 The outcome of the election, I think, has surprised quite a few people. I dare say even the Bhati Janta Party and Rindra Modi, is there a common thread? Or is it that circumstances, the situation in all the three small states and the two large states, and of course the most popular state in India by one out of six Indians, do we find anything that's common? That's what I mean that if you take Manipur and Goa, I'm not sure we can count this as a verdict either way because the government was not decided by the verdict but what happened subsequently. In that sense, if you have to make the distinction, Punjab is a two-time government that has been voted out in UP that is not the case. So I don't think that we can look simply in terms of anti-incumbency because the question in Uttar Pradesh would be if you were looking at anti-incumbency, there were two choices available. In Punjab if there was anti-incumbency, again there were two choices available. So people did pick one choice over the other and I think we need to look at why they picked certain choice. Getting the UP elections wrong is not necessarily a mistake of our predispositions. People forget that the Punjab elections actually were as surprising in terms of the amount of votes that the Congress got. Certainly, ideologically, nobody had a problem with the Congress and we ended up getting that about as wrong as UP. If I go into UP, the consolidation of the backward vote, which one had not seen coming. It was not visible. We were looking again maybe at the upper class, the Muslims, the Dalits, which were the vote banks being moved by the different parties. We did not understand or did not realize that there was a consolidation of the other backward which actually split into so many castes, but they managed that. And this is something which the BJP has been doing not from 2013 but from 1992 after the Babri Masjid disaster that they went from house to house when they were mobilizing and then Irvani was in charge going to every house with the Ram Lala and actually mobilizing people on the basis of a communal ideology because they know what the Mandalites didn't know, where the Jantadal never went in. They know that 30% plus 10% of the other 40% is the backward vote which can determine the difference between victory and other. There is a claim made by some people in the Bharati Janta Party. This electoral verdict shows that we've been able to break out of the so-called castes, politics, identity politics. It's not true. It is certainly not true because what we as Seema has pointed out, very consciously they were able to, the BJP was able to stitch together, you can say, a loose coalition of the smaller parties which included the non-Yadav OPCs, the non-Yadav Dalits. You know, most of these backward class parties which we call Lalu Mulan in Northern India, in 1990s they were not single caste parties. It was a rainbow coalition of backward castes, including ABCs. I don't know what happened in the last 10 years, they became, I was discussing with Arthos, single caste party. What we have failed to realize that for BJP in recent times in the last 8-10 years, politics is 24-7 business. For us, the rest of the political parties, in fact, we wake up when the election dates are announced by the chief electoral commissioner, then our electoral machine is galvanized immediately, we distribute tickets, go for alliances, and sometimes it works, it works in Bihar, sometimes it doesn't work. But the fact is, if you have to fight RSS and BJP, we have to take electoral politics and the politics in the realm of ideas in two different levels. What the BJP is doing to consolidate caste is also offering them Sanskritization in the process. You look at what has happened with the so-heel, the Rajbharas. You have the glorification of 11th century Rajbhar ruler as the defender of Hinduism against Ghazni. That was actually celebrated over and over again. Different such figures, as you said, different rituals. So it is an attraction towards caste that actually brings the ABCs a certain importance within the Hindu fold. It's also offering them a Sanskritization which only the RSS can sanctify, which nobody else can actually. Okay, demonetization. It evidently had little or no impact whatsoever in Punjab. But let's look at Uttar Pradesh. What were the arguments? I include myself in that category. We said there's been unprecedented economic disruption. It has heard the poor, the underprivileged, the women, the senior citizens, the daily wage laborers, the farmers the most. And Narendra Modi and the Bharti Janta Party will have to pay a price for it. This economic disruption. The question is, how was he able to convert what many thought would be a self-inflicted liability into a huge political asset? In his last speech, he kept saying, We made a mistake. But why did he do that? Don't doubt my intention. So in a sense, he acknowledged that yes, I have caused inconvenience, I've got a problem. But don't doubt my intention. The fact that okay, together with the poor, some sections of the middle class and maybe even some rich people had to stand in queue, outside the bank, outside the ATM, the great equalizer, that he was able to, the messaging, the selling of the idea of not being demonetization as a step against the rich. I think the BJP really went to work on this to a great extent with a bouquet of promises. It didn't do it in one way. There was, of course, this argument that you've hid the rich. Modi has hid the rich and give him a chance because you think that you're suffering. But of course, the argument that we've heard here, but there was nationalism through surgical strikes. There was communism that the property of the Muslims would become yours if you stay with us. The whole thing of a Hindu nation, the whole thing of development and because, and the people slowly, this thing subsided. So when we went into the villages, they would say, yes, we are it. But who are you voting for? We are voting for Modi. The fact is, 51% of the popular vote in UP went against Modi. Now, were these people affected by demonetization? The poorest of the poor are people who voted for Maya Vati. Muslims voted for SP in terms of the demographics. These are the poorest of the poor in the state. They certainly did not vote for Modi. But can the Bihar Gadpandan model work? Who is the leader? Who can get all anti-BJP forces together, the opposition? I think the Mahab Gadpandan alone is not going to work. All the political parties have to, and all in the opposition, have to get a lot going for themselves in terms of democracy, in the organization, in terms of carters, in terms of a response, in terms of identifying issues, in terms of standing up for those issues and realizing that there is a complete shift. And it's a shift to a younger whole. And how they're going to bring that shift in and how they're going to strategize that is really where the answers are going to come from. There is a majoritarian vote that is extremely dangerous. And I think we have no choice but to look at that danger, face it in the eye. I do feel a ragtag coalition to challenge Modi, which doesn't hold together and collapses in a year, year and a half and brings back Modi with renewed mandate is not the way I personally want to see the politics of this country go. Unless there is a coherence of figure who can lead it at the moment, I don't see that happening.