 We are the United States. We both are the nation and are the source of its existence. Government management is our citizen challenge, because granting authority to public leaders continues to fail our purposes of freedom, prosperity, and support for family. By our founding document, we are parties to a constituting agreement, that we owe contract duties to one another, even as other citizens owe their public duties to us. We are all in this together. This is a course in citizen empowerment. Even more on point, this course does not give power to the citizen who passes through it. It uncovers the power that is already there, and it reveals the source and nature of citizen sovereignty. The knowledge imparted within this area of study is designed as foundation for taking actions as citizen owners. It includes the study of our legal foundation, and governmental structure, so that citizens share a basic understanding of the nature of their empowerment, and that nature is citizen sovereignty. When we the people come to agreement among ourselves, we are the center of all national power and authority. It was by agreement among we the people of the United States, that we became a nation instead of a confederation of independent states with common interests. At the time of our nation's founding, we the people were not ready to assume management over our nation. We entrusted it to those who were elected to represent us, to see to our interests as both individuals and as a corporate nation. Even the leaders were unprepared. They believed in sovereignty of government, and changing this was seen as a cost. Our leaders did what they knew. They assumed the U.S. was to be a sovereign government ruling well over a common people. We have continued to this time as a people unprepared to assume our legal duties to one another. This course is a foundation for using our authority as a gathered sovereign people. It is managing over our nation, our government, and our economy. The tool is management, giving proper and effective executive management direction and support to those who we have hired to operate our nation on our behalf. The tool is not one of doing the management. It is providing exception management services to our leaders. It is giving them direction where needed, providing support to do the things we assigned to their responsibility, and providing adequate rewards for serving our assigned purposes. We just begin with the Constitution as our initiating agreement. It is a source for our agreed purposes, stating authority we granted to our leaders and what our leaders were to deliver to us as a product of their performance. All management starts with purpose, with something that those who are hired into labor are to accomplish as a basis for our hiring them into service. This is the management purpose we set on those who are elected or hired into public service. Our constituting agreement serves as an assignment of those purposes to our public servants. Our citizen effort should establish and maintain our management over constitutional officers for the purpose of gaining these results through their efforts. Needless to say, this purpose has not been historically filled by we the people as a public owner to establish exception management we need to assume direct authority over three areas, finances, personnel, and discipline. For this we need a forum in which we can regularly come together to receive and to evaluate management feedback on our government's fulfillment of our purposes. Voting annually for which of a few offered candidates will be given authority is obviously inadequate to meet this purpose. And as exception managers we only need to actually exercise authority when there is a need for additional assignment, for additional public resources, for review of personnel actions or matters of discipline being taken in our name. Our need is to support this government as it accomplishes what we have assigned. Our means of addressing these will be management feedback from operation of our government. We need to receive information on what is being used up in running this government and the goods and services that we receive from its operation. One obvious exception management direction would be that our public resources are only to be used on efforts that return value to us. Where there is no value delivered to us, expending public resources should be treated as criminal acts of either embezzlement or misrepresentation. We also need to have a forum for intentional review of the management feedback on success or failure of each funded government effort. Our review provides our leaders a clear vision of what we the people both receive and value from their representative actions. The concept of executive management was clearly not a part of the original vision that established this nation. The only apparent people's body for review is the grand jury of citizens with the power of presentments. This will probably have to do as a first effort, though we are in authority as we are agreed to establish other executive management bodies. We also need to address a review of personnel actions. The constituting document does not have a body of citizens performing this function. It rather sets Congress in authority to perform review of elections as a representative body. This is technically inadequate to serve the purpose of executive management. Congressional review can form the basis for information supporting our executive review of personnel actions, but the review is necessary for our executive management. There, once again, needs to be an executive review to accept or change the hiring and termination actions. A jury review should be appropriate, arranging a final approval to all personnel actions. This has recently become an issue with presidential candidates who specifically stated qualifications for office appear to be in question. Such matters should have been settled before the office was filled, but were obviously left in the hands of those who had other priorities. Having other priorities is appropriate for we the people, not for our representatives to whom such requirements were assigned for performance. The third matter is discipline, both review of discipline by representatives and discipline potentials for original application. The first is a simple review, and the people can and should be final arbiter and approval on all hires where we choose to assume this review. It would certainly include discipline of elected officers who are empowered as citizen representatives. This first type of representation would involve submission of all internal disciplinary actions to senior officers for we the people's review before any application. The second is origination of disciplinary actions. This is sitting as the representative jury originating whatever disciplinary actions we find to be appropriate. I note that our grand jury system is not now arranged to perform the whole executive management function. I would suggest that there be a gathering of we the people by whatever means are acceptable to more thoroughly document and establish the management system that serves our corporate purposes. It also seems appropriate that no government burden upon we the people be authorized without the express approval of we the people as the only party in interest. As owners of the nation, we are the ultimate source of public resources whether through taxation, fees, seizures, or other means. Ongoing burdens on we the people would also be subject to periodic review. I note that there were severe limitations placed in the original writing of the Constitution and government leadership chose to ignore these. Without our executive management review, that has been allowed as if it was authorized. No system of taxation should be considered as authorized without executive approval. Unauthorized taxation is a reversal of the purpose of serving we the people, a reversal of representation. Such efforts involve people being forced to invest in their government's efforts independent of receiving anything that they value in return. We the people want our nation to function and will support such taxation as may be needed to perform the functions of government to our purposes. Another matter is secrecy. There is no such thing as secret representation. Even the attempt at taking actions unknown to those who are represented is intentional misrepresentation. The value in protecting certain actions or information from general publication is recognized. A potential performance approach is again jury review of the actions that public officers would secure from wider public scrutiny. A finding of need by we the people as represented by the sample who are on the jury would then authorize securing the matter from the larger public. This is also for review as to dealings with other nations. If these are undertaken by public officers in the name of the people then securing them from the people is the exception. We the people are not the ones who claim some need to secure representation from ourselves. Citizen rights to representation should not be considered as absolutes as we already recognize that parents do not politically represent their minor children. It is only when our youth reach their majority that they are entitled to independent representation services. In the alternative, our leaders need to know who they represent. We need a recognition of acceptance of the United States government that we own. It is reasonable that every citizen who would be represented sign a copy of our constitutional agreement and be verified as to citizenship. Each signatory will then be recognized by government as personally entitled to a citizen's voice in our constitutional government's operation. This supports a registration where the death of a citizen is noted and removed from the list. It simplifies the constitutional requirement for a census in support of the operation of our government, setting the voting rolls so that citizens can be identified with their signatures on the Constitution. The periodic census would also include verification of citizens on the voting rolls, removing those who are no longer living and verifying transfers to and from other recording jurisdictions. This list of citizens entitled to vote would provide an initial requirement for federal jury duty and for representation through any grand jury or other gathering to exercise executive authority over government operations and personnel. Any citizens who are not on the list of constitutional signatories will be assumed to be represented as part of the larger citizenry. We, as the only party in interest, are able to establish executive management over our government. This additionally includes the purposes written into our Constitution which should be signed by each and every citizen as accepting its terms and limitations. Any such signing includes recognition of the like rights of other signing citizens. This would include authority to assign additional duties and responsibilities to public officers and to see the three functions of final review for finance, for personnel, and for matters of discipline. The management accomplishing this is not a current part of our Constitution but is most closely aligned with an expansion of the grand jury empowering it to perform the functions that are essential for executive management. Each grand jury would act as a sampling of we the people representing the larger population of those citizens who have signed our Constitution and those names on the list of the signing citizens.