 Thank you, everyone. Thank you, Mohamed, for inviting me. My data is not so big, but I think it's unusual and early. And I'm very much in awe of the resources and skill that I've seen over the last two days. I don't come from really the kind of statistical and mathematical background that was on show here. So what I'll try to do today is explain the dataset I've been using, which is based on actually a literary work composing the middle of the 13th century for a specific province in Egypt. The project and outcomes of the project that I've done on it, and the main results concerning economic profile, population size, profile of the subsistence versus cash groups, Muslims and Christians, and my thoughts on the process that we see in a particular point in time and what I think could be done more with this data. First, just to be, since we haven't been outside of Europe, I think, over the last two days, really. At least I know the words that I need, Soviet, I'm sorry. But in Egypt, we're looking at this province called the Fayum, which is a west of the Nile. It's a topographic depression. In 300 BC, the large lake that was there was drained by Hellenistic or Greek engineers. And then the way it works is that it is fed by the Nile, and then it's regulated by Adam in a place called Lahoon. Then the water is channeled through canals, through to the cultivated areas, and then excess water flows to a lake. It is very fragile and complex irrigation system, more than probably anywhere else in that region. And what happens is that if there are any fluctuations in the maintenance of the irrigation, then villages get deserted very quickly. And because of the desert around it, then you have many sites and documents that are preserved from that area throughout the centuries, especially until the 11th century AD. Now, in fact, the source I'm using is not found in the Fayum itself, despite its addition to these documents. It's a literary work, a manuscript, written by a bureaucrat that was sent by the Ayubid Sultan, so this is the dynasty in Cairo. So he was sent from Cairo to audit the revenues of the Fayum in a, he was sent there in the spring of 1245. What he has done is he's written a report to the Sultan about the province, which includes some introduction, some ideas about how to improve the productivity, but he includes 90% of the actual manuscript is his audit, meaning the report of the tax liability for 100 villages, more or less, plus 30 Hamlet for a fiscal year, which is more or less, we are not sure exactly if it's exactly 1243 or more. So AH is the Higiri era. This treatise was known now for over a century, but nobody thought of actually doing a statistical analysis with it or studying it. Well, I think there was also no the capability of doing that. And this is the manuscript that is survived. There was another manuscript from which the Cairo edition was made. There's nothing like it for any other region of the Medievalism in terms of the level of detail. For each of the villages, there is a short description of the size and location of the village, the population of the village in terms of which clan and tribe they belong, whether they're Muslim or Christian, the water sources, the recipients of the village revenue, whether it's a military officer or the Sultan in Cairo or a religious endowment and there are more that I'm not including here. And then the next main category is agricultural revenues in kind, which are mostly in grains, wheat, barley, full broad beans and rice. Then agricultural revenues in cash from vineyards, orchards and flux, cotton, garlic, commercial revenues from shops, porters and weavers, local fees in small amounts of silver coins, pastoral fees by the quality of the meadow per animal, tax, that is an Islamic tax on livestock fruit and capital, poll tax, which is very important for a lot of what they'll say, poll tax, which is on any non-Muslim man above 13 or at least, and it's a fixed rate. Poultry, every village has a raring quarter, then there's advanced sales of barley, there's sugar, there's work on plantation, on state on sugar plantation and presses. Seed advances are years dating back 13 years and more. I want to qualify, so this amount of data, which that tabulated for 200 different categories of data, not all of them for every village, one is there's no census of the population, so we don't know, it doesn't tell us in the bullseed how many people lived in each village. Generally there are very few names and these are tax liability, not actual payment, and he completed these out of reports made by the local tax officials or by village headman if there was no local tax village in a small village. So this is for every one of the 100 plus villages that we have in this work. So we started this project in 2009, it was an HRC project, and the results are an academic condition, an English translation of the Arabic work, then a study of what can we learn from that data, and then it's available, the physical data, all the data is available on Excel spreadsheet, I know it sounds ancient for you people, but this is how it's been made, and then there's a series of GIS maps produced by Michael Sasha from Cambridge and you will see a few of them now. So what we have here is a profile of rural region, a medieval rural region that I think is unavailable for other areas of the Middle East, the Islamic world in that period. These aggregates are confirmed by the aggregates that Nablusi himself, the author, makes, so he himself aggregated in the treaties the different amounts. So these are the amounts per village are confirmed, validated by him several times, there are subdivisions, so these are repeated several times and quite set. As you can see, the main, the main produce of this rural area was wheat and barley. These are taken, these are, I'm showing here the tax revenues. I'm not showing the actual, what was actually produced because we don't usually know the tax rate. But what I'm showing is the tax revenues as reported by Nablusi. So wheat, for example, which is the main in this particular province known in other illiterate sources as being, as being very productive. The granary of Egypt, you have taxes, liabilities, so suppose to raise 70,000 R dubs, which are about two and a half million liter of wheat. Prices, I calculated them by average prices incurred at the time. So by these, we can say that these were valued above 50,000 gold coins, the wheat revenues and they certainly were nearly half of that of the value of all the taxes of the program. And then barley, the second choice often used also for animals as for the is the second most important agricultural produce. What is I think impressive here is the level of the detail of taxation. So you have land tax on orchard and plantation, then you have separately tax on fruits. You have a different set of land tax on field crops than other than orchard and plantation. Amstok or livestock and you see the taxes on livestock are very low in terms of the aggregate, but this is as I will mention in these are because livestock is probably was taxing a much lower rate than wheat, much harder to tax as well. Taxes on commerce fishing, Amstok on capital, including taxes on slave, which are very few. And then a poll tax on non Muslims, which accounts to about 2% of the total. So with I would I estimate at around 100,000 gold coins. These numbers are taken from the bullseat. This is estimated. Now, in terms of the population, as I said, a lot of people here talked about population. We don't have a census here. So how many people were talking about in this rural province. One way is to go from the poll tax on Christians, because these are numbered because they each of them pays fixed poll tax. There are two villages that are said to be completely Christian, the two small villages. And they include they were for population of 150 men and they said only adults adult men were subject to poll tax. So, and they pay out and they pay a very small amount point 375 of total contribution to the levy of irrigation in the province. From that one could get a very high number of 40,000 men and 130,000 people by a multiplier of 3.121 adult men. That seems very high and of course the observation of two villages is very limited. I'm going from the size of the cultivated area based on the location of the villages mentioned in the bullseat and most of them can be reconstructed. We can get estimated by the density of population to a lower number of 60 to 90,000. And then if we look at the wheat production, we saw at least the tax on wheat, we see that the tax on wheat is 75,000. So they said 6 and a half million liters. I estimate the tax rate based on literary sources, not mentioned here at 30% on grain, leaving 70% or 175,000 with the cultivators, given that we know from sources at the time and from medical literature that person needs two other per person per annum, one would expect here that no more than 90,000. So we're talking about a population of somewhere between 60,000 and 90,000 or 70,000. So this is the beginning of the economical analysis of the profile of agricultural production in the Fayum at the time. This map made by Max Ratchett shows a grain production in different villages. So each village is given a location and then this is the amount of grains relative to the total of the Fayum. First, you can see here as one expects, but it's important to emphasize that nearly all villages produce some grains. Only villages here that are very minimal grain production because their fields were devoted to flux production. In the middle of the depression, in the main depression, every village produced grain and it seems that this is correlated with almost any other indicator of the village size. You can see also that villages at the edges of the province, like this one or this one, produce barley instead of wheat. And this is certainly because of shorter water at the edges of the province closer to the desert. So wheat was produced when you have enough water to produce it, if the second choice is barley. The taxes on cattle and we're talking here small cattle, sheep, goats and camels, very detailed. First, what you can see here is that, again, in most villages you have production of small cattle. Then, what it means and important to emphasize is we have here confirmation of mixed economy. So the same villages will produce grain, also people in the village own a sheep and goats. This is not surprising, but important in terms of thinking when you have reports of herds of sheep, these are part of the economy of villages. These are not part of a nomad or pastoralist economy. You can see here that there is a difference. Some areas are more represented, of course, in the production of small cattle. These areas are around, sorry, these areas are around the town in the middle of the province Madinah Delta. So what we have here, we can see here clearly production of sheep, specifically sheep, for the urban center, while probably in the other regions of the province there was less consumption of sheep for lamb. But you have here, it's probably concentration for provisions for the city. Nablusi himself says that the lamb he tasted in the Fahum was awful and it was like mastic in his mouth, but the point is that he still had meat in the city. Camels, which are also taxed, you see them mainly on the edges of the province. Camels are used for transport, and this is not something that is specialized for most reason. If we move now to the pasturing feed. So here what we can see is a difference, some difference between the number of sheep and goats owned in each village and the taxes on pasture for each village. So this can tell us, for example, that the pasture for local heads was not in the village where they were owned necessarily. We can also see from the way these are distributed that some pastures were permanent. So some pastures were permanent. These are in central regions which are well irrigated. While on the edges of the lake where there's quite fluctuation in season between inundated areas and the seasonal inundation, you can see that more in this area and probably had or flocks of sheep were suddenly herded in this region and moved from other places in the province. So this gives you a sense of what I think we can do with this data in terms of understanding the seasonal and composition of the subsistence economy in this region. So all of this I think is not for sale in Cairo. There's no evidence that anything like that is exported outside of Cairo. Apart from the taxes themselves, what's left in the hands of the cultivators is only for subsistence. The most complex, the most lucrative economic economic aspect was the sugar cane production where you have sugar presses which require power to be powered by oxen or by water. Each of them is assigned and a specified number of fadans or plots of land to be worked by wage laborers or somehow the form of compensation for national compensation. And each assigned to a specific press. One can construct how much land of sugar could be used by each press, for example. In terms of the population, perhaps the most surprising aspect of what Nablusi tells about the population is that each of the grain producing villages was identified with a tribal group. And these tribal groups are given names that suggest they claimed an Arabian genealogy. So these are tribal groups that come with a set of, with a lineage that goes back in principle to the Arabian Peninsula. You can see clearly, so that, so Banu is a clan. So if you look at, for example, these Banu Zar'ah, they are found in this area and they belong to the Banu Ajlan which is the confederacy of all the clans that belong to that. These are clearly territorial confederacy. Moreover, you can see as here that they often go along the irrigation canals. They're not just territorial, but appear to show not always, but generally appear to follow a canal, meaning that there's some kind of coordination of upstream and downstream community. So we have three major confederacies. Clearly, they are territorial with clans inhabiting each of the grain producing villages. These tribal groups are also levied for soldiers or riders for royal campaigns. Whether they are actually delivered or monetary equivalence was given. It's less important. The important here is that they are assumed to be armed. They're assumed to be armed. So each confederacy is giving a certain number of riders for royal campaigns. On the other hand, are the Christian communities. The Christian communities in this report are assumed to be non-tribal. The two fully Christian villages have no tribal indication. And Christian communities are found in the town, the largest Christian community in the town, in the two market villages, the largest villages, and on other villages associated with orchards and sugar presses, and one even with a weaving center. And this is correlated with the number of churches that are found. It makes sense. This is generally the churches are functioning churches are related to the number of Christian men subject to the poll tax. If we look the number at the map of churches and monasteries. So these are found in places where these two villages, for example, are sugar presses. And all in this village is the major orchard center. We are in the city, in the town. Monasteries on the other hand are spread. Monasteries are remnants of the Christian past, the Christian past of the province. Of course, in the 7th century, when Muslims conquered Egypt, the Fayyum was entirely as we followed. We know it was entirely Christian. So what can we do with this data? We can see that Christian cops, I can show I think I went quickly there the number total number of cops, actually Christians, Christians and other non Muslims of these are certainly all nearly all Christians was just above 1000. And we said that the total population was around 70,000. So we're looking at a Christian population of around 5%. It's hard to know exactly, but definitely a small minority. But since the Fayyum gives us so much earlier information, then we can see that in fact, until the end of the 11th century, there are many Christians in the Fayyum when we come document that were excavated in deserted villages. We see that many of them had substantial Christian populations. Again, in 1245, in the year of this disaster, nearly all Muslim villagers had tribal identity. They were collectively taxed for grains. We don't have, as far as we can see, there was no, it doesn't tell us that individuals were taxed for grains. Christian villages and communities were associated with orchards, plantations and textile production. And this is exactly what Muhammad actually showed in his paper, this idea of how a fixed poll tax leads to the conversion to Islam of the poor among the non Muslim population, leaving only the wealthier non Muslims in their original religion. So you can say one possibility to explain this data is to say Arab tribes came from the Arabian Peninsula with the Arabian lineage and replaced the original non Muslim population. But this is unlikely, plausible in terms of demography and even the place name, there is complete continuity. The more likely a possibility which actually emerges also from Muhammad's paper is that the local peasant population converts to Islam. But then how come they're all tribal and claim genealogy from the Arabian Peninsula? Well, they invented. So a lot of papers in the last two days talked about people used a genealogical website and people reporting their genealogy. Just a warning from the first century. I think that the people of the first century were lying through their teeth about their genealogy. They were inventing the lineage in order to find themselves a place in the Muslim community to which now they belong. Claiming this tribal identity was the ultimate act of conversion, completely hiding the fact that you are a convert. So based on this what I'm arguing is that the tribal affiliation and this I think you can see from the data belonging to a tribe had function. Because this was collective taxation, I didn't explain the land regime, but the land did not belong to the villagers. The villagers are tenants and they're annually received collective tenancy rights. So what I read as land tax so far are really the lease, properly speaking, in the legal sense. So what I think is that the membership in these clans was the way to regulate access to the lands that were given to the sheikh or the head of the village. I showed you this map of the tribal distribution, how I think that the tribal sections or clans provided a control of the water sources. We had upstream and downstream communities, inevitable tensions and memberships in clans that were related to each other. So several villages that belong to the same clan was a way of politically controlling this conflict. They were armed, they provided security and this was a method also for resisting taxation and state authority and we have reports of revolt by our tribe, not in this source. So to conclude, what can I actually offer this forum? First of all, I want to highlight that this is a unique medieval resource that is both unique in that it comes from a relatively early era and from outside Europe. And that it's available to people who, that it's available online. It allows, I believe, a more refined understanding of policies at the village level of what would produce the link between cash crops, livestock and grains in a way that is generally unavailable for us in a foreign context, not only the Middle East, I think. I'm suggesting that the idea of different populations and tribal identities needs to be thought more creatively. As I'm saying, I think tribes, for example, identities, tribal identities can be forged, adopted, invented much more than we allow for generally. The main hope I have for today in many ways that people here who have so many skills will be able to look at this data from other perspectives and mainly offer econometric analysis if that's the right word of the fiscal data to reconstruct aspects of the agricultural production. And also what needs to be done is to make a final correlation with the actual topography of the film today and to collaborate with archaeologists to see how much we can link, for example, water resources to the way the economy developed. Thank you very much.