 I always liked the quotation that Franklin Roosevelt said, it is one of my favorites. During the depression he said that, it is common sense to take a method and try it. If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something. That is what is going on today. I think it is, I think it is and I hope it is. It is the professionals of many, many, many different professions. In their technical work, are in a sense helping build a kind of tapestry of practices, rules, regulations, customs, agreements, and working arrangements. Some are local, some are national, some are regional, some are informal, some are formal. And like that tapestry of Penelope, it sometimes comes very much undone in the middle of the night. Well, when it is undone in the middle of the night, we try something else. So we try it again the next day. But we keep on going. That is Roosevelt. And that is what I think is at stake. That rule of law. Now that is not easy. That is not easier rule of law. Now I can't give a talk in America without people thinking, well, we have it. It is obvious. It is there. We like the air we breathe. Yeah, yeah, yeah. It is not always in all parts of the world. It is hard. I mean, this document, this document was written, Madison, Hamilton, and the others. And why did they give the Supreme Court the power to declare unconstitutional a law of Congress? Now Madison thought, we've written, Hamilton thought, we've written a beautiful document here, which is true. I think it is. Beautiful document. But if people can just jump outside the boundaries that it traces, we might as well hang it up in the museum. We'll put it in the Smithsonian. He didn't actually say Smithsonian because it wasn't built then, but you get the idea. So he says somebody has to have the power to say when other parts of the government or themselves have gone too far. Now, should that be the president? No. He has too much power already. And we better be careful. He'll just say everything he does is constitutional. What about Congress? They're elected by the people. Well, he says that's a good idea, as long as what you want is popular. The words here are just as binding in respect to the least popular person in the United States as the most. So we can trust them. If it's popular, but what if it isn't? Then they're the judges. Not that the judges are so wonderful, but they're the ones who are left. They're gray, he says. Nobody knows who they are. And they don't have the power of the purse and they don't have the power of the sword. So they won't have used their power. That's what he says in the Federalist Papers. Great. That's what they did. That's what they did. It wasn't just Marbury and Madison and Justice Marshall who made this up. But he didn't ask this question because he couldn't. Give the power to the judges. We have Hotspur's question. Henry IV, part one, I think. Owen Glendauer, who is a Welsh general and a mystic, is all Welshmen are mystics, basically, for Shakespeare anyway. He says, I can summon demons from the Basti deep. And Hotspur, who is your practical Englishman, says, well, so can I. So can any man. But will they come when you do call for them? Good point. And indeed, in the early part of our history, the Supreme Court said, the Cherokee Indians own Northern Georgia. And the President Andrew Jackson said, John Marshall, the Chief Justice, has made his decision, now let him enforce it. And he sent troops to carry out the decision. No, to evict the Indians who traveled along the trail of tears to Oklahoma, where those who survived very few lived to this day with their descendants. And we did have a civil war and we did have 80 years of segregation. And it was touch and go when the court said the segregation, racial segregation is unconstitutional, whether that holding of the court would be followed or not. My own mind, a key moment. The judge in Little Rock, Arkansas says, integrate. So 54 was a decision. But 55, nothing happened. 56, nothing happened. 1957, the judge says, integrate Central High School. And the governor, Phalbus, stands on the door, Stappen says, no. He may have the law, I have the troops, the state militia. And Eisenhower got involved. And he went to see Eisenhower. He said, I'll do it. I'll do it. I'll integrate. I'll integrate. And he went outside, told the press the opposite. And Eisenhower was pretty angry. And after advice, Jimmy Burns, who'd been on the Supreme Court, governor, moderate race, governor of South Carolina, said to President Eisenhower, if you send troops, you'll have to reoccupy the whole South. Yeah, are you ready for a second reconstruction? And he said, well, the best that will happen is they'll close all the schools. Nobody will be educated. But Eisenhower did send the troops. He took the 101st Airborne. Those were everybody knew in 1957 who they were. They were the paratroopers who had gotten hung up on the steeples in Normandy. And they fought here in the Battle of the Bulge. They were heroes. He got 1,000 of them. They went on airplanes. They took those nine brave black children by the hand and they went into the school. How I'd like to end the story there, but I can't. Because what happened next was a segregationist board is elected. They closed the schools. They refused to follow the order. It goes up to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court says you have to integrate that central high school. All nine judges signed the opinion, very unusual. All nine signed their names. And but after all, nine. There could have been 9,000 judges. This is the South. It's a large part of the United States. Well, I think by then, however, and he closed the schools. The next day, Governor Faubus closed the schools. And nobody was educated for a year. Read the history of that. It's a pretty sad history. But I think the die was cast, you see. They couldn't keep it. They had to reopen the schools. They did. And that was the days of Martin Luther King and the days of the Freedom Riders and the days when there was an enormous movement politically across the country to be sure that the South got rid of that legal segregation. So I once asked, I asked Vernon Jordan, who'd been a big civil rights person at that time, do you think the Supreme Court decision really made a difference given all the things that followed? And his answer was, of course it made a difference. Of course. Perhaps as a catalyst. But it made a difference. And I think that's true.