 of this city, of this house today. Prime Minister Ananya and Secretary Schulz, another man. Throughout, I have been struck with the strength, the intelligence, and the determination of the Prime Minister, not only in explaining her views, but in seeking a clear understanding of ours. The dialogue and discovery that we began at Cancun, matured in our discussions today. And will I trust very important fruit in the days and years ahead? During our recent visit to Europe, I had the honor of addressing a joint session of the British Parliament. It seemed fitting to build my speech around the concept of democracy, which that mother of parliament represents. We sought to articulate the deep and dividing faith that the American people place in our democratic institutions and the idea that an immutable bomb draws democratic countries together. One of the nations I singled out was India. I chose India in that speech for two reasons. India's experience as independence exemplifies the gathering strength of the democratic revolution. And India stands in eloquent refutation of all those who argue that democratic institutions are not equal to the task of dealing with today's problems, or are irrelevant to the needs of today's developing nations. For these reasons, India serves as a beacon not only to developing nations which seek to emulate its experience, but to all of us who seek renewal of our faith in democracy. You can understand, Madam Prime Minister, why we are honored to have you here. It's not only because you're the leader of a great nation, one whose history, civilization, size, and influence on the world will command our attention and respect, but also because you're the representative of a family which has been in so many ways the architect of that nation. The contributions which your family has made to India most closely parallel in our history, the Adams family. They came from Massachusetts, not Kashmir. They came by coincidence. They were often referred to as Boston Browns. Good. Good. And theirs too was a tradition of scholarship, sacrifice, and public service. Successive generations of Adams' contributed to our national development. First by struggling for independence and articulating our national ideals, then through years of selfless effort toward their attainment. So you, Madam Prime Minister, your father and each son have served India. Lord Bollybrook's description of the Adams family is equally appropriate for your family's contribution to India. They are the guardian angels of the country they inhabit, studious to avert the most distant evil, and to procure peace, plenty, and the greatest of human blessings, liberty. The recent summit at Versailles proved once again, as told the British Parliament, that even in times of severe economic strain, free peoples can work together freely and voluntarily to address problems as serious as inflation, unemployment, trade, and economic development in a spirit of cooperation and solidarity. In our bilateral relationship as well, democratic principles are the foundation on which we can build the framework of a lasting and compassionate relationship. The day-to-day reality of our close ties, whether in the fields of education, the arts, science, or commerce, all flow from the same basic understanding that although our countries may travel separate paths from time to time, our destination remains the same. For my part, Madam Prime Minister, our talks today were particularly useful in reaffirming the importance of our relationship. Our frank discussions have contributed greatly to the stripping away of stereotypes which have sometimes surrounded our relations. We look forward now to a renewal of cooperation based on the shared understanding of our common values and our common aspirations. In this spirit, Madam Prime Minister, I raise my glass to you as the distinguished leader of the racist democracy and of the friendship between our two proud free leaders. Distinguished guests, entering the White House, one cannot but think of the men of vision and energy and the women of character and grace who have lived here, who have influenced people's minds and the course of world events. Also, indeed, are the responsibilities of the United States and its President. In far off India, at a time when communications were not as satisfactory, our own freedom struggle drew inspiration from the makers of your nation, how far-seeing and wise they were and how well they built. The first President who chose this site had a simple wish, and I quote, I hope ever to see America amongst the foremost nations in examples of justice and liberality. Since those words were uttered, the United States has become the world's foremost country in wealth and technology and in bigger intellect. The combination of these qualities is indeed something of which you can be justifiably proud. America has grown through challenge, not conformism. To quote a historian, America was born of revolt, flourishing in dissent and became great through experimentation. Our challenges in India have not been less. We have charted our own course, fortunate in leaders who took sustenance from our timeless philosophy as well as modern concepts, putting them to work as instruments of action. Our national movement reinforced the age-old unity which had held our country together through the ups and downs of history across the shifting borders of hundreds of kingdoms and building and bridging succeeding dynasties. After independence, it was our task to usher in a more egalitarian society which would ensure social and economic justice to all, regardless of religion, caste, language or sex. For us, economic progress means not only material well-being, but moving nearly 500 million from one age to another, with a minimum dislocation or alienation from their roots. Few things are good or bad in themselves. Their effect and importance lies in what one makes of them. Tradition, especially ours, which has been a factor for unity, for tolerance and harmony and for our people's cultural literacy, can be used as a tool paradoxical though it may sound for change and modernity. Life for a person or a country is a series of choices, not between the correct and the incorrect which a computer can make, but in terms of opting for a course which will be consistent with our ethos and individuality, our past history and future aspirations. Our struggle for independence was nonviolent. We chose democracy based on the British system but with some modifications. And the American constitution influenced the shaping of our own constitution. Outlining is not for regimentation but to help us to take rational decisions and meet the competing demands of different sections of society and regions. In India, as in the U.S.A., we have a private sector as well as a public sector. I see no conflict between the two. We have persevered in the face of criticism of aggression of different types of interferences. We are not satisfied with our success. We couldn't have done better. Yet notwithstanding the tremendous thoughts we have moved forward. There's been significant progress in agriculture and industry, in science and technology and in the social services. The very fact that life expectancy has gone up by 20 years indicates improvement in living and working conditions. We aim at self-reliance. So it is befitting that 90% of the resources needed for this gigantic endeavour of modernising countries have come from our own people. Empowered though they are thought to be. But the remaining 10% or so is important. But that represents the inflow of modern technology. In this we have been helped by the United States, by countries of Western and Eastern Europe and several international institutions. We particularly appreciate American technical assistance. In consonance with our independent stand, we take cooperation in science, trade or defence requirements from wherever it suits our national interests. If India were considered in economic or military terms, it would not count. Yet our voice is heard because in spite of our poverty and economic backwardness and often looking beyond our immediate interests we have fearlessly spoken up for the rights of the underprivileged and the threatened and have championed the cause of peace and freedom. We have always viewed our problems in a much larger perspective of global problems. Our foreign policy is one of friendship for all, hence our non-alignment. We are against the involvement of foreign troops or any other interference in internal affairs of other countries. We believe in negotiations rather than the use of arms in settling disputes. India is a large area of stability in South Asia. Undoubtedly its strengthening will help to stabilize and strengthen the entire region. It is good that meetings between heads of state and government, individually and at conferences are taking place more often. They do take us away from urgent tasks at home, but national and international problems are increasingly interlinked. Kan Kun dealt with various global issues both side with economic and other problems of the North touching also on North-South questions. At the New Delhi meeting of developing countries the focus was on cooperation between themselves. On earlier equations I have pointed out that the future of advanced and developing countries is so closely intertwined that cooperation would benefit both. This is not merely a question of social justice and equity. My own view is that developing countries can contribute significantly to the emerging world economic order. There are the potentially large markets which would help developed countries like the United States to maintain higher profitability on their investment, higher rates of growth and to generate more employment. To our minds there are three main causes of the present disturbing situation. The growth of armaments the increasing disparity between the rich and the poor, both between and within nations and the thoughtless wounding of our earth. The world is one yet we treated as many, giving different gains to the segments. As they are politically used the worlds east and west north and south are not even geographically active. More than 3,000 years ago when the world was greener, the sages of my country wrote and owed to the earth. It is so pertinent today that I should like to share some lines with you. And I quote Do not push me from the west or from the east or from the north or the south. Be gracious to us or earth. Let not those find us who really people of the world take deadly weapons far away from us. Mr. President may I say how much I appreciate your invitation to me. In a world where crises so swiftly follow one another it is important to keep in touch and exchange views even if one cannot agree on all points. We have had, as you just told us, discussions which have been important and useful to us and I think which have created better understanding. I thank you once again and Mrs. Raven for your gracious hospitality for the delightful evening in such elegant and impressive surroundings. May I now ask you all, ladies and gentlemen to join me in a toast to the health of the President and the gracious First Lady to the well-being of the American people and to friendship between our two countries. It's one of the world's greatest orchestras. It's particularly the director who will scale. He was born in Bombay, Parsi parents, trained in Europe, in the Middle East, in America, and Zubin Mehta is one of the musical world's leading practitioners of shuttle diplomacy. We're proud and grateful for so much that so much of his artistic life has been spent here on our shores. I'd also like to say a special word of thanks about the City Bank of New York which made this visit of the Philharmonic possible here in Washington tonight. Like India, America is a big and diverse land. It's drawing from many cultural roots and the City Bank's support of the Philharmonic is a fine example of how the private sector can voluntarily