 Okay, well, I'll go ahead and begin with our land acknowledgement. The Archeological Research Facility is located in Huchin, the ancestral and unceded territory of Chochenyo speaking Aloni people, successors of the historic and sovereign Verona band of Alameda County. We acknowledge that this land remains of great importance to the Aloni people, and that the ARF community inherits a history of archaeological scholarship that has disturbed Aloni ancestors and made attempts to erase living Aloni people in the present and future of this land. It is therefore our collective responsibility to critically transform our archaeological inheritance and practice in support of Aloni sovereignty and to hold the University of California accountable to the needs of all native and indigenous people. So, I'd like to turn it over to Albert Gonzalez from Cal State East Bay to introduce our speaker. Thanks Nico, you can hear me okay. Yes. So thanks to the ARF for inviting me to introduce the speaker and thanks I see a lot of my students in the room that's fantastic from Cal State East Bay thanks especially to the students of archaeological science and archaeology of America's this talk is pretty relevant. I'm so glad to see what you're doing in our course and in this very moment in fact in our course still a by so so glad to see that you're all here and I'm so glad to see that everyone is here so Jordy Rivera Prince and I met as a result of the talk that I gave at Columbia a couple of years back that touched on that the native native practitioner positionality and community topics that she and I have now discussed at length in the context of both our areas of research. The presentations and communication with the speaker have been nothing short for me of inspiring, especially as it comes to research or positionality, and what it means to carry out meaningful work with the Senate communities in Latin America and Latinx America. So I'm honored to introduce again Jordy Rivera Prince. She's a PhD candidate in anthropology at the University of Florida. She did her undergraduate work at Penn and has worked for the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History. She has received Board Foundation, Fulbright, NSF, and Wendell Graham support for research that draws techniques of biological and mortuary archaeology together to analyze the emergence of social inequality in the ancient Andes. In this talk she pays special attention to the processes by which inequality becomes embodied and expressed in material culture. Her project engages in, engages local dissenting communities, including fishermen and shell gathers in one chuckle Peru. The site itself is located inside an elementary school there where her team has delivered lessons on one chuckle archaeological history, and has even drawn students into the archaeological into archaeological practice that this is what I mean by meaningful community engagement. So please join me in welcoming her to the art to deliver her talk entitled social inequality perspective improves laterally horizon and present day archaeological practice. Thank you. All right, let me share my screen real quick. You guys can see everything okay. All right. I'm also notoriously bad for missing like hand raising and the chats and stuff so if there's any problems just feel free to like unmute and talk at me. So, thank you so much for having me here today. I'm really excited to be here. I am virtually joining, but from San Francisco, but I just wanted to state that I'm in solidarity with the graduate student workers who are striking right now. And I also wanted to preface this with that there are photos of human remains and associate burial objects in the following presentation. I did use runs impossible and I will give advance notice before any of the pictures come up. Social inequality has, to me, the more I do research, become really clear that it's kind of elusive. There's no very clear definition of what it is or how to operationalize it in archaeology. But the definition that I've been using in my own research and that I use throughout this presentation is the organizing structure in human society. Social inequality is manifest in unequal access to goods information decision making and power. And the thing about social inequality is that I believe and others have argued that it is both spatially and temporally specific and what I mean by that is that where you are and what time period you're in is going to impact how social inequality is expressed. So therefore, when we're doing research on social inequality, it's important to look at the degree and forms of social inequality within a given community or society. And also look for ways how it was obtained and also who benefits from social inequality because that's also going to change from place to place. When it comes to investigating social inequality in the past. There's two approaches that we can use with archaeology and bio archaeology methods there's a bio or biological perspective. There has been research that shown not only just in bio archaeology but also in contemporary societies that inequality can become embodied. For example, Lance gravelly showed how race racial inequality became embodied literally in the biological well being of racialized groups of individuals. We can also look in archaeology or present day at material lived conditions so for example social inequality from a resource perspective who has what when we're doing this research, but also thinking about other things that might not be actually materially tangible such as time. So where people investing time and also in present day can look at things like money. These can be influenced in shape not only by your individual choices but as well as community structure. And although we're always trying to kind of get at that social. We never get the full picture we get pieces of it. And what I'm interested in looking at is, we do have the tools to get aspects of social inequality, biologically speaking with bio archaeology in the past, and also materially through archaeology or mortuary archaeology in my, my own case, but how do you get into this overlap and make them speak to one another. And the way that I've been approaching this in my own work is through the theory theoretical perspective as the body of material culture. There is an excellent book on it by so far 2006. It's not necessarily a methodology but more so a perspective and orientation to the body. Typically in the literature, the skeleton or the body itself gets conceptualized either as a biological entity or a cultural entity and looking at the material culture you don't need this division you don't need the interpretation you can body of the product. And you can also see the navigate the world and manipulate our environment our environment also shapes us and impacts us as well. The skeleton itself is what's left over in the archaeological record, and what we can see as the material remnant of what it was once the biological living body. By analyzing the skeleton and the different clues that are present in it, we can look at things for example, like activity patterns, we can look at labor, we can look at what people were eating, and we can even look at aspects of care throughout life and during childhood in the past. So bringing this to where I work I work in the Central Andes specifically on the North Coast of Peru and South America. When looking at research in the past prior to I mean I feel like most people are familiar with the Inca and know the Inca. But looking even further past that to where when I work which is prior to like basically from 100 BC to zero. There's long been interest in looking at the emergence of complexity, which again another term that's kind of like means a lot of things all at once. But a lot of people focus their investigations on monumental sites and locations of power. In the Central Andes there are many monumental sites that are super cool and super impressive. But one of the questions that myself and others have been left with is, but what about regular people. What are people in these places the power in these locations the power they get this power because of the rest of the people who kind of legitimize that. And so one of the responses to this from a theoretical and methodological perspective has been household archaeology, which was first, I guess mostly popularized in Mesoamerica and look at my households and that has also been done in the Central Andes. As kind of what we call like the bottom up approach. But one of the things that I'm interested in as well that household archaeology doesn't necessarily get at is the people themselves that we're living during these time periods and who have all of these clues about what their, their environment and what their social lives might have been like written on their bodies. To also give some context on what's going on from an equity perspective at this point in time. There are two kind of major peaks or moments around this time period one is the chauvin or chauvin of the chauvin sphere of influence there's many different ways of being referred to it but chauvin was kind of centered at the site of chauvin they went dead. Chauvin collapsed around 800 BC and collapsed around 500 or 400 BC depending on who you ask. But to be in the point that is important because it was conceptualized as a broadly pan and day and religious decision. And so every religion itself was controlled through the manipulation and circulation of religious beliefs primarily through iconography and then also people making pilgrimages up to the highlands to the site of chauvin they wanted. So that's one side one bookend. Then if you fast forward about 600 years later, you see the emergence of the moche and the moche are pretty well known on the north coast of Peru. The moche valley which is also where I do my work on the moche you have a what has been argued to be one of the first states of South America that is also debated. But importantly, you do see the emergence of stratified society and class based society chauvin on the other hand was more of a top down approach where power was very much centrally concentrated. There was a few or small groups of elites that would then control power and ideology and the manipulation of this movement. So for example, something from around the time period of chauvin from the early horizon time period would be the site of paco pampa. It's also in the highlands. And there they've recovered a woman they've named the Paco pampa who was buried adorned with gold and all of these other important objects. You don't necessarily have any recovery of commoners or regular people from that site, whereas at the moche you get people from all different sides of the spectrum, you get people who are farmers or peasants and then you also get the very rich elite priests and priestesses as they call them. So what's going on in between those two. How do you get from this top down approach to a class based society. And getting at like what happened in between would be required looking at either what we call the Salinar. The Salinar is kind of elusive. It's still debated whether or not it's technically an archaeological culture but a lot of debate centers on is it a culture is it a time period what's the best way to think about it. So I will use Salinar interchangeable also with the late early horizon. So specifically I'm talking about after the collapse of chauvin around 400 BC and like between there and zero. The early horizon, especially after the collapse of chauvin is notoriously difficult to kind of pin down, particularly because it's characterized by all of this major social transition. So some of the things that we see is the emergence proliferation and collapse of chauvin like I was talking about, we see a dramatic increase in urbanization and also settlement reorganization so typically people were living in the valleys or in the bottom of the valleys of the foothills of the Andes are on the coast, and you see this dramatic reorganization to people living in larger groups that then also going up into the higher up into the foothills of the Andes. So you see in the south of the, in the south of Peru, and in the south of Andes you see increasing complexity and Alti plano. You also see more defensive sites that are being built and been hypothesized that there is a lot of increasing social conflict at this period of time. You see the abandonment of monumental architecture like that of to be the one that you also see dramatic changes in food patterns and also extensive trade and exchange between the coast and the highlands and even beyond. So for example, near the site that I've been researching, we've found some of the earliest evidence of cocoa, which would have come from the Amazon so you can see that that trade and exchange is happening over some very significant and impressive distances. The site that I've been doing my research at is called Leglacia. It is a late early horizon cemetery from a small scale fishing community, it's located in the present day town of Juan Chaco in the Moche Valley on the north coast of Peru. It's about 11 kilometers north of the Plaza de Armas of Trujillo, which is the second largest city in Peru. And it's literally right on the beach, like when we're digging, it's pretty nice to feel very spoiled like you can just like look out and you know see the sun over the water. It's very nice. But the thing about Leglacia itself is why I think it's an ideal place to kind of research social inequality and getting at these questions is that oftentimes fishing communities have been constituted as being modest communities, not having much being kind of like lower on on the rank, so to speak, when also considering larger sites either urban sites or monumental sites. So to me I'm really interested in looking at, you know, kind of just regular people, and also looking within that the diversity of what people's lived experiences were like. Also, there are some archaeologists who have argued for social inequality during this time period during the Salinar, but a lot of this evidence has come primarily from settlement patterns themselves and also architecture. And one of the things that I think we would do well by looking beyond is like one buildings and architecture at someone patterns are like great sources of information, but again you're missing the people themselves. And I also think that when thinking about settlement patterns and architecture and construction and things like that or even conquest, trying to reflect on who we subconsciously think of when we're researching that in the past. And maybe this is my own bias but when I think about construction and conquest and terms like that, I almost subconsciously think about men, and that like is almost like a very masculine perspective of things to focus on. Whereas if we look at bio archaeology and look at cemeteries and look at all the people that are involved. It's also possible to get the perspectives from women and also from children in the past. So to give an idea also of what it looks like the site, we are literally in the middle of one Chaco. It's a little hard to see with this little red arrow here is pointing at the glacier colonial the one Chaco. And the site itself, we don't know how far actually extends it likely goes throughout most of what is one Chaco today. But where we're digging is it's a little difficult to see but right here you can, there are what like retaining walls that are blocking off the elementary school it is a public elementary school. And then there's an area that's vacant of structures that's also bounded by a like a soccer, I guess a soccer field it's made out of concrete, but the students do come out during recess while we're digging and it gets a little crazy but it's also very exciting and very fun. Based on ceramic analysis the site itself does have continuous occupation from the initial period which is about 1800 BC, all the way through the colonial period. So there is a very long occupational history here and it does overlap with the selling our the selling our There are, to date, we think there's about three different occupational phases, one where the cemetery began, then the construction of U shaped ritual structures facing north towards a mountain called Serro Campana. And Serro Campana is very important, because in Indian beliefs there has long been the respect for mountains as both protectors and people who and basically people entities of personhood who look over and protect and so that's significant to me that working to be within the gaze of Serro Campana is very important. And then finally in the last phase there was more bodies that were buried and then also large storage vessels, oils that are like literally over a meter tall like when you hold it. So like it's like hard to even walk with them that would have been storage containers, likely for chicha or maize beer. So there's a lot of things that have been found here that are super cool and this has all been part of a project with the program archeological which I've been a team member of for the past. Oh my goodness like five years and the lead PI is Dr. Gabriel Prieto so it's an amazing project to be a part of the team is huge and there's so many different interesting perspectives and specialists to be in dialogue with I have been focusing specifically on the bio archeological analysis so here's a brief representation of the demographic so far, and just to kind of what to take away from this I have collapsed female and possible female sex estimations together and male and possible male sex estimations together. And I'll maintain that throughout the rest of presentation as well. But what's notable here is that not only do we have infants and children and adults that are present we also have roughly equal representation of male and female individuals and of the male and female adults they also have representation throughout the different age ranges and life stages. So to me this is really cool because the cemetery has a representation of people from all different social identities. Previous cemeteries that have been dug of the Salinar there's only two others that I am personally aware of. One of them has a very high adult male bias so to me this is interesting because it opens a new avenue to kind of explore what life was like for people in the past, specifically during Salinar. And now shifting to the burial representations I am going to show the pictures of human remains now. What I was interested in looking at was for evidence of it's been hypothesized that there were a range of social identities, so to speak that there was like a regular a middle and then the elites. But again that was from mostly from architectural layout of houses. And so here I was trying to find evidence for not just ends of the spectrum or extremes but also looking for social identities in the middle. So, one individual that would be an example of kind of someone who is buried in a very simple grave is this individual and this person was buried with no grave goods. Basically just put into the sand. It's also very sandy and very dry here so things fall apart a lot, which you get down this deep. Then someone who would be kind of in the middle or intermediate would be this one 277 and this individual was buried with a bottle but then also with a fragment of an oil and so you can see here it's not nothing but it's not super elaborate. And then on the opposite end of the spectrum we have someone like this so 274 this person was a middle adult male at the time of death. So roughly around like 30 years to 40 years. He was buried with a lot of finewares he was also buried with that are in the traditional white on red ceramics that we see for the selling are. And then you can also see that he was buried with an entero, which is organize like a pan of a flute, and then also beautos are like little spindle worlds. He was also buried with a complete dog. And this is something that's interesting about this cemetery is like not only are people buried with dogs but dogs have their own discreet burials. And we also have found an elaborate stone carving that looks to be in the shape of a bird. There's red pigment that's inside the little crevice there in the center and then he was also buried with little squares of gold that were perforated as well as next to the right and there was a wooden hand that also had gold in it so a lot of range of diversity and the types of things he's being buried with gold being a precious metal, historically throughout the Andes so this is very notable. It's also notable because for such a quote unquote modest fishing community. It's pretty clear that we have some very important goods that are being buried here and associated with people. So again, this is kind of challenging how we think about fishing communities on on the coast of the central Andes. Another person that I think is important to talk about is this individual. This is actually an elderly woman she was over 45 years at the time of death. She was also the pictures a little bit hard to see, but she was also buried with the white on red ceramics. She was also buried with a dog. And she was buried with what was to me one of the coolest things that I've found so far. And the excavations that I've done is an area or a nose ornament. And so basically sits in the nose like it wouldn't have been pierced and it would have been decorative. She was likely wearing it at the time of burial. And you can see all along the room that it's decorated with these waves. So not only is this very impressive and super cool and very beautiful. It also shows a diversity, even within those who have these elaborate goods so for example with the other individual the gold with square and just hammered out whereas this is a very elaborate and would have taken this skill to create. And so even within the gold, for example, you see a diversity in skill and investment. One of the things that I think is also very interesting is that we're calling people like this quote unquote local elites. And one of the things that's very interesting is of the seven that we've identified so far. The four of them are elderly women. When men are buried like this, they have various age ranges, but it's always elderly women. And they were buried, not only in elaborate teams in terms of what they're presented with but even with Adobe lined tombs that are like, it sounds like just super impressive. It would have taken a lot of time and effort to build. And furthermore, their old age suggests to me at least that there's an element of community care and investment. And it also suggests to me that perhaps they were seen as wise, knowledgeable and potentially from that getting power and respect as figures within their community. Another thing that I was interested in so going specifically to the analyses themselves. I don't have time to dive into everything but one of the more interesting analyses that I've done so far as a study of the trauma. There's 93 total individuals that I've analyzed from the cemetery. And there's only three studies of trauma on the North Coast from this time period so far. But not only has it been hypothesized that this time period was a time of elevated conflict. It has also been conflict itself has been suggested as one of the driving forces for the emergence of statehood and for the emergence of quote unquote the mochi state. I'm really interested in looking at is there evidence for this community, when you have this diverse representation of burial goods and how people are being represented in death. Do we have evidence of interpersonal trauma or any sort of suggestion of warfare or conflict for these people. In this my guiding objectives were to determine the prevalence of interpersonal and then what I call other trauma, which I'll explain in a second. And but also throughout the whole body. There tends to be a bias in a day in biology to look at cranial trauma only for evidence of interpersonal trauma, but in my opinion, and, and as others have argued trauma can happen anywhere in the body. So I was really interested in looking at the holistic person. And then I was also interested in looking at who might exhibit more interpersonal and other trauma based on agent sex so are there only young men, or is it only elderly men, etc. So again, the sex estimations were collapsed in this and I have the age estimations to seven each ranges. I categorize physical trauma based as interpersonal or accidental or unknown based on a lot of the factors including the trauma type location severity and the stage of healing. For example, blunt force trauma to the frontal bone that hadn't healed to me would indicate likely interpersonal trauma, or a fracture to the mid shaft of the Alma to me would be categorized as defensive wound, which would also be interpersonal trauma. And I also included healed and non healed trauma within this. And also for accidental or unknown. An example of that would be for example I have an individual who has a crush a had a healed crushed fracture to the distal phalanx of the thumb so basically like smash his finger. And it didn't affect necessarily their survival, and it healed and so well it potentially could have been interpersonal to me like you can't really know so I categorize that as accidental or unknown. So that I put in a histogram which I'll show in a second and then I also modeled instances of trauma with age sex and their interaction using a binomial linear model to see if there was any of these individual identities that were perhaps more susceptible to interpersonal trauma. So in this histogram just to like, briefly explain. So on the x axis you can see the trauma count so either 01 or two, there was no individual that had more than two instances of trauma that I recorded, and then on the y axis you can see the number of individuals so for example, in this box here you can interpret it as in the age range of 36 to 50 years old. There was one individual who had one instance of interpersonal trauma. So the main takeaway from this is that there is no evidence of trauma in children and young adults, and there's actually trauma really only and when you get into the middle and older adult age ranges. And then also the instance of interpersonal and other trauma seen there's definitely a difference but it's pretty roughly equal. And again when you separate it out by sex you can see that both male and female individuals have evidence of interpersonal trauma but they also have instances of other trauma. And again the rates are not super different. Only 10 people the 93 had instances of trauma and that's all trauma total so there's some overlap between the seven who had interpersonal trauma and the six who had other trauma. And then when I modeled it, I did find that age sex and the interaction between the two were not significant predictors of trauma. And furthermore the demographic representation you would expect for a time characterized by trauma and conflict you would expect to see perhaps high rates of young men with interpersonal trauma that was lethal or perhaps see a lack of young men because they were leaving and engaging in conflict, and for those different demographic representations you'd expect we don't see that. So why I think this is interesting and significant is that you see people gaining status distinction at this time period, especially in like Lacea in the Josele sector. But the way that people traditionally think about gaining power and status and have argued for this time period doesn't seem to hold up. So to me it suggests that something else is going on here. And I'm hoping that with all the future analyses that I'm working through right now as they write my dissertation will also help explain this. So I'm currently processing a lot of my data, I have collected data throughout the entire body, instead of focusing on just one aspect of the body. And this is mostly because I believe your body is holistic and it is your whole body that interacts with the world. It's not just one part like it's not just the dentition, etc. So I'm looking throughout the whole body, and I'm also sending out samples for light and heavy stable isotope analysis very soon. And I'm also working on right now scoring everything with the burial goods so that I can do a principal component analysis. And basically the idea would be to look at potential correlations with age and sex as a different social identities, but then also look at other potential indicators of embodied inequality that I'm finding in my data. So that is my perspective on social inequality in the past and then shifting now to social inequality and present day archeological practice. I think it's been. It's been clear for some people for a long time and then even more recently in the past couple years that inequities exist in present day archeological practice. And these inequities can be both institutionalized, but also individually enacted. So, here I'm framing, I talk based on a article that will come out literally any day called an intersectional approach to equity and equity and archeology a pathway through community. And I led this paper with a group of amazing community of co authors, and it should be coming out in the next issue of advances in archeological practice. This paper came about from a seminar that we did on equity and archeological practice that was actually hosted at the University of Maine. In the spring semester of 2021. There was 30 of us in the seminar. There was a combination of professionals and students and not even everybody in the seminar was an archaeologist. And of course we didn't address every aspect of an equity and equity and archeological practice, but it was a very productive learning space together. So, if anyone's interested in more information on what we talked about, and how we made the seminar happen. A subset of us did put out an article and that's a archaeological record in the May edition, based on the seminar and we also did translate it into Spanish to make it more accessible. I'm following the framework that we outlined in this paper of looking at how an equity and equity effects archaeologists through these four different themes of individual community theory and practice. And one of the things we argue is that you can't look at any of these discreetly that they all interrelate with one another and affect each other. And we talked about individuals in communities, I feel like you can't separate them fully because we all have intersecting identities. And based on those identities we might belong to or be parts of different communities so just speaking for myself. I'm a Mexican American woman of color, and I come from a low income background. And so there's a certain level of solidarity and community I can find with other, for example, archaeologists that come from a low income background, but I might not always share solidarity with other aspects of my identity. So it's important to recognize that we can be parts of all of these different communities but still hold all of our identities together. I think our individual community identities have an impact on how things play out in archaeology through power and class differentials. So for example, one of the things that's very pertinent to me as someone who is from the United States but is practicing in archaeology in Peru is thinking about North South relations and the power inherent power differentials that are at play there. And also, not only just with proving archaeologists but also with the community that we do our research with, and then also think about class differentials. And with that I mean, there are certain opportunities and training and things that you can get involved with as an archaeologist but some of them cost a lot of money, for example, field schools. And to me, for example, field schools were a prohibitive cost and it wasn't something that I actually did. And so recognizing that inequity and access to these opportunities can therefore limit opportunities that people can take and get that training for. Depending on your communities and your ideas and individual there can also be barriers such as language barriers and so again just using examples from my work working in Peru. There's barriers not only just in archaeologists from North America working in Peru who can't speak Spanish, but then also not reading the Spanish language literature that's there. There's not only reading Spanish literature on different time periods and topics and sites that people are working at. But then there's also the flip side of proving archaeologists who may not necessarily before in English or like have the opportunity to learn English and then therefore don't have access to all the literature that we're publishing in English language platforms that are about their history and their heritage. Language barriers are not limited just to, for example, like English Spanish. I also have like experience language barriers in my own. In terms of like my own vernacular and like the colloquialism that I use. I find like, for example, back home people might think that like when I'm talking about my research I talk really fancy and so like also the inequities that exist then perhaps prejudice and judgment that how someone talks or their accent or how they carry themselves and speaking. And then also accessibility so that goes beyond so many different things so for example accessibility in terms of archaeologists who have disabilities and making field work accessible to them, but also accessibility in terms of recognizing that some people when they're training and in school and studying and things like that like might be caregivers might be parents and how that also will limit their opportunities to get experience and be active in archaeological community. And super quickly, just to even show how this kind of trickles all the way up is even if you don't go into academia or become a research archaeologist, you're still getting trained by people who do get PhDs in order to teach. And in the survey burn documents from the NSF in 2019, there was 117 PhDs in archaeology awarded. And even though we have rough gender parity, and this is imperfect because NSF only collects assuming a gender binary. There's rough gender parity, but when you look at the racial breakdown. There is 72 to 0.6% of the PhDs were awarded to white individuals and so when this comes to hiring people as professors and other jobs that require PhD it's really hard to diversify when you're not having a high representation of individuals receiving these degrees for those opportunities. And again, speaking with language accessibility, one of the things that we can do is to work beyond the boundaries of the university system, or like the boundaries of the universe, the metaphorical university wall. So one of the things that like, for example, I've done in my work is I've collaborated with the Berkeley Orius Center and I made a teaching kit on my research that is accessible to middle and high school social studies classroom so it's used an accessible language that teachers can use. And then it was also I translated it into Spanish so they can also be accessible in both languages and then in that different type of vocabulary that's more accessible to the public. So thinking about theory, it also guides like what is acceptable to study theory guides, what, what we're, what we're researching the questions we ask and the methods we use, which also is tied up with who is accessible, acceptable to study, and which questions can be asked. And so one of the things that has been changing, and that I have a lot of hope for is a lot of people have been recognizing the validity and using more relational ontologies which I think is super cool and promising. But again with the question of what, what and who is acceptable to study and my experience. I, as I mentioned a Mexican American at work in Peru, I've been questioned before not in a malicious way in any way but just questioned about why do I work in Peru if I'm Mexican why wouldn't I work in Mexico. But I also know that my colleagues have likely never been asked that question before. And also related to this, just speaking from a bioarcheological standpoint, and a paper written by Rachel Watkins. She makes this really important point that there's a longer history of a critical mass of people of color being involved in bioarcheological research as subjects in the form of the skeletal data study. Then as knowledge producers and so to me this also is very pertinent to me as a bioarcheologist and a woman of color, the inherent power dynamic that comes in the history of the study and then the methods that we use. Lastly, I know I'm running out of time, but talking about practice, there is a limitless number of ways we can talk about this, but especially pertinent to this is talking about field work and field schools so not just when you get the training but also when your job is are you working in an environment where you feel safe, and this can take many different ways are there practices in place and policies in place to help protect archaeologists from sexual harassment or from being racially profiled in the field. And do people feel like they're given the opportunities to advocate for themselves that they need accommodations and that those concerns are taken seriously and that they're supported. And so we have a lot of practice with publishing and citational politics so not only who gets to publish and where they get to publish. And that even takes into account things like cost it's very expensive to publish, but also think about citational politics and who gets cited and how that is also a way of legitimizing what is quote unquote valid archaeological knowledge and how that gets perpetuated. And not mentorship, instead of thinking about I mean mentorship relationships inherently do have a different differential power dynamic, but also being open to thinking about where, as a mentor we can learn more. We're not going to be perfect about knowing how to best mentor people from all different identities but being open to that learning and to having a relationship where you also learn from your mentee and then it's an iterative process. And so a last example of this, especially with the publishing is there's a paper by Laura he saw about who writes about archaeology and this is a lot of numbers but the most important thing to talk about is, even though we have increasing diversity and representation of who is a practicing archaeologists publishing. There's still nearly 80% of the people who are publishing our straight white cisgender men and women. And so even though we're doing this excellent work to get more diverse perspectives into the field. There's still more change that needs to happen further down the process. So looking forward. I think it's important, especially in the past with archaeology and looking at social inequality is moving beyond a deficit based theory. So what I mean by that is instead of looking at the elites and what they have and what makes them special. And then what the regular people don't have is looking at when you're researching quote unquote just everyday lives of regular people, looking at what they have that allows them to survive like what gives them more community and gives them the success and resilience to continue. And then also moving beyond the exceptional. And so there to what I mean is not just looking at places of power, but also looking beyond just the exception, for example, women who are exceptional or extraordinary circumstances in archaeological record that it's okay to just look at a regular person and what they have to share with us about the past. And then in terms of present day practice I think that we can really consider power and resource reallocation, looking toward workplaces whether we're in the private sector and academia and looking for areas of improvement, looking where students and early career researchers are lacking basic resources to succeed. And I don't think archaeology is the only place that has this problem. And my belief, I don't think people get pushed out of archaeology when they're practicing necessarily or when they're in their PhD programs are in a 400 level class or in the field schools. I think people are getting pushed out much earlier before they even walk onto the campus of a college or university. So that is the end of my presentation there are so many people that I want to thank. But it would take a long time. I do have my contact information on the QR code there. And I'm always happy if people reach out for emails with any questions or comments. So, thank you. Thank you, Jerry. Are you ready to take questions and comments. Absolutely. Great. I'll stop sharing. All right, well let's go ahead and use the raise hand function and zoom if you'd like to unmute and ask a question. I'll go ahead and ask a question. I was wondering if you noticed differences in health and nutrition and also in the that divers the the the year. Water diving. The external auditory of facilities always get tripped up on that one. So yes, we do have them, but one of the things that's really interesting about those in particular is that I do have evidence of them and not just in adult males. One of the things that I'm curious about them for those who don't know is it's a bony production that forms basically right on the rim of your ear canal. And you typically get it from irritation from exposure to cold water and cold wind so a lot of times people call it surfers ear. Even today there's like plastic surgeons that specialize in removing them so that people can hear better, and they can get so big that they actually obstruct and make people deaf. And one of the things that I have found and I'm very interested in exploring further and that was also I was looking at the other trauma accidental trauma is that it does happen not just in adult males. There are very few people in the whole population that that I've studied that have it so I will preface with that. But one of the things that's interesting is that then if it's an adult women. It makes us need to like rethink what is their role in terms of what they're doing with the water. And so she'll gatherers in general, a lot I think a lot of people think of them as maybe being like me deep in water. But there is actually now more ethno historic and ethnographic evidence that women are actually also diving. So I think that looking at that evidence allows us to kind of challenge gender roles or like how people have traditionally thought about them. And then thinking about nutritional difference or like nutritional health and differences, there are, I am currently working through that data right now, so I'm not sure if the results are significant. But I will say there is differences in terms of people who there is evidence of osteoporosis. There is evidence of like Cripple orbitalia and other nutritional deficiencies. I'm just not positive yet. If those results are significant for any particular identity. There's a question. I see I'll read it I guess. What is the end goal for people who are diving. So for the people who are diving they're tending to collect prominent in the diet are many different marine resources so with divers there's different like seashells and mollusks that people would be eating but also seaweed, which is really good nutrition content. Thank you. Yeah. Thank you very much. Thank you for your talk. Sorry, I couldn't get on the first three minutes. I don't know what it wasn't like. I'm sorry I was late but I wanted to sort of ask two things about your archaeology. Thank you very much. And one was about the fisherfolk on the coast. I'd like to know what data you're linking to when you say people are all saying that they're going to be sort of on the lower spectrum of access to goods and, you know, or, or because if you remember George government's paper I mean it's Moche times. Yeah, he really clearly has the fisherfolk being pretty, you know, rich on the scale of things they have all kinds of goodies like you're finding in burials I was quite excited to see your burials because he's yeah he's I'm really, I mean, I don't want to get into classes but they're obviously trading their stuff whatever they're getting for nice things and you're saying that too so I wanted to ask where you're getting the idea that for the folks are poor. Maybe it's a solid in our times and I just don't know that literature and the other thing is, you know, I remember Bob Benford's data and I'll shut up after this but Bob Benford had data on divers down in the, you know, down your Chilka, and I think he had both men and women diving. But again, probably know that data. So I'm going to stop now thank you for your, your comments and for your presentation. Yes, thank you so much. Okay, so for the first question where I've been kind of linking that discussion has been more so and looking at the initial period in the Coupes Nikke. So I think one of the problems that I've I've seen and that I'm trying to challenge as well is that I think a lot of people talk about the Salinar as explaining why the mochi came to be. And so one of the things that I've been trying to do is instead of going that direction is to go earlier and then look at what is happening in the transition. So, well, yes, I definitely agree with you in terms of the mochi data. One of the things that I've been taking into context. So, Gabrielle Pratt, that was my advisor and so I'm like very familiar with his gramalote data from from that. And what he was finding at the site of gramalote, which is also Coupes Nikke the time period before for those who don't know the site is only a few kilometers to the south of mine. And during the initial period, what he did find is that even though there's differential access within households so he did the household archaeology perspective that people still seem to be pretty equitable. And one of the questions that he was trying to explore and one of the things he's trying to challenge was that gramalote itself was subservient, or at least indebted to in some way to the Caballo Muerto complex in the middle mochi valley. One of the things that he found was not only that could people could farm there on the coast. If you actually it's not super hard to get to freshwater because the freshwater tables pretty high there, you can grow things. You, it's not definitely not intensive agriculture and the way you can do in the valley near the rivers. But you can grow produce and that one takes away some of that necessity from having that relationship with the intercoastal centers, or sorry the inner valley centers, but then also he found evidence of obsidian. And so again that also shows that ability and that capacity to somehow they were making that exchange and trade. But again it shows that it was one challenge that, you know, this fishing community that was modest was, you know, subservient to the valley complex centers. And so it's trying to, I'm trying to like, also join that conversation of saying that instead of having that idea that's the small communities on the coast are subservient to these larger political centers that maybe these relationships are relationships like as Gabrielle's argue to our relationships that they've chosen to enter into whether for social reasons, maybe not a necessity. We have other questions. Yes, Albert. Go ahead. I don't want to get in the way of any students who might want to ask questions so if there's someone else before me or anything, you know, feel free to take them but I'm asking on behalf of folks who are non Indianists and then folks who are not by our folks. I wonder about the percentage you found of interpersonal trauma. And where does that sit like is there a, is there a threshold or a range that might indicate like, you know, regular, regular violence, whatever that, you know, may mean. Yeah. Sorry, go ahead. For the region or the period or whatever. Yeah, so one of the things that I've been actually just finished that chapter, the comparative data, so it's not perfect again because there's only two other studies that I'm really comparing my stuff with. In terms of another coastal population at the site of Buemope, we're seeing trauma rate that go closer to the 30% range, but again that sample size is pretty small it's like 42 individuals. And then another data set that I've been comparing to it's imperfect. But I think all comparative, you know, studies are not necessarily always going to be perfect. But I did look at a study that recently came out that was looking at the Nazca Highlands so that's in the south of Peru. And so it's imperfect because it's a different time period. And it's also very different region and different social dynamics that are happening. But in that study, they looked also only at cranial trauma and made an argument that there was a time of elevated conflicts and those percentages I mean there you see cranial trauma. Not only in adolescents but also in adult men and women and again those percentages go higher more towards like the 30% range. So, in comparison to that mine's like pretty low. And then again for the modeling that I did, I, when I said when you set that up like you basically ask your models to perform against the null, which was like mine was like one and none of my models outperformed the null like it was just like very not significant. So that was like another that that kind of backed out my thinking but then also when you just compare the peer descriptive statistics to other societies that have high trauma it just doesn't compare. Thanks. Yeah. Any other questions for Jordy. Please join me in thanking her. She did your talk.