 Thanks everyone. So just wanted to, before I get started here, just wanted to acknowledge, you know, I'm privileged enough to work with indigenous Palestinians resisting a European settler state that was established on top of them in Palestine, right, the state of Israel, and want to just recognize how weird and, you know, just complex it is to be doing that work here in the United States, right, a much older and much more successful, at least in terms of extermination of the indigenous population, European settler state. And so just want to acknowledge that as we're engaged in this conversation that we're standing here on indigenous land, on occupied land of the Piscatawe, the Nantikoke, and other indigenous peoples who predate the establishment through militarism, right, of this United States here on indigenous land. So, so, and now want to move on what I'm going to just talk to, talk to you all about for just a few minutes. I'm not going to get into the basics of the situation in Palestine, but rather since we're here at a divestment campaign launch, want to talk just very quickly about what the BDS movement is. It's been referenced a few times already today, which is very exciting. Talk about what it is, and then how we in the BNC, the Palestinian BDS National Committee, how we look at various campaigns and think about how to prioritize resources, because just like when thinking about divestment from the U.S. military industrial complex, we don't have the resources to do everything we want to do at the same time, so we need to think about priorities. And then I'll get into a few possible joint targets that we might want to think about moving forward. So very quickly, the BDS movement, Boycott Divestment Sanctions movement started on July 9th, 2005, over 12 years ago. It was on that day that over 170 organizations in Palestinian civil society ranging from unions to women's groups to agricultural groups to student groups to all the various levels of Palestinian civil society issued what's known as the BDS call, the call for Boycott Divestment and Sanctions. And what this was, was modeled after the South African anti-apartheid struggle, as well as inspired by the Black Freedom Struggle in the U.S. or the Civil Rights Movement, a call to international solidarity activists, those who wanted to stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine, to engage in the tactics of Boycott Divestment Sanctions, until three basic demands dealing with the three kind of divided segments of the Palestinian populations come to be. And these demands are based on international human rights law. BDS is a rights-based movement. So the first being ending the occupation and colonization of all Arab lands and dismantling the wall, what Palestinians generally call the apartheid wall inside the West Bank. So this refers to the segment of the Palestinian population living under direct military occupation, those who live in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, and also includes actually the Golan Heights occupied by Israel since 1967 from Syria. Number two, the Palestinian citizens of Israel, that all citizens of Israel have equal citizenship, instead of where it exists now, which where Israel meets the international law definition of apartheid, which is that there are different classes of citizen based on your identity. So Jewish citizens have rights and have laws that apply to them that Palestinian citizens and other non-Jewish citizens of Israel do not have. So full equal rights and an end to kind of the apartheid system inside of the state of Israel. And then thirdly, referring to actually the largest percentage of the Palestinian population, unfortunately, the refugees who were created primarily in 1948 with the establishment of the state of Israel, but also expanding in 1967 when the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip were occupied. And that being that the right of return for all Palestinian refugees to their homes, to their indigenous lands today, there are over well over 4 million Palestinian refugees who have never been allowed to return to their homes inside of the state of Israel from when they were ethnically cleansed either in 1948 or 67. So BDS, boycott, right, meaning boycotting Israeli consumer goods as well as consumer goods of corporations that are profiting and complicit from any of these activities of occupation or inequality that the state of Israel is carrying out. Divestment, what we've been talking about all day today, but withdrawing funds, generally looking at institutions, withdrawing institutional funds from targeted corporations. One of the biggest examples of this, and I'll get to this target a little bit more in a moment, but one of the greatest examples right now in the U.S. is the HP Free Churches Campaign targeting Hewlett Packard, a U.S.-based corporation that's very involved in supporting what Israel is doing in Palestine, where churches across the U.S. are pledging not only to take their funds out of HP corporations that actually split into two corporations, but also pledging not to buy HP products in their congregations. And then sanctions being state-level actions putting pressure on the state of Israel. One of the primary focuses of the BNC in this regard is military embargo and cutting off the weapons flow to the state of Israel. So I need to move quicker. Just to get into a little bit of the way that we think about when we look at, as I said, the like wide array of corporate actors that could potentially be targeted by the BDS movement based on that criteria. How do we decide? Right? We have a few criteria that I want to share just as this campaign moves forward, maybe helpful to think about. One is how bad is the actor, right? How horrible is what they're doing in Palestine? The reason that this is a criteria is because the worse the actor is, right, the more we are able to mobilize support in response, right? And again, there's many, many, many, many different entities that are complicit, right? And so trying to think about how are we going to be most successful? One of those is how bad are they and how much support can we mobilize? Then another strong criteria that we really think about is what is the potential to mobilize allies and build coalitions, right? Not just what they're doing in Palestine, but again, to use the HP example, right, has a history of working with ICE is one of the largest military contractors, right, in the US consistently for decades. And so how can we, oh, and it's also involved in prisons in the US, right? So how can we look at these targets to think about mobilizing other constituencies, not just BDS supporters, not just supporters of Palestinian freedom and liberation? And then thirdly, really thinking about the potential to win, right? We're not just doing this because it's the right thing to do. We actually want to win these campaigns, right? And so really thinking, one of the things we always do before launching a priority campaign is really think through what is the strategy going to be and how are we going to get from where we are to winning victories, not only thinking about how bad they are, not only thinking about who we can mobilize and support, but really thinking about how we're going to win. So, and I will just lastly add in that section that on that strategy question and really thinking through that, research, research, right? Like the more we know about our enemies, the more we know about the targets of these campaigns, the better we're able to shape this strategy, right? And of course that continues, you know, as you move through campaigns, there's going to be changes and ways of having to tweak your strategy depending on what these corporate targets and other targets end up doing and how they move in response to your campaign. So just very quickly, I'm going to name a few possible common targets. One is that of course all five of the top five U.S. weapons manufacturers that were named, that are named as priorities in this campaign, of course, are very much involved with Israel. Israel's weapons, you know, industry is one of their primary industries and both in terms of research and exporting their own weapons as well. And the U.S. weapons manufacturers work very closely with that industry in Israel and have institutions and research facilities, et cetera, in Israel as well. I mentioned HP and kind of touched on them. That's actually one of the HP boycotts, one of the primary targets that I kind of have responsibility for as the North America person for the BNC. But another thing we're really looking at right now that somewhat bridges these areas of focus is the U.S.-Mexico border and where there are common targets in terms of who are getting, who already have contracts on the border for border militarization that are common targets and who are getting new contracts in this era of a threatened wall expansion by Trump. So two of those corporations are, you may not have heard of. One is Elbit, an Israeli weapons corporation that specializes in surveillance. They have a $145 million contract in Arizona and actually just got a new contract in Texas to build surveillance towers along the border part of this whole virtual kind of wall aspect of the border. And many of those towers are being constructed on indigenous land, on reservation land of the Dona Lotham people in southern Arizona, a nation whose traditional lands have actually been bisected by the border. And then more recently a corporation called Elta, which is a subsidiary of Israel Aerospace Industries, one of the largest weapons manufacturers in Israel, who just got one of the eight prototype contracts to build prototypes of Trump's wall and very eagerly took that on. And I will just mention G4S, a corporation that many people have heard of, another one that has been involved in Standing Rock, is involved in, is actually runs the buses that deport people, has the ICE contract for all transportation of deportations and many, many other things around the world. They're the largest security corporation on the planet, third largest employer on the planet, largest employer on the continent of Africa, bad, bad, bad actor everywhere they are, another priority contract because they train Israeli police. And then lastly I will just say the Jewish Voice for Peace campaign, deadly exchange, which is really, which is a new campaign focused, as other people have mentioned, on police training and police militarization and the exchange of worst practices between the U.S. and Israel amongst security forces that goes on very commonly. And I'm going a little bit over, but the last thing I will just say is that even as we win these campaigns, it's very important to keep an eye on what comes next, just to name that in the 80s, when U.S. sponsored wars in Central America became so bad, so much torture, so much human rights violations that even the U.S. Congress had to start to put limits on U.S. aid, Israel was there to step in and supply those weapons and training to the right wing governments in Central America. And so even as the U.S. war machine is shrank through this campaign, it's very important to look at other weapons manufacturers, including the state of Israel, for where they may be stepping in to fill that gap worldwide. Thank you very much.