 Well, just to echo and to amplify what some of the things the first two speakers spoke eloquently on, I think the nature of threat very much depends on which part of the neighbourhood you live in. In Ireland we often times are able to have debates and discussions about things that are never going to directly affect us and sometimes we think, therefore, is this really an issue that we have to focus on? Well, we tend to our detriment but thankfully not to serious detriment from the physical point of view because as I listen to the discussions here and as I think about these matters, threat at the moment particularly for us in Europe, I see it falling into three distinct areas, physical, cyber and moral. Now you could divide them up in different ways according to how you want to look at it The physical side of the threat, if we just do a quick whistle stop tour around parts of Europe, we've certainly seen aggressive acts with the annexation of Crimea, the ongoing hybrid war within Ukraine, and there's an element to this that hasn't been fully focused on but maybe the observers and the mainstream media when they look at this kind of conflict, when you don't have nation state going up against nation state, the rules are different. In fact, there are no real rules. Hybrid warfare poses all kinds of threats, unintended consequences. Let's take for example the downing of the Asian airline. I would argue that that happened largely because that campaign would be carried out as a form of hybrid warfare. If there was proper command and control, the weapon system that was used down that airliner would not likely have been deployed the way it was. It wasn't plugged into the kind of command and control system it should have been. So what I'm saying is hybrid warfare allows for non-state actors, a trepid of non-state actors to take the field and that poses all kinds of dangers and unintended consequences because again the normal rules of warfare are being engaged in and animosities, inter-ethnic animosities are stoked up in a way that would not be the case if there were nation state forces meeting nation state force. Now of course that also if it was nation state versus nation state you've got the problem of escalation. But that doesn't look likely to be something that's going to happen because I think our Russian colleagues have found that hybrid warfare is something that can be, give them a spectrum of options from hard-edged military to political communications. Coming back to another point, speaking of cyber, indeed our Estonian partners have seen firsthand how cyber warfare can be used in such a way as to bring your nation to a virtual standstill in 2007 I think it was and yet not be able to point a direct finger at somebody. There are a lot of holes I would argue in the cyber security infrastructure around Europe in general and around Ireland in particular and where that has particular consequences for us in Ireland I think is with regards to our protection against industrial and economic espionage which is something that rears its head from time to time and gets blown off a little bit in mainstream media and political circles as hysteria but certainly former colleagues of mine take it very seriously both within the military and the policing spectrum within this country and how do you respond to that? It requires you to have a more joined up approach than we have I think in this country. We're a little bit too ad hoc in our responses. We need to pay attention to the other developing less spoken about threats. Physical threats too. We're aware of what's happening in Crimea but for instance our Scandinavian neighbours the Swedes had to reoccupy Gotland Island in the last two years I think it was. They had no military presence in that for a long time and that was because of again Soviet military or Russian military elbowing into that area and activities in that area. The Norwegians too have had to start to deploy special forces patrols along their border because of Spetsnaz, Russian special forces encourages. Not that they're looking for confrontation. It's a little bit of what we're talking about with the moral struggle going on here. Occupying territory, normalising it, putting it up to different of our European partners in ways that require some sort of response but an appropriate response that won't lead to escalation and that's quite difficult. You're talking about a joined up military diplomatic approach and something maybe within Europe we need to work on further. And of course we saw the Scripple affair and how that was to come to a kind of a positive note. That was a classic example of a big push morally against Western European values and a surprising push back when Western Europe largely stood together as one in linked arms and showed their displeasure by chucking out some diplomats. It was a diplomatic response that I would argue was quite appropriate. But in that period we also saw it shone a light on some of the holes in our security architecture as a series of partner states within the European Union. And that kind of brings me to what I would say is the key threat from an Irish perspective. We're not in the direct front line and I would say our threats at this point are quite insidious and they're more of the moral nature than we'd say the physical and cyber. Physical and cyber are important. Certainly it's not helped by the fact that we again we seem to do this on a historical basis every generation that our defence force capability dwindled to a point in capacity because either personnel or the hemorrhaging out of it or the issues about paying conditions aren't being addressed. But as we're learning here today defence and security are about more than just the military and our population are quite infantile in their grasp of security and defence affairs. They're quite sophisticated on many other levels economically, politically and technologically. But when it comes to security and defence we have because we've been diet fed a lot of mythology we tend to want to inhabit a zone that allows us to sleepwalk through the territory of threat. And it hasn't had a severe impact on us yet. But if we don't start to address it, I see two particular areas. One is we would be seen as a soft spot. In fact we already are. We are seen as a soft spot by a variety of actors, stage and non-state actors witness the attempts at economic espionage. But also the Russian incursions into our airspace because we don't have proper radar systems that can track aircraft that turn off their transponders. That's just one example. And also our response to things like PESCO for example, which is a great opportunity for small countries like ours and other partner European nations to come together and share resources and share thinking and share expertise and bring something to the party and work on something that's particular to our needs within a cluster. And something of that benefit can oftentimes be torpedoed before it even begins because of the manipulation of sentiment. So that brings me back to the point of the, as I was saying at the very start, the physical, the cyber and the moral areas. Within the moral area, and I suppose you could conjoin it a little with cyber, various entities, we saw Islamic State make great use of media platforms, social media platforms to mobilize sentiment without any clear command and control that had clearly beneficial outcomes to their cause in motivating people to engage in violent acts within Europe. We've also seen within nation states, Russia invests huge resources with initials that will strike a chord in this country with what's known as the IRA, their Internet Research Agency. And this isn't just about technological advances to undermined states, but the mass use of social media as a tool to inject descent and separation and division within peoples within Europe. And mass trolling that brings in issues to bear that motivate people and shall we say mobilize them and radicalize them to some extent. An example of that could be what we see certainly in Ireland with the growing slightly more right-wing tendencies in people when it comes to migration and how social media has been used to great effect of that. And nation states that are putting together offensive strategies using social media platforms I think are one of the most fundamental threats to small states because they undermine our moral capacity to respond with a national mindset. And I'll round it up now and say that there are lessons though to be learned and again the benefits of being in a group, in an alliance, in a partnership whatever way you want to call it. He said other people have walked certain paths before us and the Swedes who were up against it in the Cold War trying to plot a delicate path between their relationship with the West and the threat coming from the East had in place a nationally led program of psychological defence where they set about mobilizing the sentiment of their population. That was the primary thing, their will to defend their homeland, their will to use all of their capacity, not just military, to stand against aggression. And if we were to take that, some of those Swedish lessons and marry them up with one of the big benefits of being in something like the European Union which as my colleagues have already said, the rule of law, the belief in the rule of law, the establishment of a rules based institution which gives small states like ours a voice that we would not ordinarily have. And we've seen that come to great effect for this country with regards to Brexit. If this was 50, 60 years ago we would not have had some of the outcomes. I hesitate to say successful outcomes but government, I prefer to count my chickens when they've hatched. But I think, yeah, to come back to that point, the European Union, it's a rules based institution. The relationship that my colleague here mentioned about European Union and NATO I think is fundamentally a good thing. It allows NATO to be the heavyweight dog in the room when it comes to kinetic defence and it allows the EU to focus more on the issues with cyber, moral security and to continue to develop their instruments of conflict containment and conflict prevention. And I think that's something that we in this country can benefit hugely from and maybe more importantly, contribute hugely to, given our experience. Okay, Jacqueline.