 Well I'm very pleased to introduce now our next speakers, Professor Isan Bilgin and Murat Güvenç. Isan Bilgin is the professor and also the professor of architecture and the director of architectural design program at Bilgin University and Murat Güvenç is professor of city and regional planning and working again at the architectural design program at Bilgin University. Now their title is the special spatial DNA of Istanbul. This is a very ambitious title and since this morning we've been talking about Istanbul with many different names, Istanbul with different layers of many Mediterranean kind of characteristics, which one of them is Istanbul in between? Istanbul a port city, a gate city, you talked about constructed heterogeneity. Is it a good global city? Is it a success story? Maybe all the answers are in your presentation. Well thank you. Now I think our presentation is a little different. My friend Murat Güvenç and my colleague Murat Güvenç gave us a task, I don't know if the other speakers gave us such a task, but it was quite a technical task. We wanted to tell the DNA of Istanbul. Since DNA is such a metaphor, it is a metaphor with a biological reference, we will talk about culture, social life, the history of Istanbul a little bit harder. We will do a technical talk. We shared this with each other. I will try to say something more about the physical structure. If we can talk about the social structure of Murat Güvenç, it will be found in some explanations. Now I want to go very short without cutting it. I want to talk about all the DNA, but at least I want to give a key that I found important about understanding this physical DNA. And I will make some differences with these key movements. Not only in Istanbul, but in the understanding of all modern cities, DNA, physical DNA, and in terms of understanding, there is a very important ground. It is the soil country. How was the soil country? One, two, the first, the soil country. How was the soil and the soil country? Two, the B-shape. It is very important. After the explosion of this structure, how did this country evolve? Not only in Istanbul, but in the understanding of all the cities' physical structure, I think it is a very solid data. Let's come to Istanbul immediately. Let's forget about other cities. There is a feature that Istanbul does not know about the Western cities. Until the 1930s, there is no right to a land country that is suitable for modern capitalist norms in Istanbul. Actually, there is no such thing in Turkey, there is no such thing in the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, there is no such thing in Istanbul. Until the 1930s. There is no right to a land country that is suitable for modern capitalist norms in Istanbul. However, it does not carry a meta-status that can be purchased and sold freely. This is very important. This does not mean that the owner cannot leave the property. Maybe he can leave it in certain conditions, but he cannot leave the property. Therefore, there is such a structure. In the 1930s, this is a modern law that can be purchased and sold freely in the sense of modernity. As a result of returning to a meta-status, the new situation of the buildings on the land and on the land is rising. In the 1930s, there was no need for a new structure in Istanbul. There was no need for a modern structure in Istanbul. In fact, Istanbul has been standing up until the end of World War II for 25 years. It does not change much. There is no newness at that time. In the end of the 1960s, after the collapse of the building in Istanbul, there are a few different situations. Even if we do not know anything else when we look at Istanbul, we will try to give you an idea of how the building culture of the different typologies was created in the first place and how it was made. I will try to give you an idea of how the building culture of the different typologies was created in the first place. I will try to give you a matrix in this short period. If we know that, we will be able to understand how the physical view of the building culture was created in the first place. Now, let's go quickly. First, the first group will be the U.S. troops. In the 1950s, the areas of the building were built. Istanbul reached a city of 1 million people. In the 1950s, the population dropped a little bit, but in the end, a city with a structure that can accommodate 1 million people. But it will start to grow rapidly. If we talk about the areas that were previously built, the first step is if the small part of the building was created on the streets, it was created on the streets, and the small part of the building was created on the streets, maybe smaller parts of the building. They are quickly demolished and left to the apartment. Some parts of the building are joined together, but most of them are built on the same part of the building. Some parts of the building are built on the same part of the building, and some parts of the building are built on the same part of the building. This was completed in the next 20 years. Now, the second step, for the areas that were previously built, if the small part of the building, which is not a single part of the building, is on the larger parts of the building, these are the corners. These are the corners in large areas. These corners are demolished, and two types of buildings can be built. If they are on the European side, they are divided into parts, because they are divided into parts to make an apartment. They are divided into parts, usually between 7 and 9 meters, and they are divided into parts, and again between 7-8 floors, between 6 and 8 floors, they are turned into apartments. A little higher, this is the second step. If these corners are on the Asian side, when they are demolished, they are not divided into parts, they are not turned into small apartments. The only thing they are turning into is the large apartments. They are turning into small apartments that can be built up to 18-20-30 floors, depending on the size of the building, depending on the size of the building, depending on the size of the building. Now, this is our first step, we are closing this. The second step, and the main part of Istanbul, on the one hand, is how the old parts of Istanbul were not built before 1950. The parts that have not yet been opened to the architecture, because this is a worse situation. Maybe, when we talk about Istanbul, if we are talking about Istanbul nostalgia, we are talking about the first steps. We are talking about the apartments that came to the corners, etc. But the second step that is not known to nostalgia, is the construction of the parts that have not yet been opened to the architecture. Now, the first step, if they were used before, in the Ottoman period and in the early times of the Republic, they were used by some families with the purpose of farming. If they were used with the purpose of farming, they were used by large farms, farmers, they were used by those families and the Ottoman rule and the civil rule were used in a special country. And when they became like this, there are two types. Either, by parceling them they are back to the apartment, or the second, they are back to the public housing. The big public housing investments, the various periods of the development can be returned to them. The second type, the biggest one, the second type of the second, if they were not used by anyone before the year 1950, if they were not used by anyone, if they were not used by a person or a family, if they were not used by a family, then they would be left to the state. And the state has a big reserve, a place that has a large area around Istanbul. Now, these are in a very large area, in some areas, they already create the land of informal construction. Now, when we say informal construction, it is very important, there are two ways that have a very thin difference. The first is, usually in the younger times, the night condos were built and now, families are coming, of course, with certain connections, not inside, they are not connected. There is no way to come and do a night condo alone. Some of them come to a place and when they say that night condo, they do the damage construction and when we go, as we know, it grows a little, something is added to it, it is added to the back, it is typical of us, the night condo that can be made and this is actually the most complicated result of the modern city. Because, what building will be built next to which building, or the official building is not specified, it is completely de facto similar to the relationships there, it is like the old villages, it is faster than the ones that were built in the past, and of course, we know, I will not go too far, with political parties and political structures, it is possible to develop the existence in it, as we know, they are being destroyed, but they are being made again, the state does not take a decision to completely destroy it, even if it is destroyed sometimes, as a result, they are getting busy in the end, they are getting higher, as we all know, they are getting apart, the way they are getting apart can always be separated from others, as we know, they cannot complete it on a partial and road level, I am telling you to develop this, even if it is advanced, you can separate them, sometimes, with this mechanism, they can be separated, this is the first step, the part is very thin, but important, from there, families have come, started with a defacto, then, formalized with political relations, otherwise, because there is always a vehicle, with parties, there are always vehicles between these families, first the work started, then the car was used, otherwise, before the work started, did the vehicles start to die? This is what happens in the 5th period, certain state lands, the lands of the state, the potential of the return, it is not written on the map, it is not written on the map, but it is decided as a potential that can be developed, as a secret measure, and these vehicles are sold by the side, this picture is very typical of this example, the picture you see here, in the first style that I mentioned, after the construction, it is possible to have an apartment, because you see, it is very thin, between 5-7 meters, a second feature is very little space to leave the back garden, it is very close to each other, Gazel Osman Pasha has formed a very large area like this, but all have a common fate, in the end, all of them have an apartment, all of them have an apartment, but how did they have an apartment, how much space was left behind, how much was left behind, how much was left ahead, of course, according to the social status, the material used by the CEP changes according to the situation, all of Istanbul is possible to read in this way, it is a very rough thing that I have drawn a matrix and I will leave it to my friend Murat Güvençabrakil Thank you very much. The CEP and the DNA could be taken up as a metaphor related to the controlling mechanisms, institutional matrices and constraints that monitor and guide processes and ensure the distinctive reproduction patterns of urban spaces. In brief, it would be taken up as the controlling mechanism of urban geography, it is conceptual and contextual and relational. It comprises both explicit and implicit mechanisms. The explicit mechanisms would relate to the advantages and disadvantages of a given geographical situation, local building regulations, law pertaining to planning, land tenure, real estate, economics, the state of the art in building, storage, shopping, marketing, transport and communication technologies. The modalities of integration to local and global markets. The predominant regime of accumulation would be taken up as the explicit components of the spatial DNA. When it comes to its implicit aspects, they are mostly invisible but they are nonetheless very important. They relate to the topological structure and connectivity of the historically produced street layout, the shape of the urban fabrics, socially produced symbolic meanings, social prestige and political values embedded in political space, urban space. The scholarship on space syntax, urban anthropology and psychology will have a lot of contribution to this aspect of the spatial DNA. I will, of course, I'm not an expert in these matters. The explicit and the implicit components of the spatial DNA operate jointly and ensure the structuring of urban space in a given context. The spatial DNA does not prevent change but set limits and shape conditions. The spatial DNA is not unlike its biological counterpart is a structure that allows or forbids but do not require as late Peter Gould would put it. It generates the spatial frame of urban development, a concept Professor Tekeli has coined a decade ago. The spatial DNA would be particularly relevant in understanding differences in urban growth patterns, in explaining the contiguous urban growth patterns and urban fabrics in southern European cities and the implausive growth patterns of peripheral metropolises as opposed to their counterparts in western Europe. But we are not particularly well endowed in producing in terms of analytical devices to extract the spatial DNAs of cities. In spite of their stunning developments in last decades, neither the information technologies nor the GIS provide ready made tools capable to decipher these complex mechanisms of social landscapes. This problem stems from the multi-faceted and multi-nature of urban space and it's from auto-correlated distribution patterns. The auto-correlated spatial deployment of social and material entities and attributes generates what the new school of French social geography calls co-spatiality. The co-presences and co-absences of attribute distributions. And it's a cross-section of these cross- pastialities would look like a polymesist of layers like this. These surfaces are of course not easy to decipher through inspection alone. They could be disclosed only if efficient pattern recognition procedures capable to detect and group congruent layers extract signals related to co-presences and co-absences and in so doing transform the chaotic social landscape and landscapes into cognitively relevant patterns. Patterns that can be easily described, monitored, mapped or interpreted. These techniques would transform hopefully these polymesist of layers into something like this. This is the same picture by identifying the congruent layers we would be able to read in these developments. These layers or patterns of spatial distribution patterns are the building blocks from which social landscapes are constructed. These building blocks are like quorams. The analogism coined by Roger Brunet from the Greek concept quora and the linguistic concept of phonem. Quorams are placemaking spatial attributes. The assemblages of quorams produce distinctive place identities. As it was previously the case in biology, the identification and the mapping of these co-presences or co-absences are of utmost importance if we are to understand the social spatial DNAs of metropolitan areas. I came across three possible solutions for the identification of DNAs. The first is the composite mapping Jacques Berthand has divided in the mid-60s. It is based on visual information processing. The first composite social maps of Paris were produced using this technique in mid-60s. Later in the 80s, the French School of Data Analysis showed that we can get rid of Berthand's visual method and analyze factorial correspondence to solve this problem of representation. In the 90s, a leading figure in French data analysis, Ludovich Lebert proposed a mixed use of cluster and correspondence analysis as a way out to decipher complex landscapes. The technical details of the proposed solutions and justifications were discussed in a recent publication I co-authored. The solution involves man-machine interaction and recursive clustering. I have translated Lebert's theoretical solution into a general-purpose software. It is devised to extract and detect distinctive social spatial profiles. The software is actually in use. Now, let us see what one can do with this software and to extract insights about Istanbul's social landscape. The first one is a stratification of Istanbul's neighborhoods with respect to their schooling profiles. Here we see four distinct groups with distinctively separated schooling profiles. In the first row, you see the lowest or lower middle group where the school drop-ups and the primary school graduates are predominant. And in the last row, you see a predominance of faculty and master's degrees. So we see a bipartite division of the metropolitan space into two groups. Okay? The same software produces results that can be summarized using Antonio Gattrel's signed chi-square indices that relate to the over-representation of categories in different strata. In the first row, we have an over-representation of low schooling profiles as opposed to the highest representation in the last row. The procedure can be used to detect and describe and display the certification in terms of in terms of border maps or correspondence maps. Here you see the relative positions of places and how different they are. The social characteristics of neighborhoods, how they are positioned with respect to the metropolitan average, and this is a composite correspondence maps in which the places and the attributes are positioned together. The software produces in addition to these abstract visualizations maps that can be used. This is 1990, Istanbul men's educational achievement map shown in orange and yellow are places, are the schools that display the, with highest schooling profiles. As you see the three sides of the metropolitan area has three enclaves where the well-educated are concentrated and you see shown going from light blue to the dark blue, you see the from the lower middle up to the lowest educational achievement profiles. Here we see the social geography of Istanbul, this is it relates to the sector of distribution shown in yellow are places where those occupied in producer services, white color occupations are concentrated as opposed to sectors where you have the manual workers. We have two cities sitting side by side and notice that the sectors that we have seen 10 years ago housing the well-educated are 10 years later are the grounds where we have the white color occupations over-represent, distinguish themselves by an over-representation of the white color occupations. I can increase the number of examples, this is 1990 this is sectoral distribution of the population by neighborhoods shown in orange are places where you have the white color and shown in blue are places where we have an over-representations of manual workers using these procedures that are capable to decipher complex landscapes and produce legible and replicable maps. To conclude I would summarize a couple of perhaps recapitulate what the maps shows we see that the social maps drawn for 1990 and 2000 suggest that the three sides of the metropolitan area have three enclaves inhabited by the well-off well-educated high-ranking executives or those employed in well-paid white color jobs. Here the manufacturing workers are under-represented household sizes are significantly low median ages comparatively high and those born in western provinces of the country are over-represented as opposed to those who are living on the wrong side of the track on the other Istanbul we have an over-representation of those who are in insecure housing tenure with significantly lower schooling profiles significantly higher percentages of manual workers in those they are employed in manufacturing construction and transport there the household sizes are significantly large the young population is significantly younger and we have there a higher proportion of eastern born I think we are now able to detect signals in these very noisy landscapes one final word on these enclaves to conclude the enclaves can be considered as de facto gated communities they are located between the sea and a major thoroughfare the street layout is particularly hostile and uninviting to those who are living on the wrong side of the tracks and in so doing they are capable to reproduce their social profile automatically what is written on the space it needs to be deciphered thank you very much for your attention thank you both for putting together to me certainly a very convincing narrative about the spatial DNA and the social DNA of your city and those last maps Murat as ever from the work you do are absolutely fascinating and of course we should spend an hour on each one but we'll put them on our website and talk about it