 So we're doing the report. We were reviewing what data gaps there are within the existing literature. What was missing, and what is there? With remittances in particular. There's a lot known about financial remittances. It's the same with international financial remittances. So this is the same with international migrants as well. So we're aware, as Christine just mentioned, that three per cent of the population yw ein pryngradig? This is 213 million people who are able to account for these because these are official statistics but again we can say that this is going to be a largely an underestimate because it's not accounting for those undocumented migrants in particular this is the same as well for internal migration and internal remittances. It's much harder to track so we don't have that information there covered the night out. So no doubt, considerable, especially considering the fat, that for internal migrants there's 763 million people estimated, to be engaged in internal migration, meaning migrating within their own country. But also what we don't know much about is with remittances in particular. Not only do we know about financial remittances, there's also different forms of remittances, so you have in-kind remittances. mae'r ddweud y rhaglen o'r cyfrifiadau am y cyfrifiadau ac yn ddweud yr ysgrifennid o'r cyfrifiadau sy'n rhoi o'r cyfrifiadau am y cyfrifiadau O'r rhaid i'r rhaglen o'r cyfrifiadau ac wedi'u hawdd yna, ond mae'r ddechrau yn y rhaid i'r rhai i ddweud yn ymddangos, fyddwn i chi'n cael ei hun oherwydd oherwydd o'r gwleidio'r cyfrifiadau. Felly, o'r ddweud o'r cyfrifiadau blyny, oedd y rhaid i'r chyfyddiadau. Ac mae gennych am ychydig i Chine ac yn dweud yn gweithio'r ffactory. Felly, gallwch chi'n gwybod y ffactory wedi yw'r bwysig. Mae fydd yn gweithio'r bwysig, ac mae'r bwysig i'r ffotog ar y dweud, oedd mae'r bwysig i'r ffôn nhw i'r ffaith oedd o'r rhesiwn o'r bwysig. Mae'r ffaith gwaith yn gweithio'r bwysig yn gwneud yn cael ei wneud. Yn amleydoedd 436 miliwn wladolau ar gyfer yna, bobl yn dweud yn bwysig o'r gweithio ar gyferwyr. Mae hyn yn cyntaf o'r cyfnod o'r ddweud o'r afael yn ysgolf. O da, mae hyn yn cyfnod. Felly, mae hyn yn ysgrifennu i'r cyfnod ar gyferwyr, ar gyferwyr o'r cyfnod. Ac mae hwn yn ymdweud, mae hwn yn gwneud yn cael y 2006 ymgolwyr o'r cyfrannu. Dyna, mae'r gwaith iawn yn meddwl i mwyloedd ein bod, yn mer은, dyfynais, yswod y byddai'n peir ac mae'n meddwl i'r ffordd nesaf o'i meddwl, phwau a oedd rhywbeth a fe hwn yn meddwl i'r helpu cynhyrchu ac mae'n meddwl i'r peir, ond mae'n meddwl i fynd yn rydd. Felly, y gallwn ni'n meddwl i hyn棱 ar lŵyffodaeth, ond iawn eich hoffa wneud y pob gyda'r gael gweithio, ychydigol, ymgyrchol, yr adethau ac yn fawr yn gwneud. Ond y gallai gwaith ymlaen nhw i'r llwyfydd yma, ymlaen nhw'n mewn gwirionedd ac ymlaen nhw'n i gweithio, ac yn ymlaen nhw'n ei gweithio'r lleol. Felly, lleol gweithio'r lleol yn cyfrifio'r lleol, felly mae'n gwybod, mae'n gweithio, mae'n gweithio, mae'n gweithio'r lleol i'r lleol. mae'r migrasion yn ei gynllunig yn gweithio yn y Lleidafodol gan unrhyw mwygrasio gan unrhyw mwygrasio yn ymddangos mor fforddol, ac yn ymddangos o bwyd, yn gweithio ar gyfer bwyd, oherwydd mae mae'r mynd i'n gweithio ar gyffredinol iawn, ac mae hynny rhaid yn ei gweithio o fforddol. Maen nhw'n dweud o'r cyfyrddol i'r cyfrannu cyllidiau a'r cyfrannu cyllidiau a'r cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu cyfrannu Llywodraeth y Llywodraeth is also another investment people may make and also will have profound impacts for forest cover. Llywodraeth requires low labour demands and can function as an asset so therefore may be an attractive option for people. Studies have found that international migration has related positively to increases in livestock investments. The impact of remittances on forests depends, like I just said, on a number of factors and how investments are made. It's often difficult to assess, especially at a landscape level. But where we do know that data and knowledge is lacking, especially in these micro-dynamics, especially between households, where people may migrate or choose to migrate or choose to send remittances, and how much of those implications for forests is still largely unknown but will be mediated by a number of socio-cultural factors. I'll lead on now to Bimbika, who will tell you more about the issue of gender and age. Thank you very much, Annie and Christine. So, globally, women make up about half of all migrants. But actually there are a lot of regional variations. In Asia in particular, much of migrants are skewed towards men. The aggregate figure for Asia is actually 60%. But in certain countries, which have historically increasingly been migrant sending countries, the figures are even more skewed, and I'm originally from Nepal, and migration in Nepal is one of the major contributors of the GDP, and it's actually only 6% of migrants who are women. Similarly in other countries where we're hoping to do research like in Tajikistan, it's mostly the men who migrate. There are a number of factors which explain that, and the intensity of which factors are more important depends on the context in which we're talking about. But they are related to government policies, so in Nepal, for instance, the government had actively resisted the migration of women. They are related to household and communal dynamics, and they are related to market forces. In other words, the type of labour that is demanded, and the type of opportunities that are available, the channels that exist as well. And the age dimension is also very interesting. So globally, migrants generally come from a pool of 20 to 64 years of age. That's actually 74% of migrants are from that age pool. Between 30 to 39 years, that's where migrants are concentrated. I thought that these dynamics were really interesting, and I had the opportunity to explore some of this in my research. Research in Nepal in the middle of the country where I was looking at community forestry and how people collectively governed forest resources. I got an opportunity to understand what the implications of feminisation of agriculture with the men largely leaving for migration was having on forests and on the women themselves, and also the geriatrification of rural areas, so land and labour being primarily left to old people because the young and abled men in particular were migrating. Interestingly, in terms of forest policy in Nepal, there's a paradox like Christine and Annie mentioned. Migration is hardly mentioned at all, and when it is mentioned, it is seen as a negative thing, as something a deterrent to collective action. But at the same time, it is argued or it is implicitly assumed that women benefit from men being away, so women can play a larger role in forest management when men are away. But in my research, I actually found that male-out migration in particular was a disempowering process for women for various reasons, for contrasting reasons in fact. So in one of the communities I was studying, I found that male migration provided space for women to come together and collectively govern resources, but at the same time it did little to change the dynamics between the user groups and the forest officials who they relied on for various reasons, such as registering the forest, for getting access to resources such as seedlings, and also training and community development activities that the forest bureaucracy was providing. So women, despite the fact that they were governing the resources collectively, they still had to rely on men who were largely absent to mediate between themselves and forest officials. And in another context, I actually found that migration was leading to consolidation of power and privilege and decision-making amongst senior and powerful men in the community that I was studying. So women were present in forest user group committees, for instance, but they were only participating very nominally, and they didn't really have an influence, a voice in the type of decisions that were eventually made. And you could see that in terms of the rules that forest user groups implemented in terms of how much access women were able to get for fuel wood collection, for other necessities that they had with the forest. So in general, the impact of migration and remittance and the different trends and trajectories that they are influencing are very little studied. And I think the Nepal case study provides a good example for why we need to dig up it deeper. Great. Well, thank you very much. And just to finish up, I'd like to mention that this paper, which includes considerable amounts of data and also summaries of considerable amounts of data and includes both some hints at very, very interesting case studies, also tries to bring all of these together to actually talk about what are the salient trends, what are the salient changes and trends that are occurring that are linking rural to urban to transnational, what their impacts are on communities, on both urban and rural communities at this point and how those are linked to the various kinds of forest transitions. So we expect that this paper will be published quite soon. And we hope to have an impact, especially because we feel that, A, highlighting the fact that the data that are available to us at this point are often collected in ways and presented in ways that makes it difficult to include those in discussions of what's going on with forests. We hope that this will spur different kinds of data collection, the insertion of questions about migration, about the complexities of migration trends into various types of data collecting and data summary processes. Secondly, we really hope to spur whether national governments or others to actually try to understand how those remittances, for instance, can in some ways be harnessed in order to actually promote both the well-being of communities that depend on forests and also the well-being of the forests in which they depend. Remittances, as Annie pointed out, are a very special kind of cash flow of resources that go into these communities. It's not one in which we actually have to worry about whether it's reaching the people that it's supposed to benefit because it's their money. So we hope to also work with projects. We hope to build these kinds of information into projects. We hope to influence policymakers so that the benefits of migration are actually captured by the people who are migrating, by the people who need these kinds of resources, but also in the end actually also benefit the forests. So now I'd like to thank our speakers, and I'd like again to open it up to any kind of discussion or questions that you may have. Thanks very much. I have two questions. The first one is, I wonder how, if it was possible in the different case study, also to link migration with adaptation. If you had any, because at least for a lot of countries in Africa, we have a clear trend that there is migration as an adaptive strategy. That is what happening at the local level, but at the national or international level, we have these alarmist discourses about all the migrants who will come and all these numbers who actually didn't happen. And I think also to the question to the livestock and gender, there is a link also to adaptation because it's clear that in Africa, at least, there is a trend to invest more in livestock from remittances, but specifically in small ruminants who have a different impact on forests. And this is also because there is a gender shift in the livestock so that women now are taking more responsibilities in the livestock sector and their cultural position or their preferences are more in the small ruminant. So these things are like link adaptation, gender, livestock and migration. And I wonder if you have some information about these complex linkages. Thank you. Yeah, I mean we did, you know, in the vastness of the literature that we were looking at, I mean we have a section in the reporters that sort of emphasises this case in terms of the fast onset environmental change and migration, something that hits the headlines is something people are more aware of and sort of these mass movements of people whereas often, you know, some of the slow onset of migration is often shadowed by that perhaps. I mean we do have a section as well that talks about the environment and forests as buffers so for climate change adaptation so I can't remember the exact study site but it was where forest was used as a barrier for tsunami in these types of situations but I mean we have some more details in the report but yeah, we cover that in general but I don't know if you could say more about the gender side. I think that's a really important question and I think that also demonstrates the importance of doing this exercise in the first place, that there are these data or gaps in knowledge and exploring the questions or the issues that you've outlined are really important. We certainly in our review didn't find a study that focused specifically on the issues that you raised. I should say that we found both some literature and also some interesting questions that address not only climate change adaptation but also climate change mitigation for instance in the issue of remittances that are going into these communities and what the effect may be for instance on the effectiveness of pest payments the effectiveness of red schemes for example so these are issues that have been raised to some extent but again like with many of the systematic reviews that are done in the end we also do come up with a call for more research on these issues so in many cases we're not so much summarizing we are trying to summarize what's known but we're also pointing out the enormous gaps that continue to exist. Thank you. There's documented evidence that macroeconomic shocks can have dramatic effects on migration trends and C4 has done some research in the past on how in Cameroon and Indonesia on this effect. My question has to do with whether there is any evidence of the effect of the recent global recession on migration and also remissions and whether this is going to be part of what you'll be discussing in your article. I don't know if we have those exact case studies that you mentioned but I think it was highlighted in the report that despite all these economic crisis and everything that's been happening recently that hasn't actually affected remittances which again goes to show the strength of what remittances are and what they mean for development so it seems not to have impacted so far for the remittance flows which is interesting in itself but again what we know internally we're not sure so again that's just international and what's been documented but as for those informal flows we still don't know Actually during the financial crisis there was a lot of discussion around precisely the issue of macroeconomic or depression slumps and their impact on remittance and there was a lot of forecast that that would have a very negative impact on remittances and a number of people were employed but actually recent studies have shown that there has been an impact but the intensity hasn't been as much as was initially expected I must say that we're also I think we as a group also just recently wrote a research proposal to examine some of these issues in the field one of the countries that we're hoping to work in is Tajikistan which gets 52% of its GDP from remittances and most of the migrants are in Russia or in Kazakhstan and with this enormous economic slump in Russia it's something that we actually hope to look at while we're in the field I just wanted to say because I sort of miss saying it when I summed up we talk about remittances but there's also an enormous pool of savings, diaspora savings which is I think another area that we may well want to think about when we talk about making use of financial flows for forestry issues and all that projects that may actually help to facilitate some kind of use of diaspora savings and remittances for forestry projects I think might have a great potential somebody here Thank you I guess it's very complex kind of issues and data set I imagine I'm just wondering if you differentiate the level of scale of this migrating people and what would that what would be the impact of the origin the condition in the forest sector of the origin place I think that's a really interesting point and a question that people should look into as I mentioned there's the difference between what we have for the international compared to what data that is available internally and sometimes there's so many gaps and the incompatibility that it's hard to compare across countries but within a country these are things to look at and also bearing in mind a household may have a member who's involved in international migration internal migration rural to urban so there's all these different migration pathways that can be the household could be engaged in some way or shape or form simultaneously so I think that exactly your question is what we need to think about again to move away from these simplistic motions of just someone moving away about what these different impacts and what these different movements mean for the household and livelihood strategies Why are there no single men in your team? I just want to ask you if you could help me with a problem I'm having and I'm trying to find more information about the feminisation of forests and forestry which is very difficult to do to find some case studies information, the bushmeat work that we do in Peru in the Ereu Caillali shows a lot of different changes not just people moving and landscaping transitions but different ways how the whole managing forests the whole ways of making decisions are being changes and gender has a lot of things to do there and I wonder if you can help me with this literature on feminisation of forests and forestry of forest related activities Yes Yeah sure I'd be happy to because those are some of the issues that I work on myself I think what is important to highlight is that generally when people talk about feminisation of forestry and feminisation of rural development these are trends that we can see so for instance if you were to look at employment rates in agriculture they've been going down but they've been going down a lot more for men than they have been for women so you can see that feminisation occurs but there's a very that's a manifestation of a trend but it's not necessarily a manifestation of what happens thereof so what happens to management what happens to inequalities sometimes the word feminisation lumps everything together the trend with the practice the results If I may just add a little bit I think generally what we find is this complexity and I think in many of the questions that people ask we find what seem to be contradictory statements migration leads to empowerment of women migration leads to disempowerment of women migration leads to more forest fewer forest, better forest, more degraded forest and it's obviously there are very complex things going on and there are a tremendous number of mediating factors so it's sort of behooves us to figure out what at least some of the most important mediating factors are of how people start treating forests in different ways or the different people who then get access to forests so I should say you know I think that the paper does bring together a tremendous amount of that literature it tends to not offer any simple answers but we also do I think one of the important things that I think we do do is that we identify a lot of the gaps and a lot of the areas where the contradiction may seem like a contradiction but with somewhat better data and with somewhat more better research we can show that these are real insights and that there are ways also that there are policy implications of how with some changes how with some facilitation and all these outcomes can actually change Christine actually you answered somehow the question I was going to ask about this generalisation specifically relating to the gender impact of migration and I wonder if you find some studies who challenge this view of women are kind of victims of migration because our work in northern Mali showed actually very very mixed outcomes it depends also which woman are we talking about how was their role in the society before and then how is their work in relation to forest how much are they before involved in forest and after the migration so I think that for example in northern Mali we found out that women were before not doing charcoal activities and when men migrate they are engaged in charcoal activities and the women who are engaged in charcoal activities actually their life or their income increased and also their involvement in local institutions regarding forest they have some issues with foresters because they need but that is that is a change a social change happening there and we cannot say it's negative or positive in a general way we have to look at the context great well I see no more hands up and so I'd like to thank our two speakers or our little trio here I mean