen iawn, bydd y mae'r gwirch yn so rhetoricau yn sy'n flynyddiad. Mae'r gweithio eraill yn siarad i'r rhodill o'r drafodol. Mae'r femn nhw o'n gyfer y gymysgol yng Nghyrch, ond rwy'n cael ei bŵo i fynd. Mae'r gweithio ar y cyflwyno gyda i'r ymwraeth. Mae'r ddechrau'n gwirch i'r ddau mae'r gwirch yn ddyn. Teidw i'r Children of the Palestine School. These are Palestinians in Israel. We're not talking about the West Bank or God's Bank and the vigil sat together on the roadside taking a lot of insult. All my book about these three organisations, the space between us what I was looking at was how do they cross that space with words instead of collins. That had been my question. Ond nid yw, yn 2012, ydyw'n sefyllfa o'ch cymddeithas, y gwrth gwrdd am ddweud o'r cyfnod ddweud, y gwrth gwrdd am ddweud o'r gwrdd cyfnod, o'r gyfnod ddweudio'r Lodol. Wel, rwy'n dechrau'n fwy o'r ddiwedig o'r ysgol i ddweud i ddweud i ddweud i ddweud o'r ddweud. I Bosniau, mae o'r meddwch yn ei ddweud i ddweud i'r ddweud i'r ddweud, ..but reduced in size. And it had lost its mixity. Today, it's almost entirely Bosnian. The director now is Sidin Ha-Haskic, who I've mentioned in the old days as a religious councillor among the therapists. Also still there was another old friend from Rita Gennich. She's now a senior nurse. And she's actually unique in today's medica because she's the only one who's of weak storage and mixed marriage, something very typical of Bosnian builders. She said, I don't belong to any religious groups. I belong only to myself. Nobody sees me as Bosnian croats also because I don't allow it. I celebrate every holiday on the calendar. Christian, Muslim, whatever, to be a good example to the children. It's not a person's name but how they behave, what matters. It's not that the other others, Bosnian serf and Bosnian croats, have been driven away from medica. It's not that. It seems that it just happened. For lack of a positive recruitment policy, some of the women of Bosnian serf and Bosnian croat name have been doctors or psychotherapists who've gone back to their old pre-war jobs in hospitals. Or they've moved on to similar work in other war zones when this project's in Kosovo in Afghanistan. Some have been busy raising families or they've fallen ill or retired. I didn't manage to find an interview 17 of my old friends from 1995. They told me the dominant reality in Bosnia has been and still is the terrible economic situation. And then, brutalised by the experiences of war, I've come back to poverty and joblessness. That has been fertile ground for male violence. By the late 90s, the survivors of war rape had left medica but straight away the centre was needed as a refuge and therapy centre for survivors of domestic violence and civilian rape. Somehow, in the process of adaptation, the feminism of medica changed. Medica had been brought into existence by a partnership of German women in Bosnia Europe. Monica Hauser, Gavin Shikovsky and others had brought their western feminism and Yugoslavia had had its own feminist movement before the war. Their shared anger at the mass rape fuelled a transnational and anti-war feminism. Since the war, responding to domestic violence, medica's feminism has changed. It's become very reasonably, actually, a combination of women's aid and women's rights feminism. On the one hand, there are providers running a secure refuge and, on the other hand, they lobby the government for laws to protect women. As international funding dried up, they accepted public funding and this has been crucial. Now, they have a close partnership with Zenith's local council. They share a resource in the social welfare environment. Some of the former medica women tell me they feel that medica's feminist autonomy has been compromised by this proximity to the state. Two women, Dushka Andrews and Selma Haji Khalilovic, who used to work in medica's information department, it was called Infoteca. They've taken Infoteca out now, is independent. They wanted to pursue a more outspoken feminism which they feel is totally lacking and badly needed in contemporary Osmo. Especially is needed by a new generation of young women trapped between, on the one hand, a very commercialised and objective kind of western culture. And on the other, islamic fundamentalism, which is growing in their region because a lot of foreign mojahedin fighters settled in Zenith's after the war and they opened madrasas. I found all of the women I re-interviewed totally angered by the nationalism of the post-war political culture in Osmo. It is relentless. The data record produced a bad design. It created a weak state made up of two rival entities, constitutionally ethnic, the Republic of Serska and the Federation of Bosnia Herzegovina, which is subdivided into Bosnia, Bosnia and Crerat Catholic territories areas. Rather than diminishing nationalist enmity, this arrangement fostered it unrewardably. The leaders have just gone on blaming each other for wartime atrocities, instead of acknowledging guilt and practicing transitional justice. The one-on-two political parties that try to recruit from all names and work for inclusive democracy, the women told me it happened a hope of winning elections. After the war, and I can't quite imagine how, they managed to unify the three armies into one army. Now there's talk that it's splitting apart and the most nationalist leaders on the serve side are all strengthening society. It has some features from the present day. Black and white for the past, other from the balance, and it's common here not. It's very mountainous area. Steel industry is absolutely central to Zenfanser from America today. That's good. And training. Still doing drug job training for women who are not. It's still a place we're kind of home in this matter. I saw more kids than adult women. Probably for reasons of tact and all. And everything else we used to look at as so. The love of children. This is a meeting of the star. And in each place I'd call the meeting of all the old timers. Used for posters for prompting discussion. So it was not just the interview to bring but those discussions which were important. OK, to move on. Over to the west in Northern Ireland. It's a job to find the old murals of fighters in Black Balakama helmets, you know, with the soldier rifles still on the walls. In fact there are some that have been newly painted. They haven't gone away with the peace. As well I found a lot of Belfast neighbourhoods are still divided by interfaces. Those high fences built to discourage raids into enemy territory. None of these so-called peace halls have been dismantled since the peace agreement. And I'm told that some have been built. So the things are a lot better. The British Army isn't so much in your face today. They didn't always and I think they still were. But the real IRA won't accept the peace settlement and there have been assassinations of security personnel. And you've probably been reading about the Royal's Riots in the last few weeks about the decision of the Belfast City Hall not to fly the Union flag on every day of the year. So violence hasn't gone away. In Bosnia, militarised masculinity has been corralled into that unified army. In Northern Ireland it's turned its weapons inwards. Loyalist gangs fight each other for controlling the drugs trade. Rebel Republicans brutally punish young drug pushers in their own communities. And like in Bosnia with high unemployment and low public investment in working-class areas, unemployed and demoralised men taken out on their wives and partners. Rising domestic violence has been a feature of peace in Belfast as in Bosnia. I re-interviewed 13 of the women from my original study. I found two of them are still coordinators of those women's centres. Eleanor Jordan is still running the Windsor women's centre in the deeply loyalist neighbourhood called The Village. Gillian Gibson is co-ordinator of footprints in Catholic old glass. They've been trying to keep the women's support networks practice of dialogue going by having a twinning arrangement between their two community centres. So I asked them, is cross-community work like that any less risky now for the women than it had been 15 years ago? Gillian said that it seems acceptable now to exchange staff between the two women's centres. But the women users, the women actually living in these segregated streets, they still don't have much contact with each other. It's from the Protestant side, mainly, that the inhibition against contact comes. And it's not the choice of the women. It's the attitude of the men in these communities who are still punishment in the talk to the end. Eleanor told me that they would really welcome more contact with footprints and with other Catholic centres. There is just a bit, but it has to be done in silence, she says. We don't advertise it. It's interesting that in Zenitsa, in central Bosnia, the remaining serving crowdwomen did not report to me any constraint today on their contact with each other and with the Muslim majority. The nationalist hatred there is expressed in the political level between the parties and the exodus. Here in Belfast it's down at street level still. We still take care of our crossing sectarian lines between them. With the coming of peace, the women's support network of which the Prince of Windsor were once leading members has lost its political edge, they tell me. What it used to call its frontline feminism. Like Medica, perhaps more so. It doesn't any longer challenge the politicians and the administration in a way it used to do. In those old days, when it turned the state's community development programme into what they call women's community empowerment. Reasonably enough, the women's centres have looked to the state to give them secure funding and of course they aren't going to bite the hand that feeds them. However, as in Bosnia, a few of the women have started a new feminist movement that they call Reclaim the Agenda, hoping to recover the radicalism that somehow got entangled in the management of post-war organisation, to look at organisation voters for their women. On the positive side, I have to admit Belfast today, apart from the murals and the fences, it does look somehow more like a European 21st century city. There are new developments like the Odyssey Arena, the Obel Tower and the massive Titanic visitor centre. And the city centre, the place that you used to avoid especially at night, because they closed gates around it and you had to plan over to get home. It was a threatening kind of place. Now they say it feels more like common ground. There are lots of lively venues, arts centres and bars, restaurants, where people of all religions and politics feel okay. The young in particular may be mixing more. Schools are still mostly segregated but a recent survey showed that in spite of that, today's 16 year olds, if you think about it, the 16 year olds are the generation that was born just after the ceasefire. So they didn't know the fight. They are just a bit more likely than their predecessors to cross the religious divide to make friends. Three years ago, one in three had no mates at all on the other side. Today it's only one in five. The power sharing devolved government in Northern Ireland which collapsed twice in the years after the agreement has now held for six years. But an arrangement like that doesn't lend itself to a spontaneous kind of democracy. When all the negotiations between two sides defined by identity qualities, you don't get a right left dynamic. So there isn't a unified left opposition that a lot of these women would really like to vote for. On the other hand, the quality of the relationship between Sinn Fein and the Democratic Union against the party is a good site better than the relationship between positive and conflicted parties. And it certainly compares favourably with the situation in Israel with the influence of the extreme right over the poor and political representatives of the Palestinian minority never get anywhere near power. Some slides from Belfast. So, new developments. That's the Titanic Centre. Very beautiful. This is a new building. This is a new place on Shackle Road. This is Footprints Community Centre. And these are photos of their activities. The Children's Project. They grow their own vegetables and cook them. This was one of my meetings. This is a meeting with the Irish one on the sport network. Gillian was the coordinator of Footprints. In 1996, when I first went to spare time with the women of Bachelor of Arts, it was cautious optimism in the region. The Oslo Accords of 1993 was still holding. The Jewish White didn't like them, of course, and even some Palestinians condemned them as being co-opted to them. But a lot of people on both sides believed still that they were on the way to peace. It no longer seemed to be subversive to advocate a Palestinian state alongside a Jewish state. The transfer of some administrative power to a Palestinian authority was going ahead. But just before I arrived there, Ychek Brabun, the Prime Minister, had been assassinated by a Jewish settler. And they'd been suicidal. So confidence was damaged. Back then, I had seen how the activist dialogue between the Jewish women and the Palestinian women in Bachelor of Arts up there in the gallery was a very unusual thing, calling for a lot of political imagination and care. Perhaps I shouldn't have been surprised to find when I went back in 2012, no Bachelor on the Talk. The hard work space between the women of the two communities had banished into thin air. What happened was that first in 2006, the northern group split from the main organisation in Jerusalem and changed its name to Batchafon, daughter of the North. The split was mainly because the Northerners felt that Jerusalem women didn't pay enough attention to this internal question, democracy for Israel's Muslim and Christian Arab minority. Then in 2008, the northern group disbanded all together. Two years later, the Jerusalem group also closed. I managed to locate eight or nine former Batchafon members in the Kibwtsiw and in Nazareth and other Arab towns. We had a meeting. I tried to uncover what had brought about the collapse of that group and I interviewed them. So, why? Well, it was simply the attrition of time. Of course, we all were older, we get tired, we get sick, and our activist energy falls away. But more than that, I could hear in their stories a gradual fading of hope. Whereas in Bosnia and Northern Ireland, the accords have turned into something you could at least call post-controlate, even if you couldn't quite call it peace. Here, on the contrary, the overt violence between the Israeli Defence Forces and Palestinians have escalated hugely over the decade. There was the Second Intifada in 2000, the renewed invasion of Lebanon in 2006, and the group of bombardment of Gaza in 2008. These have been full-scale acts of war with casualties of thousands. Imposing the occupation itself also involved daily violence. The relentless militarised Jewish settlement of the West Bank had reduced and fragmented the area available for a Palestinian state. Such a thing was no longer geographically feasible. There was no longer a peace process to support. It was not only Batshalon that had faded in this period. The whole Israeli peace movement, when they told me, was in eclipse. The disillusion that had been wearing us that there were meant to withdraw from Batshalon had been felt most by the Jewish members. The intention of Batshalon of the North had always been to be an example to their home communities in the Kibbutzim to draw more local women into the dialogue. Now Jewish attitudes have hardened. The activists felt isolated on their Kibbutzim. They felt hated even, for seeking contact with Arabs. Lack of funding had forced them to close their one-room office in Afula. They couldn't any longer pay full-time activists. On the other hand, the Palestinians were dismayed by the loss of their Jewish partners. They wouldn't be prepared to keep going. Quite a few of them had also been active in Tandy, the left-room movement of democratic women. And they still go on with that, and they keep up contact with those other Palestinians across the Greenland. Interestingly though, in its last few years of life, the northern group had seen some positive developments. Already before the outbreak of the Intifada in 2000, they had started to work together on annual events to mark Land Day, Yom Al Ar. It's a very important date in the Palestinian calendar because it marks the moment in 1976 on the first internal uprising against the theft of Palestinian land by the Israeli state. For these Jewish women of Batshaf hon, to acknowledge this injustice and join Palestinians in organising war. I don't know the word. It was a bold name. It's not smiling. Yeah, and they did so. Getting involved in Land Day and doing Land Day. They did it specifically as women. It was feminist. Focusing on women part in an strug. What happened to them in that? On Land Day this year, 2012, I was in the Galilee again. I went to the big rally held by Palestinians in the Arab town of Sakmi. There were thousands of women and men, girls and boys with massed flags of Hadash and Balad. But there wasn't any longer a big group of Jewish and Palestinian women who could go on Land Day. In their last years, some of the women of Batshaf hon have come to be among a few in Israel's peace community who dared to say openly that a true state solution was no longer viable. And to say the unsale one. The singular Jewish identity of Israel had to end. Batshaf hon's women had always been convinced that true democracy within Israel and inclusive democracy with Christian and Muslim Arabs as equal citizens is a necessary condition of a peace settlement in the region. Now they were ready to imagine a multicultural entity across the whole Israel-Palestine region from the Lebanon and Syrian borders in the north to Egypt and the south and from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean. A nation of Jews, Palestinians and others in constitutional equality. But this vision was a personal vision. It only jailed among the few women remaining at that moment where Batshaf hon affected your life. Batshaf hon's failure is symptomatic of the feminist peace movement in Israel more generally. This is what they've told me. Some of you may know better, but it had been an active member of the Coalition of Women for Peace for mobilised country-wide action against the occupation and in supported peace moves. Today the coalition I'm told isn't really a coalition any longer. It's rather a simple focus organisation mainly involved in research. It does do valuable research and it has a project called Who Prophets? Enterprises profiting from the occupation. Women in Black which once counted 30 vigils around Israel has shrunk to three in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Hyfford. Yes, there are feminist groups that is ishari shah and Haifa who is concerned about women's rights, equality in sex industry and trafficking and so on. And there's New Profile, a wonderful new profile, a feminist organisation of women and men which continues to support conscientious objectives and refuse to serve in the idea. But there is no successful project to Batshaf hon at the North. There is no sustained and tested partnership of Jews and internal Palestinian women. Meanwhile, what there has been on the streets in the space once filled by peace movement is protest in the style of occupying. Five, 18 months ago there was a huge derbych that made the middle class Jewish youth protesting against the growing gap between incomes and the cost of living. So my last slide shows like this of Israel today. Israel, that was in the very same. He don't have inside of the books, an old olive tree that was probably there before the compilters. Jewish settlements and there is settlement in the north as there is in the occupant of the territories I have explained that later. These are Jewish settlements outside Jerusalem, here in Jerusalem and down at the rock. This is on the green line of the Jewish community on the green line of the Palestinian village on the green line the wall and Lando generation of Palestinian women. This was our meeting. Here are some of the women looking at the posters and discussing the past and told suffering. But in some of its hazes, as feminist students of war and peace processes have often pointed out, it gives some women scope for collective action and their lack of reform. This was the case in Northern Ireland where the oppression of living in districts is set by street-level conflict sparked that defiant work across feminism. It happened in Bosnia when foreign-fooding and feminist activists appalled by the mass raids came to partner local women. And it had happened in Israel, Palestine too. In the late 80s when Jewish women were propelled into their own anti-occupation activism by witnessing the courage of Palestinian women the other side of the green line caught up in the anti-fada. One form of active response to war seen in the three women's organisations I've described is an attempt to create and sustain a dialogue between women defined by the war makers as enemies. Those of us who theorised this as transversal politics described it as a creative and redrawing of boundaries that mark significant politicised differences a process that can quote on the one hand look for commonalities without being arrogantly universalist and on the other a firm difference without being transfixed by it. It's relational work that calls for empathy without saying has shifted without tearing up your roots. But peace negotiations characteristically overlook women and their transversalist insights notwithstanding the scale of sexual violence in the Bosnian War women's representatives and women's issues were totally absent from that airfield in Dayton or Hire where international notables sat down with war criminal leaders in negotiations to end the fighting. But not a woman inside In the case of Israel-Palestine there were no representatives of women at the table in the Oslo negotiations actually even the interests of Israeli Palestinians were not represented there which shocked the internal world. It wasn't too surprising then if it was an uphill struggle getting gender change as part of demobilisation in these new administrations in the post-party years. However, Northern Ireland had been different. The Good Friday Peace Agreement had been the outcome of a much more inclusive process in which women's experience had actually been listened to. As the very tense discussions went on between the political representatives of the British state and the warring parties a movement in civil society had mobilised to contribute ordinary people's ideas about a future Northern Ireland. The women's support network in alliance with others in that vibrant women's community sector and a women's political party of the workers coalition and trade unionists women trade unionists they were able very differently from how it was in Dayton or Oslo to insert themselves on their agenda into the peace process. The result was an accord that wasn't merely a truce between fighters it was a commitment to a fair and inclusive society with equality between Catholic and Protestant communities and equality between women and men and on seven other grounds besides. Humano Beatrix Campbell's Book Agreement is a wonderful and passionate book I really recommend it. She writes that the Good Friday Agreement was a dynamic exemplar of reform democracy for the 21st century embodying a transcendent duty to produce more than peace to begin the millennial work of transforming the sectarian and sexist power relations that structure society. On the other hand now a decade and a half later the Belfars women tell me that the devolved state structures of Northern Ireland in actual fact are still failing to deliver on the equality's duty to produce more than peace. The idea had been to focus policy not on the two sides being nice to each other coming together but on putting right what was wrong with Northern Ireland and a lot was wrong with Northern Ireland investing wholeheartedly in the poorest working class areas that had been the intention Catholic but also Protestant because those Protestant politics too that itself would end the sectarian hatred and the idea that we might be pleased with but it was the only thing that could be restored but recession and lack of political will has derailed that intention. In Northern Ireland as rioting happens again on the streets this month women are still asking as they are asking in Bosnia and Israel Palestine when is peace actual?