 Book 6, Chapter 6 of History of Florence by Machiavelli, Volume 2. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Morgan Scorpion. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Nicola Machiavelli, Volume 2. Translated by an unknown translator. Book 6, Chapter 6. Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government. The conspirators discovered and punished. The Florentines recovered the places they had lost. Gerardo Gamba Corti, Lord of Valdibanio, endeavours to transfer his territories to the King of Naples. Gallant conduct of Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gamba Corti, Rene of Andru, is called into Italy by the Florentines. Rene returns to France. The Pope endeavours to restore peace. Peace proclaimed. Giacopo Piccinino attacks the Sienese. The Pontif did not interfere in these affairs further than to endeavour to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation, but while he refrained from external wars he incurred the danger of more serious troubles at home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished for nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still more by the excellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory he resolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy of memory, and thought he could not do better than deliver his country from the hands of the prelates and restore the ancient form of government, hoping, in the event of success, to be considered a new founder or second father of the city. The disallude manners of the priesthood and the discontent of the Roman barons and people encouraged him to look for a happy termination of his enterprise, but he derived his greatest confidence from those verses of Petrarch in the Canzone, which begins, Spirito gentilece grele membre regi, where he says, Sopra il monte tapeio can son vedra, un cavaliere, c'etalia tuta onora, pensoso più d'altrui, c'è di s'estesso. Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine and prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch in this Canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to affect the glorious task, considering himself in learning, eloquence, friends and influence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having taken these impressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his design by his discourse, demeanor and mode of living, so that the pope, becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of some rash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the governor of the city to compel his appearance before him once every day. Stefano was not daunted by this first check, but with even greater earnestness prosecuted his undertaking, and by such means as were available, more cautiously corresponded with his friends, and often went and returned from Rome with such celerity as to be in town to present himself before the governor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Having acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to make the attempt without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome to provide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators were invited, with orders that each should bring with him his most trustworthy friends, and himself promised to be with him before the entertainment was served. Everything was done according to these orders, and Stefano Porcari arrived at the place appointed. After being brought in, he entered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold with rich ornaments about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and commanding aspect. Having embraced the company, he delivered a long oration to dispose their minds to the glorious undertaking. He then arranged the measures to be adopted, ordering that one part of them should on the following morning take possession of the Pontiff's palace, and that the other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the knowledge of the pope the same night, some by treachery among the conspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be this as it may, on the night of the supper Stefano and the greater part of his associates were arrested, and afterwards it expiated their crime by death. Thus ended his enterprise, and though some may applaud his intentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding, for such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of glory, are almost always attended with ruin. Gerardo Gambacotti was Lord of Val d'Ibanio, and his ancestors as well as himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of the Florentines. Alfonso endeavoured to induce him to exchange his territory for another in the Kingdom of Naples. This became known to the scenery, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador to Gambacotti to remind him of the obligations of his ancestors and sent himself to their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them. Gerardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured the ambassador, with solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his mind, and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge himself for the truth of his assertions. But being unable from indisposition, he would send his son as a hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with which they were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gerardo had been slandered, and that his accuser must be alike, weak and treacherous. Gerardo, however, hastened his negotiation with Redouble Zeal, and having arranged the terms, Alfonso said Frate Putcio, a knight of Jerusalem, with a strong body of men to the Val d'Ibanio to take possession of the fortresses and towns, the people of which, being attached to the Florentine republic, submitted unwillingly. Frate Putcio had already taken possession of nearly the whole territory, except the fortress of Cotzano. Gambercourti was accompanied, while transferring his dominions, by a young peasant of great courage and address, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, the strength of the place, the well-known bravery of the garrison, their evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of Gambercourti, had once resolved to make an effort to prevent the fulfilment of his design, and Gerardo being at the entrance for the purpose of introducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, and commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and hold the fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance became known in Vanyo and the neighbouring places, the inhabitants took up arms against the king's forces, and, raising the Florentine standard, drove them out. The Florentines, learning these events, imprisoned Gerardo's son, and sent troops to Vanyo for the defence of the territory, which, having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became a vicariate. The traitor Gerardo escaped with difficulty, leaving his wife, family, and all his property in the hands of those whom he had endeavoured to betray. The affair was considered by the Florentines of great importance, for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, he might have overrun the Valdi Teveri and the Cassantino at his pleasure, and would have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer have allowed their whole force to act against the army of the Aragonese at Siena. In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to resist the hostile league, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Atiaggioli, to request that the king of France would allow Vanyo of Anju to enter Italy in favour of the Duke and themselves, and also that by his presence in the country he might defend his friends and retempt the recovery of the kingdom of Naples, for which purpose they offered him assistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy and Tuscany, the ambassador affected an arrangement with King Rene, who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the league engaging to pay him thirty thousand Florentines upon his arrival at Alexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of the war. In pursuance of this treaty, King Rene commenced his march into Italy, but was stopped by the Duke of Savoy and the Marquis of Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allow him to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised that in order to uphold the influence of his friends, he should return to Provence and conduct part of his forces into Italy by sea, and in the meantime, endeavour by the authority of the King of France to obtain a passage for the remainder through the territories of the Duke. This plan was completely successful, for Rene came into Italy by sea, and his forces by the mediation of the King of France were allowed a passage through Savoy. King Rene was most honourably received by Duke Francesco, and joining his French with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so much impetuosity that they shortly recovered all the places which had been taken by the Crémonies. Not content with this, they occupied nearly the whole Brescian territory, so that the Venetians, unable to keep the field, withdrew close to the walls of Brescia. Winter coming on, the Duke deemed it advisable to retire into quarters. Having appointed Piacenza for the forces of Rene, where, having passed the whole of the cold season of 1453 without attempting anything, the Duke thought of taking the field on the approach of spring, and stripping the Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land, but was informed by the King that he was obliged of necessity to return to France. This determination was quite new and unexpected to the Duke, and caused him the utmost concern, but though he immediately went to dissuade Rene from carrying it into effect, he was unable, either by promises or entreaties, to divert him from his purpose. He engaged, however, to leave part of his forces, and sent his son for the service of the League. The Florentines were not displeased at this, for having recovered their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear of Alfonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the Duke to obtain any part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. Rene took his departure and sent his son John into Italy according to his promise, who did not remain in Lombardy, but came direct to Florence, where he was received with the highest respect. The King's departure made the Duke desirous of peace. The Venetians, Alfonso and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were similarly disposed, and the Pope continued to wish it as much as ever, for during this year the Turkish Emperor Mohammed had taken Constantinople and subdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, more especially the Venetians and the Pope, who already began to fancy the Mohammedans at their doors. The Pope, therefore, begged the Italian potentates to send ambassadors to himself, with authority to negotiate a general peace, with which all complied, but when the particular circumstances of each case came to be considered, many difficulties were found in the war of affecting it. King Alfonso required the Florentines to reimburse the expenses he had incurred in the war, and the Florentines demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians thought themselves entitled to Cremona from the Duke, while he insisted upon the restoration of Bergamo, Brestia, and Cremor, so that it seemed impossible to reconcile such conflicting claims. But what could not be affected by a number at Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two. For while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the Duke and the Venetians came to an arrangement on the 9th of April, 1454, by virtue of which each party resumed what they had possessed before the war, and the Duke being allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoy the places they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month was allowed to ratify the treaty. The Popes and the Florentines, and with them the Sienese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time. Besides this the Florentines, the Venetians, and the Duke concluded a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibited dissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not been sufficiently considered, that he stood not on the footing of a principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof, and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a legate from the Pope and many solemn embassies from other powers, he allowed himself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and with his son joined the League for thirty years. The Duke and the King also contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each giving a daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy might still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent to the peace, unless the League would allow him, without injury to themselves, to make war upon the Genoese, Chismondo Malatesti, and Astori, Prince of Paenza. This being conceded, his son Ferando, who was at Siena, returned to the kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany acquired no dominion, and lost a great number of his men. Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehension entertained was that it would be disturbed by the animosity of Alfonso against the Genoese, yet it happened otherwise. The king indeed did not openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently broken by the ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual on the conclusion of a war, had discharged Giacopo Piccinino, who, with some other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into the Sienes, and halting in the country took possession of many places. At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the year, 1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus III, who, to put a stop to the war newly broken out so near home, immediately sent Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish. These being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the Duke of Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Giacopo near Balsena, and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Giacopo was not worsted, and retreated in disorder to Castiglioni della Peschia, where, had he not been assisted by Alfonso, his force would have been completely annihilated. This made it evident that Giacopo's movement had been made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, to conciliate his allies after having almost alienated them with this unimportant war, ordered Giacopo to restore to the Sienes the places he had taken, and they gave him twenty thousand Florence by way of ransom, after which he and his forces were received into the Kingdom of Naples. End of Book Six, Chapter Six. Book Six, Chapter Seven, of History of Florence, by Machiavelli, Volume Two. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Colinda. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Nicola Machiavelli, Volume Two. Translated by an Unknown Translator. Book Six, Chapter Seven. Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks. The Turks routed before Belgrade. Description of a remarkable hurricane. War against the Genoese and Gismonto Malatesti. Genoa submits to the King of France. Death of Alfonso, King of Naples. Succeeded by his son, Ferando. The Pope designs to give the Kingdom of Naples to his nephew, Piero Lodovico Borgia. Eulogy of Pius II. Disturbances in Genoa between John of Anju and the Fragosi. The Fragosi subdued. John attacks the Kingdom of Naples. Ferando, King of Naples, routed. Ferando reinstated. The Genoese cast off the French yoke. John of Anju routed in the Kingdom of Naples. The Pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccianino, did not neglect to make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in danger from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian country to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of their religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to the enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dress to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemn processions were made, and nothing was neglected, either in public or private, to show their willingness to be among the most forward to assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness for this crusade was somewhat abated by learning that the Turkish army, being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city in fortress in Hungary, upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded, so that the alarm felt by the Pope and all Christendom on the loss of Constantinople, having ceased to operate. They proceeded deliberately with their preparations for war, and in Hungary their zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Y-Wood, who commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable occasion and fell in battle. To return to the affairs of Italy, in the year 1456 the disturbances occasioned by Giacobo Piccinino having subsided, and human weapons laid aside. The heavens seemed to make war against the earth, dreadful tempestuous winds then occurring which produced effects unprecedented in Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous and unaccountable. On the 24th of August, about an hour before daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona a whirlwind, which, crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompanied by thick clouds and the most intense and impenetrable darkness, covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course. Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overcharged column of condensed vapor burst. Its fragments contended with indescribable fury and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled as it were in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity and accompanied by winds impetuous beyond all conception, while flashes of awful brilliancy and murky lurid flames incessantly broke forth. From these confused clouds, furious winds and momentary fires, sounds issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford the least idea, striking such awe into awe that it was thought the end of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire universe mingling together were being resolved into their ancient chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented and marvelous effects, but these were more especially experienced near the castle of St. Cassiano, about eight miles from Florence upon the hill which separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and the Borgos St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without touching the ladder, and in the former only threw down some of the battlements and the chimneys of a few houses, but in the space between them, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace were carried more than a mile, unbroken as went upon their respective edifices. Amuletir and his beasts were driven from the road into the adjoining valley and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees which could not bend beneath its influence were not only stripped of their branches, but borne to a great distance from the places where they grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The country had lost all its habitable character. Churches and dwellings were laid in heaps. Nothing was heard but the lamentations of those whose possessions had perished or whose cattle or friends were buried beneath the ruins, and all who witnessed the scene were filled with anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the omnipotent rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her. For had the hurricane been directed over the city filled with houses and inhabitants instead of proceeding among oaks and elms or small and thinly scattered dwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind with all its ideas of horror could not have conceived. But the almighty desired that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to a knowledge of himself and of his power. To return to our history, King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace, and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino to make against the Sienes had produced no important result, he resolved to try what could be done against those whom the conditions of the league permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed the Genoese both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the frugosi of the government and restore the Adornee. At the same time he ordered Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Toronto and attacked Gismondo Malatesti, who, having fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and this part of the king's enterprise produced no effect. But his proceedings against Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom than he could have wished. Pierrot Frugoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting his ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined to give what he could not hold to someone who might defend it against his enemies in hope that at a future period he should obtain a return for the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII of France and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the offer and sent John of Anjou, the son of King Rene, who had a short time previously left Florence and returned to France, to take possession with the idea that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy, would be able to govern the city, and also that this might give him an opportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which Rene, John's father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John therefore proceeded to Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses both of the city and the government given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso with the fear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not, however, dismayed, but pursued his enterprise vigorously and had led his fleet to Porto, below Villa Marina, when he died after a sudden illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war. Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, became alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of the disposition of so many of his barons, who, being desirous of change, he feared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive of the Pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who, seeing him new in the government, might design to take it from him. He had no hope except from the Duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning the affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando, for he feared that if the French were to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex his own dominions, which he knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He therefore, soon after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando, the latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with an intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him. The Pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew, Piero Ludovico Borgia, and to furnish a decent pretext for his design, and obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italy in its favor. He signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion of the Church of Rome, and therefore persuaded the Duke not to assist Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises, Calixtus died, and Pius II, of Sienese origin, of the family of Piccolomini, and by the name Aeneas, succeeded to the Pontificate. This Pontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but to benefit Christendom and honor the Church, at the Dukes and Treaty, crowned Ferrando King of Naples, judging it easier to establish peace if the kingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he were to favor the views of the French, or as Calixtus purposed, take it for himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgement of the benefit, created Antonio, one of the Pope's nephews, Prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimate daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Teresina to the Church. It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be quelled, and the Pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom to unite in an enterprise against the Turks, as Calixtus had previously designed, when differences arose between the Fragosi and John of Anju, the Lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars than those recently concluded. Pietrino Fragoso was at his castle of Riviera, and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to his family's merits, for it was by their means the latter had become Prince of the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity, a circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his troubles, and the sole means of procuring his safety. He therefore assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of Genoese territory. The latter, being aware of his design, sent for aid to France, and on obtaining it attacked Pietrino, who through his numerous friends entertained the strongest assurance of success, so that John was compelled to keep within the city into which Pietrino, having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it. But upon the return of day, his people were all either slain or made prisoners by John's troops, and he himself was found among the dead. This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom, and in October, 1459, he sailed thither from Genoa with a powerful fleet, and landed at Baia, once he proceeded to Cessa, by the Duke of which place he was favorably received. The Prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several cities and other princes, also joined him, so that a great part of the kingdom fell into his hands. On this, Ferrando applied for assistance to the Pope and the Duke of Milan, and to diminish the number of his enemies, made peace with Gismando Malatesti, which gave so much offense to Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismando, that he resigned his command under Ferrando and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent money to Federigo, Lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed what was in those times considered a tolerable army, which, meeting the enemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior note adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John. Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon Naples, but John declined this, saying he would first reduce the remainder of the kingdom and then attack the seat of government. This resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise, for he did not consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the head the members. After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, wither the scattered remnants of his people followed him, and by soliciting his friends, he obtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to the Pope and the Duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberally and speedily than before, for they began to entertain most serious apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived, and marching from Naples, he gained his reputation in his dominions, and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While the war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which John of Anjou lost his influence and all chance of success in the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty and avaricious dominion of the French that they took arms against the Viceroy and compelled him to seek refuge in the Castelletto. The Fragosi and the Adorne united in the enterprise against him and were assisted with money and troops by the Duke of Milan, both for the recovery and preservation of the government. At the same time, King René coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son and hoping to recover Genoa by means of the Castelletto, upon landing his forces was so completely routed that he was compelled to return in disgrace to Provence. When the news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John was greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance of those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms from Ferrando. At length, after various trifling occurrences, the two royal armies came to an engagement in which John was routed near Troia in the year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando, and being abandoned by his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria and thence withdrew to France. The war continued four years. John's failure was attributable to negligence, for victory was often within his grasp, but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no decisive part in this war. John, King of Aragon, who succeeded upon the death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his nephew Ferrando in compliance with the terms of the treaty recently made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied that they were under no obligation, that they did not think proper to assist the son in a war commenced by the father with his own forces, and that as it was begun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continued and concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed the engagement to be binding on the Florentines and themselves to be answerable for the event of the war, and then in great anger left the city. Thus, with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued tranquil during this war, but the case was otherwise with their domestic concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book. End of book 6. Recording by Kalinda in Lüneburg, Germany, on March 23rd, 2009. Book 1, Chapter 1 of History of Florence by Machiavelli, Volume 2. This is a LibraVox recording. All LibraVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibraVox.org. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Niccolò Machiavelli, Volume 2. Translated by an unknown translator. Book 7, Chapter 1. Connection of the other Italian governments with the history of Florence. Republics always disunited. Some differences are injurious, others not so. The kind of dissensions prevailing at Florence. Cosmo de' Medici and Neri Caponi become powerful by dissimilar means. Reform in the election of magistrates favorable to Cosmo. Complaints of the principal citizens against the reform in elections. Luca Pitti, gonfalonier of justice, retains the embossations by force. Tyranny and pride of Luca Pitti in his party. Palace of the Pitti, death of Cosmo de' Medici, his liberality and magnificence, his modesty, his prudence, sayings of Cosmo. It will perhaps appear to the readers of the preceding book that, professing only to write of the affairs of Florence, I have delayed it too much in speaking of those which occurred in Lombardy and Naples. But as I have not already avoided, so it is not my intention in future to forbear similar digressions. For although we have not engaged to give an account of the affairs of Italy, still it would be improper to neglect noticing the most remarkable of them. If they were wholly omitted, our history would not be so well understood. Neither would it be so instructive or agreeable, since from the proceedings of the other princes and states of Italy, have most commonly arisen those wars in which the Florentines were compelled to take part. Thus, from the war between John of Anjou and King Ferrando, originated those serious enmities and hatreds which ensued between Ferrando and the Florentines, particularly the House of Medici. The King complained of a want of assistance during the war and of the aid afforded to his enemy, and from his anger originated the greatest evils, as will be hereafter seen. Having, in speaking of external affairs, come down to the year 1463, it will be necessary in order to make our narrative of the contemporaneous domestic transactions clearly understood, to revert to a period several years back. But first, according to custom, I would offer a few remarks referring to the events about to be narrated, and observe that those who think a republic may be kept in perfect unity of purpose are greatly deceived. True it is that some divisions injure republics, while others are beneficial to them. When accompanied by factions and parties, they are injurious, but when maintained without them, they contribute to their prosperity. The legislator of a republic, since it is impossible to prevent the existence of dissensions, must at least take care to prevent the growth of faction. It may therefore be observed that citizens acquire reputation and power in two ways, the one public, the other private. Influence is acquired publicly by winning a battle, taking possession of a territory, fulfilling the duties of an embassy with care and prudence, or by giving wise counsel attended by a happy result. Private methods are conferring benefits upon individuals, defending them against the magistrates, supporting them with money, and raising them to undeserved honors, or with public games and entertainments gaining the affection of the populace. This mode of procedure produces parties and cliques, and in proportion as influence thus acquired is injurious, so is the former beneficial, and if quite free from party spirit, because it is founded upon the public good, and not upon private advantage. And though it is impossible to prevent the existence of invenerate feuds, still if they be without partisans to support them for their own individual benefit, they do not injure a republic, but contribute to its welfare, since none can attain distinction, but as he contributes to her good, and each party prevents the other from infringing her liberties. The dissensions of Florence were always accompanied by factions, and were therefore always pernicious, and the dominant party only remained united so long as its enemies held it in check. As soon as the strength of the opposition was annihilated, the government, deprived of the restraining influence of its adversaries and being subject to no law, fell to pieces. The party of Cosimo de' Medici gained the Ascendant in 1434, but the depressed party being very numerous and composed of several very influential persons, fear kept the former united, and restrained their proceedings within the bounds of moderation, so that no violence was committed by them, nor anything done calculated to excite popular dislike. Consequently, whenever this government required the citizen's aid to recover or strengthen its influence, the latter were always willing to gratify its wishes, so that from 1434 to 1455, during a period of 21 years, the authority of Abellia was granted to it six times. There were in Florence, as we have frequently observed, two principally powerful citizens, Cosimo de' Medici and Neri Caponi. Neri acquired his influence by public services, so that he had many friends but few partisans. Cosimo, being able to avail himself of both of public and private means, had many partisans as well as friends. While both lived, having been always united, they obtained from the people whatever they required, for in them popularity and power were united. But in the year 1455, Neri being dead, and the opposition party extinct, the government found a difficulty in resuming its authority, and this was occasioned remarkably enough by Cosimo's private friends and the most influential men in the state, for not fearing the opposite party, they became anxious to abate his power. This inconstancy was the beginning of the evils which took place in 1456, so that those in power were openly advised in the deliberative councils not to renew the power of the Abellia, but to close the balloting purses and appoint the magistrates by drawing from the pollings or squitini previously made. To restrain this disposition, Cosimo had the choice of two alternatives, either forcibly to assume the government, with the partisans he possessed, and drive out the others, or to allow the matter to take its course, and let his friends see that they were not depriving him of power, but rather themselves. He chose the latter, for he well knew that at all events the purses being filled with the names of his own friends, he incurred no risk, and could take the government into his own hands whenever he found occasion. The chief offices of state being again filled by lot, the mass of the people began to think they had recovered their liberty, and that the decisions of the magistrates were according to their own judgments, unbiased by the influence of the great. At the same time, the friends of different grandees were humbled, and many who had commonly seen their houses filled with suitors and presents found themselves destitute of both. Those who had previously been very powerful were reduced to inequality with men whom they had been accustomed to consider inferior, and these formerly far beneath them were now become their equals. No respect or deference was paid to them, they were often ridiculed and derided, and frequently heard themselves and the Republic mentioned in the open streets without the least deference. Thus they found it was not Cosimo but themselves that had lost the government. Cosimo appeared not to notice these matters, and whenever any subject was proposed in favor of the people, he was the first to support it. But the greatest cause of alarm to the higher classes and his most favorable opportunity of retaliation was the revival of the castado, or property tax of fourteen twenty-seven, so that individual contributions were determined by a statute and not by a set of persons appointed for its regulation. This law being re-established and a magistracy created to carry it into effect, the nobility assembled and went to Cosimo to beg he would rescue them and himself from the power of the plebeians and restore to the government the reputation which had made himself powerful and them respected. He replied, he was willing to comply with their request but wished the law to be obtained in the regular manner by consent of the people and not by force, of which he would not hear on any account. They then endeavored in the councils to establish a new belia, but did not succeed. On this the grandees again came to Cosimo and, most humbly begged, he would assemble the people in a general council or parliament. But this he refused, for he wished to make them sensible of their great mistake, and when Donato Cochee, being gonfalignier of justice, proposed to assemble them without his consent, the seniors who were of Cosimo's party ridiculed the idea so unmercifully that the man's mind actually became deranged and he had to retire from office and consequence. However, since it is undesirable to allow matters to proceed beyond recovery, the gonfalign of justice being in the hands of Luca Peti, a bold-spirited man, Cosimo determined to let him adopt what course he thought proper, that if any trouble should arise it might be imputed to Luca and not to himself. Luca, therefore, in the beginning of his majestycy, several times proposed to the people the appointment of a new belia, and not succeeding, he threatened the members of the councils with injurious and arrogant expressions, which were shortly followed by a corresponding conduct, for in the month of August, 1458, on the eve of St. Lorenzo, having filled the piazza and compelled them to assent to a measure which he knew them to be averse. Having recovered power, he created a new belia and filled the principal offices according to the pleasure of a few individuals in order to commence that government with terror which they had obtained by force. They banished Girolamo Machiavelli with some others and deprived many of the honors of government. Girolamo, having transgressed the confines to which he was limited, was declared a rebel. Traveling about Italy with the designs of exciting the princes against his country, he was betrayed while at Lunigiana and being brought to Florence was put to death in prison. This government, during the eight years it continued, was violent and insupportable. For Cosimo, being now old and through ill health unable to attend to public affairs as formerly, Florence became a prey to a small number of her own citizens. Luca Piti, in return for the services he had performed for the Republic, was made a knight, and to be no less grateful than those who had conferred the dignity upon him, he ordered that the priors who had hitherto been called priors of the trades should also have a name to which they had no kind of claim and therefore called them priors of liberty. He also ordered that as it had been customary for the gonfalié to sit upon the right hand of the rectors, he should in future take his seat in the midst of them. And that the deity might appear to participate in what had been done, public processions were made and solemn services performed to thank him for the recovery of the government. The scenery and Cosimo made Luca Piti rich presence, and all the citizens were emulous in imitation of them, so that the money given amounted to no less a sum than twenty thousand dukets. He thus attained such influence that not Cosimo but himself now governed the city, and his pride so increased that he commenced two superb buildings, one in Florence, the other at Rucanio, about a mile distant, both in a style of royal magnificence, that in the city being larger than any hitherto built by a private person. To complete them he had recourse to the most extraordinary means, for not only citizens and private individuals made him presence in supplied materials, but the mass of people of every grade also contributed. Besides this any exiles who had committed murders, thefts or other crimes which made them amenable to the laws found a safe refuge within their walls, if they were able to contribute toward their decoration or completion. The other citizens, though they did not build like him, were no less violent or rapacious, so that if Florence were not harassed by external wars she was ruined by the wickedness of her own children. During this period the wars of Naples took place. The Pope also commenced hostilities in Romagna against the Malatesti, from whom he wished to take Romino and Cicena, held by them. In these designs, and his intentions of a crusade against the Turks, was passed the pontificate of Pius II. Descendants continued in disunion and disturbance. The dissensions continued among the party of Cosimo in 1455, from the causes already related, which by his prudence, as we have also before remarked, he was unable to tranquilize, but in the year 1464 his illness increased and he died. Friends and enemies alike grieved for his loss, for his political opponents, perceiving the rapacity of the citizens, even during the life of him who alone restrained them and made their tyranny supportable, were afraid, lest after his decease, nothing but ruin would ensue. Nor had they much hope of his son Piero, who though a very good man was of infirm health, and new in the government, and they thought he would be compelled to give way, so that being unrestrained their rapacity would pass all bounds. On these accounts the regret was universal. Of all who have left memorials behind them and who were not of the military profession, Cosimo was the most illustrious and the most renowned. He not only surpassed all his contemporaries in wealth and authority, but also in generosity and prudence, and among the qualities which contributed to make him a prince in his own country was his surpassing all others in magnificence and generosity. His liberality became more obvious after his death, when Piero, his son, wishing to know what he possessed, it appeared there was no citizen of any consequence to whom Cosimo had not lent a large sum of money, and often, when informed of some nobleman being in distress, he relieved him unasked. His magnificence is evident from the number of public edifices he erected, for in Florence are the convents and churches of St. Marco and St. Lorenzo, and the monastery of Santa Verdiana, in the mountains of Fiesole, the church and abbey of St. Girolamo, and in the Mugello he not only restored, but rebuilt from its foundation a monastery of the Frate Minori, or Minims. Besides these, in the Church of Santa Croce, the Servi, the Anioli, and in Santa Miniatto, he erected splendid chapels and altars, and besides building the churches and chapels we have mentioned, he provided them with all the ornaments, furniture, and utensils suitable for the performance of divine service. To these sacred edifices are to be added his private dwellings, one in Florence, of extent and elegance adapted to so great a citizen, and four others, situated at Corregi, Fiesole, Cragiolo, and Trebio, each for size and grandeur equal to royal palaces. And as if it were not sufficient to be distinguished for magnificence of buildings in Italy alone, he erected and hospital at Jerusalem, for the reception of poor and infirm pilgrims. Although his habitations, like all his other works and actions, were quite of a regal character, and he alone was Prince in Florence, still everything was so tempered with his prudence that he never transgressed the decent moderation of civil life. In his conversation, his servants, his travelling, his mode of living, and the relationships he formed, the modest demeanor of the citizen was always evident, for he was aware that a constant exhibition of pomp brings more envy upon its possessor than greater realities borne without ostentation. Thus in selecting concerts for his son he did not seek the alliance of princes, but for Giovanni chose Corneglia Degli Alessandri, and for Piero Lucrezia Daytona Buoni. He gave his granddaughters, the children of Piero, Bianca de Guglielmo de Pazzi, and Nanina to Bernardo Rucale. No one of his time possessed such an intimate knowledge of government in state affairs as himself, and hence amid such a variety of fortune, in a city so given to change, and among a people of such extreme inconstancy, he retained possession of the government for thirty-one years. For being endowed with yet most prudence he foresaw evils at a distance, and therefore had an opportunity either of averting them or preventing their injurious results. He thus not only vanquished domestic and civil ambition, but humbled the pride of many princes with so much fidelity and addressed that whatever powers were in league with himself in his country either overcame their adversaries or remained uninjured by his alliance, and whoever were opposed to him lost either their time, money, or territory. Of this the Venetians afforded a sufficient proof, who, while in league with him against Duke Philippo were always victorious, but apart from him were always conquered, first by Philippo and then by Francesco. When they joined Alfonso against the Florentine Republic, Cosimo, by his commercial credit, so drained Naples and Venice of money, that they were glad to obtain peace upon any terms it was thought proper to grant. Whatever difficulties he had to contend with, whether within the city or without, he brought to a happy issue, at once glorious to himself and destructive to his enemies, so that civil discord strengthened his government in Florence, and war increased his power and reputation abroad. He added to the Florentine dominions the Borgo of Saint Selplacro, Montadoglio, the Cassatino, and Val de Bagna. His virtue and good fortune overcame all his enemies and exalted his friends. He was born in the year 1389 on the day of the Saints Cosimo and Damiano. His earlier years were full of trouble as his exile, captivity, and personal danger fully testified, and having gone to the Council of Constance, with Pope John, in order to save his life, after the ruin of the latter, he was obliged to escape in disguise. But after the age of forty he enjoyed the greatest felicity, and not only those who assisted him in public business, but his agents who conducted his commercial speculations throughout Europe, participated in his prosperity. Hence many enormous fortunes took their origin in different families of Florence, as in that of the Tornebuoni, the Benci, the Portanari, and the Sassetti. Besides these, all who depended upon his advice and patronage became rich, and though he was constantly expending money in building churches and in charitable purposes, he sometimes complained to his friends that he had never been able to lay out so much in the service of God, as to find the balance in his own favor, intimidating that all he had done or could do was still unequal to what the Almighty had done for him. He was of a middle stature, all of complexion and venerable aspect, not learned, but exceedingly eloquent, endowed with great natural capacity, generous to his friends, kind to the poor, comprehensive in discourse, cautious in advising, and in his speeches and replies, grave and witty. When Ronaldo Degli albici, at the beginning of his exile, sent to him to say, the hen had laid, he replied, she did ill to lay so far from the nest. Some other of the rebels gave him to understand they were not dreaming. He said he believed it, for he had robbed them of their sleep. When Pope Pius was endeavoring to induce the different governments to join in an expedition against the Turks, he said he was an old man and had undertaken the enterprise of a young one. To the Venetian ambassadors, who came to Florence with those of King Alfonso to complain of the Republic, he uncovered his head, and asked them what color it was. They said, white. He replied, it is so, and it will not be long before your senators have heads as white as mine. A few hours before his death, his wife asked him why he kept his eyes shut, and he said, to get them in the way of it. Some citizens sang to him, after his return from exile, that he injured the city, and that it was offensive to God to drive so many religious persons out of it. He replied that it was better to injure the city than to ruin it, that two yards of rose-colored cloth would make a gentleman, and that it required something more to direct a government than to play with a string of beads. These words gave occasion to his enemies to slander him, as a man who loved himself more than his country, and was more attached to this world than to the next. Many others of his sayings might be adduced, but we shall omit them as unnecessary. Cosimo was a friend and patron of learned men. He brought, agiripolo, a Greek by birth, and one of the most erudite of his time to Florence, to instruct the youth in Hellenic literature. He entertained Marsilio Facino, the reviver of the platonic philosophy, in his own house, and, being much attached to him, gave him a residence near his palace at Coreggi, that he might pursue the study of letters with greater convenience, and himself have an opportunity of enjoying his company. His prudence, his great wealth, the uses to which he applied it, and his splendid style of living caused him to be beloved and respected in Florence, and obtained for him the highest consideration, not only among the princes and governments of Italy, but throughout all Europe. He thus laid a foundation for his descendants, which enabled them to equal him in virtue, and greatly surpassed him in fortune, while the authority they possessed in Florence and throughout Christendom was not obtained without being merited. Toward the close of his life he suffered a great affliction, for of his two sons, Piero and Giovanni, the latter of whom he entertained the greatest hopes, died, and the former was so sickly as to be unable to attend either to public or private business. On being carried from one apartment to another, after Giovanni's death, he remarked to his attendants with a sigh, this is too large a house for so small a family. His great mind felt distressed at the idea that he had not extended the Florentine dominions by any valuable acquisition, and he regretted it the more from imagining he had been deceived by Francesco Sforza, who, while Count, had promised that if he became Lord of Milan, he would undertake the conquest of Luca for the Florentines, a design, however, that was never realized, for the Count's ideas changed upon his becoming Duke. He resolved to enjoy in peace the power he had acquired by war, and would not again encounter its fatigues and dangers, unless the welfare of his own dominions required it. This was a source of much annoyance to Cosimo, who felt he had incurred great expense and trouble for an ungrateful and perfidious friend. His bodily infirmities prevented him from attending either to public or private affairs, as he had been accustomed, and he consequently witnessed both going to decay, for Florence was ruined by her own citizens and his fortune by his agents and children. He died, however, at the zenith of his glory and in the enjoyment of the highest renown. The city and all the Christian princes condoled with his son Piero for his loss. His funeral was conducted with the utmost pomp and solemnity, the whole city following his corpse to the tomb in the church of St. Lorenzo, on which, by public decree, he was inscribed Father of his country. If in speaking of Cosimo's actions I have rather imitated the biographies of princes than general history, it need not occasion wonder, for of so extraordinary an individual I was compelled to speak with unusual praise. CHAPTER II The Duke of Milan becomes Lord of Genoa. The King of Naples and the Duke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions to their heirs. Giacoppo Pincinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward murdered at Naples. Fruitless endeavors have pious the second to excite Christendom against the Turks. DEATH OF FRANCESCO Sforza, Duke of Milan. Perfidious counsel given to Piero de' Medici by Diotto Salvi Neroni. Conspiracy of Diotto Salvi and others against Piero. Real attempts to appease the disorders. Public spectacles. Projects of the conspirators against Piero de' Medici. Niccolò Fadini disclose us to Piero the plots of his enemies. While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI of France was involved in very serious troubles with his barons, who, with the assistance of Francis, Duke of Brittany, and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, were in arms against him. This attack was so serious that he was unable to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise against Genoa and Naples, and standing in need of all the forces he could raise, he gave over Savanna, which still remained in the power of the French, to the Duke of Milan, and also intimated that if he wished, he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco accepted the proposal, and with the influences afforded by the king's friendship and the assistance of the Adornie, he became Lord of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse into France for the king's service, under the command of Galliazzo, his eldest son. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sporza became the latter Duke of Lombardy in Prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of the whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied by marriage, they thought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves its enjoyment during life, and at their deaths its unencumbered reversion to their heirs. To attain this end, they considered it necessary that the king should remove all ground of apprehension from those barons who had offended him in the War of John of Anjou, and that the Duke should extirpate the adherents of the Brescesci, the natural enemies of his family, who, under Jacopo Pincinino, had attained the highest reputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, and, possessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all who had dominions, and especially of the Duke, who, conscious of what he himself had done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate and safety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son during Jacopo's lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously endeavored to come to terms with his barons, and, using his utmost ingenuity to secure them, succeeded in his object, for they perceived their ruin to be inevitable if they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submission and confidence in him they would still have reason for apprehension. And are always most eager to avoid a certain evil, and hence inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, conscious of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king's promises, and, having placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyed in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts. This alarmed Jacopo Pincinino, who was with his forces at Salmuna, and to deprive the king of the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the mediation of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompanied by only a hundred horse. Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first under Duke Philippo, and afterward under the Milanese Republic, so that by frequent intercourse with the citizens he had acquired many friends and universal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase. For the prosperity and newly acquired power of this bourgeoisie had occasioned envy, while Jacopo's misfortunes and long absence had given rise to compassion and a great desire to see him. These various feelings were displayed upon his arrival, for nearly all the nobility went to meet him. The streets through which he passed were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of the Brescesci, the Brescesci, resounded on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin, for the duke's apprehensions increased his desire of destroying him, and to affect this, with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo's marriage with Drusiana, the duke's natural daughter, was now celebrated. The duke then arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain of his forces, and give him one hundred thousand florins for his maintenance. After this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity. But having asked permission to go to Salmuna, where his forces were, the king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which he and his son Francesco were imprisoned, and shortly afterward put to death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues in others which they themselves did not possess, extirpated them, and hence the country became a prey to the efforts of those by whom it was not long afterwards oppressed and ruined. At this time Pope Pius II, having settled the affairs of Romagna, and witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to lead the Christians against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to those which his predecessors had used. All the princes promised assistance either in men or money, while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles, Duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. The pontiff was so full of expectation that he left Rome and proceeded to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should be assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither to convey the forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city there was soon such a concourse of people that in a few days all the provisions it contained, or that could be procured from the neighborhood were consumed, and famine began to impend. Besides this there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor arms to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles made their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys, but rather for ostentation and the sake of keeping their word, than for the purpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs the pope, being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to their homes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II of Venetian origin was chosen to succeed him, and that nearly all the principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period. In the following year Francesco Sporza, Duke of Milan, also died, having occupied the duke-dom sixteen years, and Galliazzo his son succeeded him. The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they would otherwise have done. Upon the demise of Cosimo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his assistance Diatisalvi Nironi, a man of considerable influence and the highest reputation, in whom Cosimo reposed so much confidence that just before his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with regard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune. Piero acquired Diatisalvi with the opinion Cosimo entertained of him, and said that as he wished to obey his father, no now no more, as he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both his patrimony and the city. Beginning with his private affairs he caused an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets to be placed in Diatisalvi's hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state of affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latter promised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts the affairs were found to be in great disorder, and Diatisalvi, instigated rather by his own ambition than by attachment to Piero or gratitude to Cosimo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both the reputation and the splendor which his father had left him as his inheritance. In order to realize his views he waited upon Piero and advised him to adopt a measure of which, while it appeared quite correct in itself and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequence destructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide if he wished to preserve his influence in the state, and his reputation of wealth, and said there was no other means of remedying these disorders so just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lent to an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens. For Cosimo, to acquire partisans in Florence and friends abroad, was extremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due him was enormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous to repossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable, but as soon as he had ordered these amounts to be recalled, the citizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind of claim, took great offense, loaded him with approbrious expressions, and accused him of being avaricious and ungrateful. Diatisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Angelo Ackiajoli, and Niccolò Sodorini, and they resolved to unite their efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each was actuated by a different motive. Luca Pitti wished to take the position Cosimo had occupied, for he was now become so great that he disdained to submit to Piero. Diatisalvi Naroni, who knew Luca unfit to be at the head of a government, thought that, of necessity on Piero's removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself. Niccolò Sodorini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty and for the laws to be equally binding upon all. Angelo Ackiajoli was greatly incensed against the Medici for the following reasons. His son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandro de Bardi and received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or the misconduct of others, suffered much ill treatment both from her father-in-law and her husband, and, in consequence, Lorenzo De La Rione, her kinsman, out of Pitti for the girl, being accompanied by several armed men, took her away from Agnolo's house. The Ackiajoli complained of the injury done to them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to Cosimo, who decided that the Ackiajoli should restore to Alessandro her fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husband or not. Agnolo thought Cosimo had not, in this instance, treated him as a friend, and having been unable to avenge himself on the father, he now resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, though each was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected to have only one object in view, which was that the city should be governed by the magistrates, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few individuals. The odium against Piero and the opportunities of injuring him were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time, for it was reported that he, in having quite unexpectedly to all resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to become insolvent. To this was added his endeavour to obtain Clarisse Degliorsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son, and hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one of the people, and was preparing to make himself prince. For he who refuses his fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and therefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the sedition thought that they had the victory in their power, for the greater part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty, which they, to give their purpose of graceful covering, adopted upon their ensigns. In this agitated state of the city, some to whom civil disorder was extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavour to engage men's minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed they are commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the death of Cosimo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which announced the nativity of Christ, which was conducted with such pomp and magnificence that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupied many months. The other was a tournament, for so they called the exhibition of equestrian combats, in which the sons of the first families in the city took part with the most celebrated Cavaliers of Italy. Among the most distinguished of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who not by favour but by his own personal valor obtained the principal prize. When these festivals were over the citizens reverted to the same thoughts which had previously occupied them, and each pursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differences and troubles were the result, and these were greatly increased by two circumstances, one of which was that the authority of the Balea had expired, the other that upon the death of Duke Francesco Gagliazzo the new Duke sent ambassadors to Florence to renew the engagements of his father with the city, which among other things provided that every year a certain sum of money should be paid to the Duke. The principal opponents of the Medici took occasion from this demand to make public resistance in the councils, on pretense that the alliance was made with Francesco and not Gagliazzo, so that Francesco being dead the obligation had ceased, nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Gagliazzo did not possess his father's talents, and consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him, that if they had derived little advantage from Francesco they would obtain still less from Gagliazzo, and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own purposes it was contrary to civil rule and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an alliance for mere avarice, and that there was nothing so important to the Republic and to the whole of Italy as their alliance with the Duke, that the Venetians, while they were united, could not hope either by feigned friendship or open war to injure the duchy, but as soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated from him they would prepare for hostilities, and finding him young, new in the government and without friends, they would, either by force or fraud, compel him to join them, in which case ruin of the Republic would be inevitable. The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of the parties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies, the friends of the Medici meeting in the crocchetta, and their adversaries in the pietà. The latter being anxious for Piero's ruin had induced many citizens to subscribe their names as favourable to the undertaking. Upon one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning the means by which it should be affected. One party, the most temperate and reasonable, held that as the authority of the Balea had ceased, they must take care to prevent its renewal. It would then be found to be the universal wish that the magistrates and counsel should govern the city, and in a short time Piero's power would be visibly diminished, and as a consequence of his loss of influence in the government, his commercial credit would also fail, for his affairs were in such a state that if they could prevent him from using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would thus be in no further danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of their liberty, without the death or exile of any individual, but if they attempted violence they would incur great dangers, for mankind are willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if pushed down they would hasten to his relief, so that if they adopted no extraordinary measures against him he would have no reason for defense or aid, and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his own injury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate his ruin, and justify whatever course they might think proper to adopt. Many of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy method of proceeding. They thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious to themselves, for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary course Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves would incur many, for the magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him to rule the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in fourteen fifty-eight, and though the advice they had just heard might be most consistent with good feeling the present would be found to be the safest. That it would therefore be best, while the minds of men were yet excited against him, to affect his destruction. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage the assistance of the Marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destitute of troops, and if a favorable scenery were drawn they would be in condition to make use of them. They therefore determined to wait the formation of the new scenery, and to be governed by circumstances. Among the conspirators was Niccolò Fadini, who had acted as president of their assemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes, disclosed the whole affair to Pierrot, and gave him a list of those who had subscribed their names, and also of the conspirators. Pierrot was alarmed on discovering the number and quality of those who were opposed to him, and by the advice of his friends he resolved to make the signatories of those who were inclined to favor him. Having employed one of his most trusty confidants to carry his design into effect, he found so great a disposition to change in instability that many who had previously set down their names among the number of his enemies now subscribe them in his favor. END OF BOOK SEVEN, CHAPTER II. Niccolò Sodorini, drawn gonfalnie of justice. Great hopes excited in consequence. The two parties take arms. The fears of the scenery. Their conduct with regard to Pierrot. Pierrot's reply to the scenery. Reform of government in favor of Pierrot de Medici. Dispersion of his enemies. Fall of Lucca Piedi. Letter of Agnolo Achiagoli to Pierrot de Medici. Designs of the Florentine exiles. They induce the Venetians to make war on Florence. In the midst of these events the time arrived for the renewal of the Supreme Magistacy, and Niccolò Sodorini was drawn gonfalnie of justice. It was surprising to see by what a concourse not only of distinguished citizens, but also of the populace he was accompanied to the palace, and while on the way that there an olive wreath was placed upon his head, to signify that upon him depended the safety and liberty of the city. This, among many similar instances, serves to prove how undesirable it is to enter upon office or power exciting inordinate expectations, for being unable to fulfill them, many looking for more than it is possible to perform, shame and disappointment are the ordinary results. Tomasso and Niccolò Sodorini were brothers. Niccolò was the more ardent and spirited Tomasso the wiser man, who being very much the friend of Piero, and knowing that his brother desired nothing but the liberty of the city and the stability of the Republic, without injury to any, advised him to make new squatini, by which means the election purses might be filled with the names of those favorable to his design. Niccolò took his brother's advice, and thus wasted the period of his Magistacy in vain hopes, which his friends, the leading conspirators, allowed him to do for motives of envy, for they were unwilling that the government should be reformed by the authority of Niccolò, and thought they would be in time to affect their purpose under another gonfalonier. Thus the Magistacy of Niccolò expired, and having commenced many things without completing ought, he retired from office with much less credit than when he had entered upon it. This circumstance caused the aggrandizement of Piero's party, whose friends entertained stronger hopes, while those who had been neutral or wavering became his adherents, so that both sides being balanced, many months elapsed without any open demonstration of their particular designs. Piero's party continued to gather strength, his enemies' indignation increased in proportion, and they now determined to affect by force what they either could not accomplish or were unwilling to attempt by the medium of the Magistrates, which was assassination of Piero, who lay sick at Correggie, and to this end ordered the Marquis of Ferrara nearer the city with his forces, that after Piero's death he might lead them into the piazza, and thus compel the scenery to form a government according to their own wishes. For though all might be friendly, they trusted they would be able to induce those to submit by fear, who might be opposed to them from principle. Diatisalvi, the better to conceal his design, frequently visited Piero, conversed with him respecting the union of the city, and advised him to affect it. The conspirators' designs had already been fully disclosed to Piero. Besides this, Domenico Martelli had informed him that Francesco Neroni, the brother of Diatisalvi, had endeavored to induce him to join them, assuring him that the victory was certain and their object all but attained. Upon this Piero resolved to take advantage of his enemies tampering with the Marquis of Ferrara and be first in arms. He therefore intimated that he had received a letter from Giovanni Bentivogli, Prince of Bologna, which informed him that the Marquis of Ferrara was upon the river Albo, at the head of a considerable force, with the avowed intention of leading it to Florence, that upon this advice he had taken up arms, after which, in the midst of a strong force, he came to the city, when all who were disposed to support him armed themselves also. The adverse party did the same, but not in such good order being unprepared. The residents of Diatisalvi, being near that of Piero, he did not think himself safe in it, but went first to the palace and begged the scenery would endeavor to induce Piero to lay down his arms, and thence to Lucca Peti, to keep him faithful in their cause. Niccolò Sodorini displayed the most activity for taking arms and being followed by nearly all the plebians in his vicinity. He proceeded to the house of Lucca, and begged that he would mount his horse and come to the plaza in support of the scenery, who were, he said, favourable, and that the victory would undoubtedly be on their side, that he should not stay in the house to be basely slain by their armed enemies or ignominiously deceived by those who were unarmed. He would soon repent of having neglected an opportunity irrecoverably lost, that if he desired the forcible ruin of Piero he might easily affect it, and that if he were anxious for peace it would be far better to be in a condition to propose terms than to be compelled to accept any that might be offered. These words produced no effect upon Lucca, whose mind was now quite made up. He had been induced to desert his party by new conditions and promises of alliance from Piero, for one of his nieces had been married to Giovanni Torna Buoni. He therefore advised Niccolò to dismiss his followers and return home, telling him he ought to be satisfied if the city were governed by the magistrates, which would certainly be the case, and that all ought to lay aside their weapons, for the scenery, most of whom were friendly, would decide their differences. Niccolò finding him impracticable returned home, but before he left he said, I can do the city no good alone, but I can easily foresee the evils that will befall her. This resolution of yours will rob our country of her liberty. You will lose the government, I shall lose my property, and the rest will be exiled. During this disturbance the scenery closed the palace and kept their magistrates about them, without showing favor to either party. The citizens, especially those who had followed Lucca Piti, finding Piero fully prepared and his adversaries unarmed, began to consider not how they might injure him, but how with least observation glide into the ranks of his friends. The principal citizens, the leaders of both factions, assembled in the palace in the presence of the scenery, and spoke respecting the state of the city and the reconciliation of parties, and as the infirmities of Piero prevented him from being present, they, with one exception, unanimously determined to wait upon him at his house. Niccolò Sodorini having first placed his children and his effects under the care of his brother Tamoso, withdrew to his villa, there to await the event, but apprehended misfortune to himself and ruin to his country. The other citizens coming into Piero's presence, one of them who had been appointed spokesmen, complained of the disturbances that had arisen in the city, and endeavored to show that those must be most to blame who had been first to take up arms. And not knowing what Piero, who was evidently the first to do so, intended, they had come in order to be informed of his design, and if it had in view the welfare of the city they were desirous of supporting it. Piero replied that not those who first take arms are the most to blame, but those who give the first occasion for it, and if they would reflect a little on their mode of proceeding toward himself, they would cease to wonder at what he had done, for they could not fail to perceive, that nocturnal assemblies, the enrollment of partisans, and attempts to deprive him both of his authority and his life, had caused him to take arms, and that they might further observe that as his forces had not quitted his own house, his design was evidently only to defend himself, and not to injure others. He neither sought nor desired anything but safety and repose. Neither had his conduct ever manifested a desire for ought else, for when the authority of the baalia expired he never made any attempt to renew it, and was very glad the magistrates had governed the city and had been content. They might also remember that Cosimo and his sons could live respected in Florence, either with the baalia or without it, and that in fourteen-fifty-eight it was not his family, but themselves who had renewed it. That if they did not wish for it at present, neither did he, but this did not satisfy them, for he perceived that they thought it impossible to remain in Florence while he was there. It was entirely beyond all his anticipations that his own or his father's friends should think themselves unsafe with him in Florence, having always shown himself quiet and peaceable. He then addressed himself to Diatti Salvi and his brothers who were present, reminding them with grave indignation of the benefits they had received from Cosimo, the confidence he had reposed in them and their subsequent ingratitude, and his words so strongly excited some present that had he not interfered they would certainly have torn the neurone to pieces on the spot. He concluded by saying that he should approve of any determination of themselves in the scenery, and that for his own part he only desired peace and safety. After this many things were discussed, but nothing determined, accepting generally that it was necessary to reform the administration of the city and the government. The gonfalon of justice was then in the hands of Bernardo Lotti, a man not in the confidence of Piero, who was therefore disinclined to attempt ought while he was in office, but no inconvenience would result from the delay, as his majestacy was on the point of expiring. Upon the election of seniors for the months of September and October 1466, Roberto Leone was appointed to the supreme majestacy, and as soon as he assumed its duties every requisite arrangement having been previously made, the people were called to the piazza and a new balea created, wholly in favor of Piero, who soon afterward filled all the offices of government according to his own pleasure. These transactions alarmed the leaders of the opposite faction, and Agnolo Accuaggioli fled to Naples, Diatosalvi Neuroni, and Niccolò Saldarini to Venice. Luca Piti remained in Florence, trusting to his new relationship and the promises of Piero. The refugees were declared rebels, and all the family of the Neuroni were dispersed. Giovanni di Neuroni, then archbishop of Florence, to avoid a greater evil, became a voluntary exile at Rome, and to many other citizens who fled, various places of banishment were appointed. Nor was this considered sufficient, for it was ordered that the citizens should go in solemn procession to thank God for the preservation of the government and the reunion of the city, during the performance of which some were taken and tortured, and part of them afterward put to death and exiled. In this great vicissitude of affairs there was not a more remarkable instance of the uncertainty of fortune than Luca Piti, who soon found the difference between victory and defeat, honor and disgrace. His house now presented only a vast solitude where previously crowds of citizens had assembled. In the streets his friends and relatives, instead of accompanying, were afraid even to salute him. Some of them were deprived of the honors of government, others of their property, and all alike threatened. The superb edifices he had commenced were abandoned by the builders. The benefits that had been conferred upon him were now exchanged for injuries, the honors for disgrace. Hence many of those who had presented him with articles of value now demanded them back again as being only lent, and those who had been in the habit of extolling him as a man of surpassing excellence now termed him a violent and ungrateful. So that, when too late, he regretted not having taken the advice of Niccolo Sodorini and preferred an honorable death in battle than to a life of ignominy among his victorious enemies. The exiles now began to consider various means of recovering that citizenship which they had not been able to preserve. However, Agnolo Acchiazoli, being at Naples, before he attempted anything else, resolved to sound pierro and try if he could affect a reconciliation. For this purpose he wrote to him in the following terms. I cannot help laughing at the freaks of fortune, perceiving how at her pleasure she converts friends into enemies and enemies into friends. You may remember that during your father's exile, regarding more the injury done to him than my own misfortunes, I was banished and in danger of death, and never during Cosimo's life failed to honor and support your family. Neither have I since his death ever entertained a wish to injure you. True it is that your own sickness and the tender years of your sons so alarmed me that I judged it desirable to give such a form to the government that after your death our country might not be ruined, and hence the proceedings which not against you but for the safety of the State have been adopted, which if mistaken will surely obtain forgiveness, both for the good design and view and on account of my former services. Neither can I apprehend that your house, having found me so long faithful, should now prove unmerciful, or that you could cancel the impression of so much merit for so small a fault. Piero replied, Your laughing in your present abode is the cause why I do not weep, for were you to laugh in Florence I should have to weep at Naples. I confess you were well disposed towards my father, and you ought to confess you were well paid for it, and the obligation is so much the greater on your part than on ours, as deeds are of greater value than words. Having been recompensed for your good wishes, it ought not to surprise you that you now receive the due reward of your bad ones. Neither will a pretense if your patriotism excuse you, for none will think the city less beloved or benefited by the Medici than by the Acchia Jolie. It therefore seems but just that you should remain in dishonor at Naples, since you knew not how to live with honor at home. Agnolo, hopeless of obtaining pardon, went to Rome, where joining the Archbishop and other refugees they used every available means to injure the commercial credit of the Medici in that city. Their attempts greatly annoyed Piero, but by his friend's assistance he was unable to render them aborted. Diatisalvi, Neroni, and Niccolò Sodorini strenuously urged the Venetian Senate to make war upon their country, calculating that, in case of an attack, the government being new and unpopular, would be unable to resist. At this time there resided at Ferrara, Giovanni Francesco, son of Pala Strozzi, who with his father was banished from Florence in the changes of 1434. He possessed great influence and was considered one of the richest merchants. The newly banished pointed out to Giovanni Francesco how easily they might return to their country if the Venetians were to undertake the enterprise, and that it was most probable they would do so if they had pecuniary assistance, but that otherwise it would be doubtful. Giovanni Francesco, wishing to avenge his own injuries, at once fell in with their ideas, and promised to contribute to the success of the attempt all the means in his power. On this they went to the doge, and complained of the exile they were compelled to endure, for no other reason, they said, than for having wished their country should be subject to equal laws, and that the magistrate should govern not a few private individuals. That Piero de Medici, with his adherents, who were accustomed to act tyrannically, had secretly taken up arms, deceitfully induced them to lay their own aside, and thus by fraud expelled them from their country. That not content with this they made the Almighty himself a means of oppression to several, who, trusting to their promises, had remained in the city and were there betrayed. For during public worship and solemn supplications, that the deity might seem to participate in their treachery, many citizens had been seized, imprisoned, tortured, and put to death, thus affording to the world a horrible and impious precedent. To avenge themselves for these injuries they knew not where to turn with so much hope of success as to the Senate, which having always enjoyed their liberty ought to compassionate those who had lost it. They therefore called upon them as free men to assist them against tyrants, as pious against the wicked, and would remind the Venetians that it was the family of the Medici who had robbed them of their dominions in Lombardy, contrary to the wish of the other citizens, and who in opposition to the interests of the Senate had favored and supported Francesco, so that if the exiles' distresses could not induce them to undertake the war, the just indignation of the people of Venice and their desire of vengeance ought to prevail. End of Book 7, Chapter 3. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Niccolò Machiavelli. CHAPTER IV. War between the Venetians and the Florentines. Peace re-established. Death of Niccolò Sodorini. His character. Excesses in Florence. Various external events from 1468 to 1471. A session of Sixtus IV. His character. Grief of Pierro de' Medici for the violence committed in Florence. His speech to the principal citizens. Plans of Pierro de' Medici for the restoration of order. His death and character. Tomasso Sodorini, a citizen of great reputation, declares himself in favor of the Medici. Disturbances at Preto, occasioned by Bernardo Nardi. The concluding words of the Florentine exiles produced the utmost excitement among the Venetian senators, and they resolved to send Bernardo Coglione to attack the Florentine territory. The troops were assembled and joined by Urcole d'Aesti, who had been sent by Borgo, Marquis of Ferrara. At the commencement of hostilities the Florentines not being prepared, their enemies burned the Borgo of D'Avedola and plundered the surrounding country. But having expelled the enemies of Pierro, renewed their league with Galliazzo, Duke of Milan, and Ferrando, King of Naples. They appointed to the command of their forces Federigo, Count of Urbino, and being thus on good terms with their friends, their enemies occasioned them less anxiety. Ferrando sent Alfonso his eldest son to their aid, and Galliazzo came in person, each at the head of a suitable force, and all assembled at Castrocaro, a fortress belonging to the Florentines, and situated among the roots of the Apennines, which descend from Tuscany to Romagna. In the meantime the enemy withdrew toward Imola. A few slight skirmishes took place between the armies, yet in accordance with the custom of the times neither of them acted on the offensive, besieged any town, or gave the other an opportunity of coming to a general engagement, but each kept within their tents, and conducted themselves with most remarkable cowardice. This occasion general dissatisfaction among the Florentines, for they found themselves involved in an expensive war from which no advantage could be derived. The magistrates complained of these spiritless proceedings to those who had been appointed commissaries to the expedition, but they replied that the entire evil was chargeable upon the Duke Galliazzo, who possessing great authority and little experience was unable to suggest useful measures, and unwilling to take the advice of those who were more capable, and therefore any demonstration of courage or energy would be impracticable so long as he remained with the army. Hereupon the Florentines intimated to the Duke that his presence with the force was in many ways advantageous and beneficial, and of itself sufficient to alarm the enemy, but they considered his own safety and that of his dominions much more important than their own immediate convenience, because so long as the former were safe the Florentines had nothing to fear, and all would go well, but if his dominions were to suffer they might then apprehend all kinds of misfortune. They assured him that they did not think it prudent for him to be absent so long from Milan, having recently succeeded to the government, and being surrounded by many powerful enemies and suspected neighbors, while any who were desirous of plotting against him had opportunity of doing so with impunity. They would therefore advise him to return to his territories, leaving part of his troops with them for the use of the expedition. This advised please Galliazzo, who in consequence immediately withdrew to Milan. The Florentine generals now being left without any hindrance to show the cause assigned for their inaction was the true one, pressed the enemy more closely, so that they came to a regular engagement, which continued half a day, without either party yielding. Some horses were wounded and prisoners taken, but no death occurred. Winter having arrived, and with it the usual time for armies to retire into quarters, Bartolomeo Cuglione withdrew to Ravenna, the Florentine forces into Tuscany, and those of the king and duke each to the territories of their sovereign. As this attempt had not occasioned any tumult in Florence, contrary to the rebels' expectation, and the troops they had hired were in want of pay, terms of peace were proposed, and easily arranged. The revolted Florentines, thus deprived of hope, dispersed themselves in various places. Diatisavi Nerona withdrew to Ferrara, where he was received and entertained by the Marquis Sporzo. Niccolò Sodorini went to Ravenna, where upon a small pension allowed by the Venetians he grew old and died. He was considered a just and brave man, but overcautious and slow to determine, a circumstance which occasioned him, when gonfalonier of justice, to lose the opportunity of victory which he would have gladly recovered when too late. Upon the restoration of peace, those who remained victorious in Florence as if unable to convince themselves that they had conquered, they had conquered, unless they oppressed not merely their own enemies, but all whom they suspected, prevailed upon Bartolomeo Altaviti, then gonfalonier of justice, to deprive many of the honors of government and to banish several more. They exercised their power so inconsiderately, and conducted themselves in such an arbitrary manner, that it seemed as if Fortune and the Almighty had given up the city to them for a prey. Piero knew little of these things, and was unable to remedy even the little he knew, on account of his infirmities, his body being so contracted that he could use no faculty but that of speech. All he could do was to admonish the leading men, and beg they would conduct themselves with greater moderation, and not by their violence affect the country's ruin. In order to divert the city, he resolved to celebrate the marriage of his son Lorenzo with Clarisse Degliorsini with great splendor, and it was accordingly solemnized with all the displays suitable to the exalted rank of the parties. Feasts, dancing, and antique representations occupied many days, at the conclusion of which, to exhibit the grandeur of the house of Medici and of the government, two military spectacles were presented, one performed by men on horseback who went through the evolutions of a field engagement, and the other representing the storming of a town, everything being conducted with admirable order and the greatest imaginable brilliancy. During these transactions in Florence the rest of Italy, though at peace, was filled with apprehensions of the power of the Turks, who continued to attack the Christians and had taken Negro Pont to the great disgrace and injury of the Christian name. Not this time died Borso, Marquisa Ferrara, who was succeeded by his brother, Ercol. Gismando da Remini, the inveterate enemy of the church, also expired, and his natural brother Roberto, who was afterwards one of the best generals of Italy, succeeded him. Pope Paul died, and was succeeded by sixes the fourth. Previously called Francesco de Savona, a man of the very lowest origin, who by his talents had become General of the Order of St. Francis, and afterward Cardinal. He was the first who began to show how far a pope might go, and how much that which was previously regarded as sinful lost its iniquity when committed by a pontiff. Among others of his family were Piero and Girolamo, who, according to universal belief, were his sons, though he designated them by terms reflecting less scandal on his character. Piero, being a priest, was advanced to the dignity of a cardinal with the title of St. Sixtus. To Girolamo he gave the city of Furli, taken from Antonio Ordelafi, whose ancestors held that territory for many generations. This ambitious method of procedure made him more regarded by the princes of Italy, and all sought to obtain his friendship. The Duke of Milan gave his natural daughter Caterina to Girolamo, with the city of Imola, which he had taken from Tadeo de Gli Alidassi as her portion. New matrimonial alliances were formed between the Duke and the King, Ferrando, Elisabetta, daughter of Alfonso, the King's eldest son, being united to Giovanni Galliazzo, the eldest son of the Duke. Italy being at peace, the principal employment of her princes was to watch each other, and strengthen their own influence by new alliances, leagues, or friendships. But in the midst of this repose Florence endured great opposition from her principal citizens, and the infirmities of Piero incapacitated him from restraining their ambition. However, to relieve his conscience, and if possible to make them ashamed of their conduct, he sent for them to his house, and addressed them in the following words. I never thought a time would come when the behaviour of my friends would compel me to esteem and desire the society of my enemies, and I wished that I had been defeated rather than victorious, for I believed myself to be associated with those who would set some balance to their avarice, and who, after having avenged themselves on their enemies, and lived in their country with security and honour, would be satisfied. But now I find myself greatly deceived, unaquainted with the ambition of mankind, and least of all with yours, for not satisfied with being masters of so great a city, and possessing among yourselves those honours, dignities, and emoluments which used to be divided among many citizens, not contented with having shared among a few the property of your enemies, or with being able to oppress all others with public burdens, while you yourselves are exempt from them, and enjoy all the public offices of profit, you must still further load everyone with ill usage. You plunder your neighbours of their wealth. You sell justice. You evade the law. You oppress the timid and exalt the insolent. Nor is there, throughout all Italy, so many in such shocking examples of violence and avarice as in this city. Has our country fostered us only to be her destroyer? Have we been victorious only to affect her ruin? Has she honoured us that we may overwhelm her with disgrace? Now, by that faith which is binding upon all good men, I promise you, that if you still conduct yourselves so as to make me regret my victory, I will adopt such measures as shall cause you bitterly to repent of having misused it. The reply of the citizens accorded with the time and the circumstances, but they did not forego their evil practices, so that in consequence, Piero sent for Agnolo Ackigoli to come secretly to Caffa Giollo, and discussed with him at great length the condition of the city, and doubtless, had he not been prevented by death, he would have called home the exiles as a check upon the repeen of the opposite party. But these honourable designs were frustrated, for sinking under bodily infirmities and mental anguish he expired in the fifty-third year of his age. His goodness and virtue were not duly appreciated by his country, principally from his having, until almost the close of his life, being associated with Cosimo, and the few years he survived being spent in civil discord and constant debility. Piero was buried in the Church of St. Lorenzo near his father, and his obsequies were performed with all pomp and solemnity due to his exalted station. He left two sons, Lorenzo and Giuliano, whose extreme youth excited alarm in the minds of thinking men, though each gave hopes of future usefulness to the republic. Among the principal citizens in the government of Florence, and very superior to the rest, was Tomasso Sodorini, whose prudence and authority were well known not only at home, but throughout Italy. After Piero's death the whole city looked up to him. Many citizens waited upon him at his own house, as the head of the government, and several princes addressed him by letter. But he, impartially estimating his own fortune and that of the House of Medici, made no reply to the prince's communications, and told the citizens it was not his house, but that of the Medici they ought to visit. To demonstrate by his actions the sincerity and integrity of his advice he assembled all the heads of noble families in the convent of Sant'Antonio. Wither he also brought Lorenzo and Giuliano de Medici. And in a long and serious speech upon the state of the city, the condition of Italy, and the views of her princes, he assured them that if they wished to live in peace and unity in Florence, free both from internal dissensions and foreign wars, it would be necessary to respect the sons of Piero and support the reputation of their house. For men never regret their continuance in a course sanctioned by custom, while new methods are soon adopted and as speedily set aside. And it has always been found easier to maintain a power which by its continuance has outlived envy than to raise a new one which innumerable unforeseen causes may overthrow. When Tommaso had concluded Lorenzo spoke, and though young, with such modesty and discretion, that all present felt a presentiment of his becoming what he afterward proved to be, and before the citizens departed they swore to regard the youths as their sons, and the brothers promised to look upon them as their parents. After this Lorenzo and Giuliano were honored as princes, and resolved to be guided by the advice of Tommaso Sodorini. While profound tranquility prevailed both at home and abroad, no wars disturbing the general repose, there arose an unexpected disturbance which came like a presage of future evils. Among the ruined families of the party of Luca Pitti was that of the Nardi, for Salvestro and his brothers, the heads of the house, were banished and afterwards declared rebels for having taken part in the war under Bartolomeo Coglione. Bernardo, the brother of Salvestro, was young, prompt, and bold, and on account of his poverty being unable to alleviate the sorrows of exile, while the peace extinguished all hopes of his return to the city, he determined to attempt some means of rekindling the war, for a trifling commencement often produces great results, and men more readily prosecute what has already begun than originate new enterprises. Bernardo had many acquaintances at Prado, and still more in the district of Pistoia, particularly among the Palandra, a family which, though rustic, was very numerous, and, like the rest of the Pistolesi, brought up to slaughter in war. These he knew to be discontented, on account of the Florentine magistrates having endeavored, perhaps too severely, to check their partiality for inveterate feuds and consequent bloodshed. He was also aware that the people of Prado considered themselves injured by the pride and avarice of their governors, and that some were ill-disposed toward Florence. Therefore, all things considered, he hoped to be able to kindle a fire in Tuscany, should Prado rebel, which would be fostered by so many that those who might wish to extinguish it would fail in the attempt. He communicated his ideas to Diati Solvi Nironi, and asked him, in case they should succeed in taking possession of Prado, what assistance might be expected from the princes of Italy by his means. Diati Solvi considered the enterprise as eminently dangerous, and almost impracticable, but since it presented a fresh chance of attaining his object at the risk of others, he advised him to proceed, and promised certain assistance from Bologna and Ferrara, if he could retain Prado not less than fifteen days. Bernardo, whom this promise inspired with a lively hope of success, proceeded secretly to Prado, and communicated with those most disposed to favor him, among whom were the Palandra, and having arranged the time and plan informed Diati Solvi of what had been done. CHAPTER V Bernardo takes possession of Prado but is not assisted by the inhabitants. He is taken and the tumult appeased. Corruption of Florence, the Duke of Milan in Florence, the Church of Santo Spirito destroyed by fire, the rebellion of Volterra and the cause of it. Volterra reduced to obedience by force in accordance with the advice of Lorenzo de Medici. Volterra pillaged. Cicere Petrucci held the office of Provost of Prado for the Florentine people at this period. It is customary with governors of towns similarly situated to keep the keys of the gates near their persons, and when in peaceful times they are required by any of the inhabitants for entrance or exit they are usually allowed to be taken. Bernardo was aware of this custom, and about daybreak presented himself at the gate which looks toward Pistoia, accompanied by the Palandra and about one hundred persons all armed. Their confederates within the town also armed themselves and one of them asked the governor for the keys, alleging as a pretext that someone from the country wished to enter. The governor not entertaining the slightest suspicion sent a servant with them. When at a convenient distance they were taken by the conspirators, who, opening the gates, introduced Bernardo and his followers. They divided themselves into two parties, one of which, led by Salvestro, an inhabitant of Prado, took possession of the citadel, and the other following Bernardo seized the palace and placed Cicere with all his family in the custody of some of their number. They then raised the cry of liberty and proceeded through the town. It was now day, and many of the inhabitants hearing the disturbance ran to the piazza, where, learning that the fortress and the palace were taken and the governor with all his people made prisoners, they were utterly astonished and could not imagine how it had occurred. The eight citizens, possessing the supreme authority, assembled in their palace to consider what was best to be done. In the meantime Bernardo and his followers, on going round the town, found no encouragement, and being told that the eight had assembled, went and declared the nature of their enterprise, which he said was to deliver the country from slavery, reminding them how glorious it would be for those who took arms to effect such an honorable object, for they would thus obtain permanent repose and everlasting fame. He called to recollection their ancient liberty and present condition, and assured them of certain assistance, if they would only for a few days aid in resisting the forces the Florentines might send against them. He said he had friends in Florence who would join them as soon as they found the inhabitants resolved to support him. His speech did not produce the desired effect upon the eight, who replied that they knew not whether Florence was free or enslaved, for that was a matter which they were not called upon to decide, but this they knew very well, but for their own part they desired no other liberty than to obey the magistrates who governed Florence, from whom they had never received any injury sufficient to make them desire a change. They therefore advised him to set the governor at liberty, clear the palace of his people, and as quickly as possible withdraw from the danger he had so rashly incurred. Bernardo was not daunted by these words, but determined to try whether fear could influence the people of Preto, since entreaties produced so little effect. In order to terrify them he determined to put Cesare to death, and having brought him out of prison ordered him to be hanged at the windows of his palace. He was already led to the spot with a halter around his neck. When seeing Bernardo giving directions to hasten his end he turned to him and said, Bernardo, you put me to death, thinking that the people of Preto will follow you, but the direct contrary will result, for the respect they have for the rectors which the Florentine people sent here is so great that as soon as they witness the injury inflicted upon me they will conceive such a disgust against you as will inevitably affect your ruin. Therefore it is not by my death, but by the preservation of my life that you can attain the object you have in view, for if I deliver your commands they will be much more readily obeyed, and following your directions we shall soon attain the completion of your design. Bernardo, whose mind was not fertile in expedience, thought the advice good, and commanded Cesare on being conducted to a veranda which looked upon the piazza to order the people of Preto to obey him, and having done which Cesare was led back to prison. The weakness of the conspirators was obvious, and many Florentines residing in the town assembled together, among whom Giorgio Ginori, a knight of Rhodes, took arms first against them, and attacked Bernardo, who traversed the piazza, alternately in treating and threatening those who refused to obey him, and being surrounded by Giorgio's followers he was wounded and made prisoner. This being done it was easy to set the governor at liberty and subdue the rest, who, being few and divided into several parties, were nearly all either secured or slain. An exaggerated report of these transactions reached Florentines, it being told there that Preto was taken, the governor and his friends put to death, and the place filled with the enemy, and that Pistoia was also in arms, and most of the citizens in the conspiracy. In consequence of this alarming account the palace quickly filled with the citizens, who consulted with the scenery what course ought to be adopted. At this time Roberto do San Severino, one of the most distinguished generals of this period, was at Florentines, and it was determined therefore to send him, with what forces could be collected, to Preto, with orders that he should approach the palace, particularly observe what was going on, and provide such remedies as the necessity of the case and his own prudence should suggest. Roberto had scarcely passed the fortress of Campi when he was met by a messenger from the governor, who informed him that Bernardo was taken, his followers either dispersed or slain, and everything restored to order. He consequently returned to Florence, where the Bernardo was shortly after conveyed, and when questioned by the magistracy concerning the real motives of such a weak conspiracy, he said he had undertaken it, because having resolved to die in Florence rather than live in exile, he wished his death to be accompanied by some memorable action. The disturbance having been raised and quelled almost at the same time, the citizens returned to their accustomed mode of life, hoping to enjoy without anxiety the state they had now established and confirmed. Hence arose many of those evils which usually result from peace, for the youth having become more disillusioned than before, more extravagant in dress, feasting and other licentiousness, and being without employment, wasted their time and means on gaming and women, their principal study being how to appear splendid in apparel, and attain a crafty shrewdness in discourse, he who could make the most poignant remark being considered the wisest and being most respected. These manners derived additional encouragement from the followers of the Duke of Milan, who with his duchess and the whole ducal court, as it was said, to fulfill a vow, came to Florence, where he was received with all the pomp and respect due to so great a prince, and one so intimately connected with the Florentine people. Upon this occasion the city witnessed an unprecedented exhibition, for during Lent, when the church commands us to abstain from animal food, the Milanese, without respect for either God or his church, ate daily of it. Many spectacles were exhibited in honor of the Duke, and among others, in the temple of Santo Spirito, was represented the descent of the Holy Ghost among the apostles, and in consequence of the numerous fires used upon the occasion some of the woodwork became ignited, and the church was completely destroyed by the flames. Many thought that, the Almighty being offended at our misconduct, took this method of signifying his displeasure. If therefore the Duke found the city full of courtly delicacies and customs unsuitable to well-regulated conduct, he left it in a much worse state. Hence the good citizens thought it necessary to restrain these improprieties, and made a law to put a stop to extravagance in dress, feasts, and funerals. In the midst of this universal peace, a new and unexpected disturbance arose in Tuscany. Certain citizens of Volterra had discovered an alum mine in their district, and being aware of the profit derivable from it, in order to obtain the means of working and securing it, they applied to some Florentines, and allowed them to share in the profits. This, as is frequently the case with new undertakings, at first excited little attention from the people of Volterra, but in time, finding the profits derived from it had become considerable, they fruitlessly endeavored to effect what, at first, might have been easily accomplished. They began by agitating the question in their councils, declaring it grossly improper that a source of wealth discovered in the public land should be converted to the emolument of private individuals. They next sent advocates to Florence, and the question was referred to the consideration of certain citizens, who either through being bribed by the party in question, or from a sincere conviction, declared the aim of the people of Volterra to be unjust in desiring to deprive their citizens of the fruit of their labor, and decided that the alum pit was the rightful property of those who had hitherto wrought it, but at the same time recommended them to pay an annual sum by way of acknowledgment to the city. This answer, instead of abating, served only to increase the animosities in Chumult and Volterra, and absorbed the entire attention both in the councils and throughout the city, the people demanding restitution of what they considered their due, and the proprietors insisting upon their right to retain what they had originally acquired, and what had been subsequently confirmed to them by the decision of the Florentines. In the midst of these disturbances, a respectable citizen, named Il Picorino, was killed, together with several others who had embraced the same side, whose houses were also plundered and burned, and the fury of the mob rose to such a height that they were with difficulty restrained from putting the Florentine rectors to death. After the first outrage the Volterrani immediately determined to send ambassadors to Florence, who intimated that if the scenery would allow them their ancient privileges the city would remain subject to them as formerly. Many and various were the opinions concerning the reply to be made. Tomasso Sodorini advised that they should accept the submission of the people of Volterra upon any conditions with which they were disposed to make it, for he considered it unreasonable and unwise to kindle a flame so near home that it might burn their own dwelling. He suspected the pope's ambition, and was apprehensive of the power of the king. Or could he confide in the friendship either of the Duke or the Venetians, having no assurance of the sincerity of the latter or the valor of the former? He concluded by quoting that trite proverb, meglio un macro cordo che una grasa vittoria, a lean peace is better than a fat victory. On the other hand Lorenzo de' Medici, thinking this an opportunity for exhibiting his prudence and wisdom, and being strenuously supported by those who envy the influence of Tomasso Sodorini, resolved to march against them and punish the arrogance of the people of Volterra with arms, declaring that if they were not made a striking example others would, without the least fear or respect, upon every slight occasion, adopt a similar course. The enterprise being resolved on, the Volterrani were told that they could not demand the observance of conditions which they themselves had broken, and therefore must either submit to the direction of the scenery or expect war. With this answer they returned to their city and prepared for its defense, fortifying the place and sending to all the princes of Italy to request assistance, none of whom listened to them, except the Sienese and the Lord of Piambebino, who gave them some hope of aid. The Florentines, on the other hand, thinking success-dependent principally on celerity, assembled ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, who under the command of Federigo, Lord of Urbino, marched into the country of Volterra and quickly took entire possession of it. They then encamped before the city, which, being in a lofty situation and precipitous on all sides, could only be approached by a narrow pass near the church of St. Alessandro. The Volterrani had engaged for their defense about one thousand mercenaries, who, perceiving the great superiority of the Florentines, found the place untenable, and were tardy in their defensive operations, but indefatagable in the constant injuries they committed upon the people of the place. Thus the poor citizens were harassed by the enemy without on by their own soldiery within. So, despairing of their safety, they began to think of a capitulation, and being unable to obtain better terms, submitted to the discretion of the Florentine commissaries, who ordered the gates to be opened and introduced the greater part of their forces. They then proceeded to the palace, and commanded the priors to retire to their homes, and on the way thither one of them was in derision stripped by the soldiers. From this beginning, so much more easily are men predisposed to evil than to good, originated the pillage and destruction of the city, which for a whole day suffered the greatest horrors, neither women nor sacred places being spared, and the soldiery, those engaged for its defense as well as its assailants, plundered all that came within their reach. The news of this victory was received with great joy at Florence, and as the expedition had been undertaken wholly by the advice of Lorenzo, he acquired great reputation. Upon which one of the intimate friends of Tommaso d'Arini, reminding him of the advice he had given, asked him what he thought of the taking of Volterra, to which he replied, To me the place seems rather lost than one. For had it been received unequitable terms, advantage and security would have been the result. But having to retain it by force, it will, in critical junctures, occasion weakness and anxiety, and in times of peace, injury and expense.