 I'd like to thank Peter Flughel for including me here in the lineup, actually, well after the lineup of speakers that had already been announced, so I appreciate that. What I'm presenting here today is actually the last chapter of my dissertation, which is about this monk, Chinaprabha Sury, and what I try to sort out in that is a little bit of a reception history of how his lineage and how the Shvetambara tradition in general had understood him. And one of the striking things that became apparent to me was that actually the Khartar Gutch, the lineage that he's part of, doesn't seem to pay that much attention to him for quite some time, so I try to sort that out. But remarkably, the Tapa Gutch does take up his story about a century after his death. Okay, so in Professor Nalini Balbir's extremely useful catalog of the gene manuscripts in the British Library, which I had occasion to take full advantage of this week. There's a note following an entry for a manuscript of a rather erudite hymn to the 24 Jinnas composed by Jinnaprabha Sury that attempts to encapsulate who the author was. It says, this Jinnaprabha Sury is the famous author of the Vive de Tirta-Kalpa, and so many other works, who belonged to the Khartar Gutch and lived in the 13th and 14th centuries. It then adds that he was a contemporary of Sultan Mohammed bin Tughluk. Another note following a separate entry in the catalog declares that he was a leading monk of the Khartar Gutch. It might be worth sorting out just how and when Jinnaprabha Sury became the, quote, famous author of the Vive de Tirta-Kalpa and so many other works, as well as when and how he became a leading monk of the Khartar Gutch. As neither of these laudatory statements seem to have been readily apparent to the earliest keepers of Khartar history. In fact, the first major lineage history of the Khartar Gutch, the Yugo Pradhan Acharya Gurbavali, that is, I guess, the garland of teachers being the leading Acharyas of their respective ages, begun by Jinnapala, seems to have had its impetus in actively effacing the sub lineage of which Jinnaprabha Sury was the second Acharya, and which came to be known by the dominant lineage later as the Lago that is the lesser Khartar Gutch, or it's often also called a branch or a shaka of the Khartar Gutch and even one goes so far as to call it a gacha-bheda, eschism. Further, there are no solidly datable texts that mention Jinnaprabha Sury's name for almost a century after his death. Until a 1435 inscription on an image of Parshwinath at a temple near Chittor, mentions that the consecrating monk was part of the Jinnaprabha Sury Anvaya, or his lineage. With such scanty attention paid to Jinnaprabha Sury by his own lineage and in light of an apparent attempt by monks of that dominant line of the Khartar Gutch to write his whole sub lineage out of the annals of the tradition, we should pause to entertain the question of just when and how he became a famous and leading monk of the Khartar Gutch. Now Jinnaprabha Sury is certainly deserving of whatever little fame has attached to his name, sporadic though it has been. He is best known among historians of Jainism and as Professor Balbir's note indicates, it's primarily for being the author of the Vividitirtha Kalpa, which is a collection of 63 prokhet and Sanskrit chapters that narrate events pertaining, as the title suggests, to various pilgrimage sites mainly across northern India of the early 14th century. Most specifically, he's centered in Gujarat, Rajasthan and the Greater Delhi area. Including among these chapters, or included among these chapters, are two narratives of his meetings, Sultan Muhammad bin Togluk, which began in 1328 and ended in 1333, likely with the monks' demise at the respectable age of 72. As a result of these meetings, we learn from the text, Jinnaprabha Sury was able to obtain a number of firmans or imperial edicts that secured the first Shwetambra, that first secured Shwetambra pilgrimage sites in Gujarat and then eventually general permission for Bolsh Fetambra and Digambara Jains to move freely throughout the Sultanate realm. He even persuaded the Sultan to return a previously plundered image of Mahavir to the Jain community, which was then installed at the Sultan's expense in a new temple in a quarter in Delhi, which he had himself set aside for some 400 Jain families. Initially in an area called the Sultan-e-Sarai, but then later on, we learn that he moved them to a new quarter called the Batataka-Sarai, which was located actually quite close to the Thousand Pillared Hall, which was Muhammad's palace in Delhi. And that was complete with a new pashrai so that Jinnaprabha Sury could remain in residence there and advise the Sultan on matters pertaining to Indian religious and philosophical matters. Now, in the Vivedhya Tirtha Kulpa's narratives, which I should note have no other Indic or Persian sources that corroborate their claims, other than several indications of actually positive relations between Jains and Muhammad Menthogluq's successor, Firusha, Jinnaprabha Sury clearly indicates that his ability to gain an audience with the Sultan was based on two things. First, his knowledge of Indic, religious, and philosophical traditions, which gained him an invitation to court and then translated into formidable skills and debate from which he emerged victorious time and again. And second, his skills as a poet, which so charmed the Sultan with his, quote, finally wrought verses, that he was able to gain the image of Mahavir and several of the Firmans immediately upon reciting these verses of praise and greeting to the Sultan. And Jinnaprabha Sury is less well known today as a master poet, though his hymns comprise the great majority of his overall ove. Roughly 100 of his hymns are still extant, though he's reputed to have composed over 700 of them, many of which demonstrate his mastery of Sanskrit grammar, lexicography, and prosody. Among these hymns are a Chittar Kavya, or an image poem, two multiple language hymns, one is a six language or Shadbasha Kavya, and the other is an eight language or Ashdabasha Kavya, and numerous others that display his mastery of one or more of these Kavya Alankadas, among which his hymn to the 24 Jinnas referred to at the opening, was a particular favorite of Tapagach commentators. Devavimala in his Hira Sobhagya Mahakavya actually mentions Jinnaprabha's hymn, this particular hymn three times in his glosses of his own work. He also made important contributions to the practice of ritual, composing the first extensive ritual manual in the Kartar Gach, called the Vidhimarga Prabha, or the wellspring of the path of proper conduct, which is actually how the Kartar Gach monks thought of themselves. They were the Vidhimarga, the path of proper conduct. As well as he composed several works on mantra-based rituals, having written manuals on esoteric powers connected to the Suri mantra and other mantras, and he also wrote a number of hymns to the goddess Padmavati, particularly one, lengthy one in Prakrit, and it's this side of his works that all of the later biographers, emphasize as his source of power and authority with the Sultan, much at variance with how Jinnaprabha himself portrays his interactions with him. So with such political and literary accomplishments, this seems as though the Kartar Gach would have only been too enthusiastic to embrace Jinnaprabha Suri. However, as I alluded to earlier, the Kartar Gach lineage histories don't even mention his lineage at all until 1527, and that's the Kartar Gach Suri Parampara Prashasti. And only named Jinnaprabha Suri himself in two works dating to 1618, and then they only very briefly mention him. It would seem the interval between Jinnaprabha's death in 1333, and the first mention of him in a Kartar Patavali calls for an explanation and leaves open the question of why anyone would have cared to include him at all at that late date. The basic answer that I offer here is that his story had been well known to a certain segment of Jains for about two centuries, namely the monks of the rival mendicant order, the Tapagach, whose increasing power and influence in the independent Gujarat Sultanate, and then of course in the Mughal Empire under Emperor Akbar, required them to reassess their self-image as a purist tradition and direct opposition to the Kartar monks, whom they saw throughout much of the 13th and 14th centuries as too closely tied to political power. Their success in supplanting their Kartar rivals is also indicated at a distinct moment in history when the Tapa polemicist Dharmasagra excoriated his fellow monks for speaking too highly of a monk of a heretical lineage, and this is actually the part of my argument that I think needs most help, so if any of you know about the Tapagach history of the 15th and early 16th century, I would appreciate your help. There's only one Kartar lineage text that narrates Jinnaprabha Suri's life, and unfortunately it's undated. Though Phyllis Granov claims that the text was likely produced within a generation of two of Jinnaprabha Suri's death, she gives no real solid evidence for this claim. The text titled the Vridah Charya Prabhandavali, or the Garland of Narratives of the Acharyas of Old, tells the story of Jinnaprabha's selection by his guru, Jena Simhasuri, who is the founder of the so-called Lagu Kartar lineage, and then he retells the story of Jinnaprabha's experience in the Sultan's court, completely reinventing the source of Jinnaprabha's influence, finding the source of his power and his relationship with Padmavati, and in his command of magical powers. It is most probably composed by a monk from the Lagu Shaka, as it traces the succession of Acharyas of the Kartar Gach back to its traditional founder, Vartamanasuri, and it culminates with Jinnaprabha, and gives a highly conciliatory explanation for how the tradition divided under the leadership of Janeshwarasuri II. So it basically says that the Kartar Gach was so successful that Janeshwar decided that it was time to divide up the leadership. So he gave Jinnaprabha, who became the successor to him as far as the major part of the tradition goes, gave him charge of all the Oswal genes, and gave charge of all the Srimal genes to Jinnasimhasuri, so that's their explanation of it. So I begin with it here, not to support an early date for it, but rather to hold its date in question. Its narrative structure and the details it gives for how Jinnaprabha was so successful at court give us a completely new orientation toward the monk that has strong resonances with two solidly dateable 15th century Tapa Gach biographies of him. And I give the basic elements of that narrative here, and these are the elements that carry through all of the biographies. So Jinnasimhasuri is visited by Padmavati and told that he has six months to live. He's then instructed to seek out the son of a Srimal merchant who will be his successor. Once identifying the young boy, he initiates him and he grows up to become Jinnaprabha Suri, who becomes the leader of his order. He then impresses the sultan upon his visit by exercising a demon from his wife where all others had failed. Now a courtier of the sultan, who is now called Mohammed Shah in this text, Jinnaprabha fends off many attempts to outdo his magical powers or to show him up to the sultan all because of warnings from Padmavati who's always looking out for him. These include both Hindu and Muslim contenders. One is named Raghava Cheyena or Raghava Chaitanya who hides the sultan's ring in Jinnaprabha's broom only to have it discovered in the pocket of one of his own disciples. The other is a quote magician of Khorasan who finds that only Jinnaprabha is powerful enough to knock his turban out of the sky from the position it was floating there in the middle of the hallway by using his own Rajohara now with the broom. On another occasion, he's the only courtier who can correctly predict how the sultan will leave the palace, that is by crashing through a wall. And on another occasion, he makes a fig tree follow the sultan and give its cooling shade to him for a full five miles before the sultan finally agrees to let the tree go back to its original place. Finally, Jinnaprabha successfully regains the image of Mahavir by making the image move and speak once it states, quote, may the glorious teachings of the Jinnas be victorious. May the beloved of the king prosper and be happy. May Shah Muhammad reign victorious on earth and may the monk Jinnaprabha Suri be victorious. This is Phyllis Granoff's translation. So impressed with the sultan that he worshiped the image then and there, had a temple built for it and offered two villages to the Jains for its maintenance. Another undated narrative collected in the Puratana Prabhundi Sangraha gives us the same basic elements though with enough variations that it's difficult to say which comes first. Interestingly, it tells the story of how Jinnaprabha, accompanying the sultan on a military campaign, pays a visit to the Tapagach monk Somaprabha Suri near the Gujarati capital of Patton. I quote the significant passage here. The blessed Somaprabha Suri began to praise him saying that it was because of his greatness that the Jain faith was prospering. But Jinnaprabha Suri replied, I have failed to observe the strict life of a monk night and day traipsing after the sultan. I have no independence anymore. You follow the correct behavior of a monk. The true behavior appropriate to a monk is preserved in your monastery. Eventually, Jinnaprabha goes on to lead the sultan on a pilgrimage to Gujarat which so impresses the sultan that he worships the image of Nehmi Nath right there. Clearly, the narrative lods Jinnaprabha for his actions of the sultan which brings so much benefit to the Jain community as a whole and stops to reflect on the Tapagach's superior conduct, upholding the correct monastic practices. It's difficult to say whether this is a Tapagach narrative or a Kartergach reflection on their own situation. Though my feeling is that it's the former because it spends so much time detailing the good that can come from a close interaction with political powers. While the Tapagach monks are stuck in a monastery near the merely regional capital of Patan. And I turn now to the two dated Tapagach narratives. One is the 1446 Upadesya Saptati or 70 Instructive Narratives of Soma Dharmagani. The second is the 1464 Panchashati Praboda Prabanda Sambanda or a collection of 500 enlightening narratives by Shubhashila Gani which contains actually some 19 narratives of Jinnaprabha Suri's deeds. While the former text ignores Jinnaprabha Suri's sectarian affiliation Shubhashila fully incorporates Jinnaprabha into the Tapagach making him the student who won Vijayasimha Suri instead of Jinnasimha Suri. So this Jinnah versus Vijay as a way of distinguishing between Karter and Tapagach Acharyas. In one story, Jinnaprabha mentions his affection for Soma Tilakasuri in the context of meeting with the laymen jugats, Simha Shah, in the Southern Sultanate capital at Devgiri. But no reference is made to Jinnaprabha's composition or the gift of hymns. I shall get to in a bit. I translate the story of Shri Jinnaprabha Suri's arrival in Devgiri here. Once, Jinnaprabha Suri walked from town to town and from village to village to praise the gods. As the word is Devan, which can also be used for the Jinnas. He reached Devgiri with Shri Ahmad or otherwise named Sultan Piruji. Or actually most of these move Jinnaprabha's time up a bit and say that he was in Firuja's court. There, the faithful expended great wealth on a festival to celebrate their entry into the city. So that's both the Sultan and the monk. Jinnaprabha Suri, having praised the gods at all the temples, worshipping at the Chaitya houses, went to the house of Jagat Simha Shah. There, the Suri worshipped images made of the finest silver, gold, quartz crystal and cat's eye gem. Then, seeing this Tirtha, that is his house, the monk started shaking his head. So Jagat Simha asked, why does your head shake? And the teacher said, I worship the gods in all the cities, towns and other places of this world. Worship the Gurus too. This one now becomes the greatest Chaitya house. Moreover, I worship the Tapau monks Shri Somatila Kasuri in the, in Jungaralapura. Now, henceforth, a pair of Tirthas have become the best of all in my mind. Thus, I was shaking my head. By the worship of this Tirtha, the bliss of liberation is attained. Whereof? One, the praise of the Arhats over a thousand lifetimes liberates the soul. Doing it within this lifetime, moreover, is due to the attainment of wisdom. Two, the knower of the Dharma and the performer of the Dharma, even the producer of Dharma, the Guru, speaks the teaching of the meaning of the scriptures on Dharma for all beings. And three, praise to that blessed Guru by whom the eyes of the blind, languishing in the darkness of ignorance, are opened with a pencil of the Calerium of knowledge. Having thus heard this instruction in Dharma and having realized his righteous passion, the honorable Jagat Sima performed extraordinary devotion to Jinnah Prabhupada Surya and gave to him a vital breath in the form of the finest clothes. Each of these three texts demonstrates a general familiarity with the trajectory of Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's life story, his success with the Sultan and accomplishments as an intellectual and theologian. Both Shubhashila Ghani's narrative and the unsigned text seem to coincide with the original texts that I talked about from the Vrindacharya Prabhandavali. Shubhashila substitutes Vijaya Sima Surya in the place of Jinnah Sima Surya, otherwise retaining the narrative that the teacher discovers that he has just six months to live and is thus persuaded by Padmavadi to seek out the child, who will become Jinnah Prabhupada Surya. He understands that the plundered Mahavir image is the impetus for Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's initial encounter with the Sultan, but he changes certain details, such as the original city from which Mahavir's image was taken. Likewise, Soma Dharmagani appears to have been familiar with Jinnah Prabhupada's own Vividitirtakalpa as he details Jinnah Prabhupada's foray into the southern capital of Devagiri, renamed Dalatabad, which Muhammad bin Tughluk had attempted to establish as a southern capital, and to which he had actually sent the monk after his initial meeting with him in 1328. Additionally, all three narratives begin with Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's presence in the Tughluk court as an established fact, whereas in the Tirthakalpa itself, it describes more the effort of getting into the court first. Here it's already established that he's a courtier. Thus they narrate certain experiences that he had at the court that demonstrate his supernatural powers, which had served to solidify his relationship with the Sultan. Rather than discuss the poetic talents that established him at the court, as the Tirthakalpa narratives do, the Tupah story showcased Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's magical powers, his close connection with certain deities and his cleverness at courtly repartee. Most significantly, all three Tupah gutch narratives place Jinnah Prabhupada Surya not in the court as Muhammad bin Tughluk, but of his successor, Firu Shah, who came to power some 18 years after Jinnah Prabhupada's death. This is especially remarkable due to the fact that two of the three narratives also pushed Jinnah Prabhupada's meeting with the Tupah gutch leader back from Soma Tilaka Surya to Soma Prabhupada Surya. I'm not sure exactly why they do this, but there must be some reason. The significance of these narratives is clear in the overall theme within the variations. Each reflects on the ambivalence they feel toward Jinnah Prabhupada Surya, at once praising him for what he accomplished for the faith, showing him as a pious and powerful monk, and yet showing misgivings about his close relationship with the sultans. I can't help but see these dates of these narratives, at least two and possibly all three of which are in the mid 15th century as significant. The Tupah gutch was slowly becoming the dominant order under a new political dispensation, the Gujarat Sultanate, based in the newly established capital of Ahmedabad. Their final success would come in the form of Hira Vijay Sury, whose relationship with Akbar has well known to most Shretambara Jains today, partly because of Deva Vimalas, Hira Saubhagi Mahakkabia. Their need for Jinnah Prabhupada Surya, thus obviated, his expulsion from the ranks of the Tupah gutch, tenuous as it ever was, would come from the polemicist Dharmasagra Upadhyay, who greatly admired Hira Vijay Surya and saw no need to have a competing model of interaction between a Jain monk and a Muslim sovereign. The vehemently anti-Kartara Bhanu Chandragani Charita, or the deeds of Bhanu Chandragani, which is dated to about 1620, gives us a sense that the tenor of the Tapa success against their rivals at that time was nearly complete. Accordingly, the Tapa gutch needs to lay claim to Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's intellectual and political legacy, or the need to do that had so diminished that the polemicist Dharmasagra would excoriate his predecessors, especially Soma Dharma, for associating with this Kartara heretic. As Paul Dundas puts it, Dundas puts it, Jinnah Prabhupada's status as a moral influence upon a Muslim ruler is thus for Dharmasagra far outweighed by his general heretical stance. To conclude, right now it might be worth revisiting that note on Jinnah Prabhupada's hymn to the 24 jinnas with which I opened this essay, as a way of marking a second avenue by which Jinnah Prabhupada was remembered, namely among poets and intellectuals of the Jain tradition, who recopied and continued to comment upon his Kavya hymns. It notes, in Vikram Samvat 1652, which is the year that the commentary was written, is also the year when Hiravijay Sury died. So in fact, the Tapagach connection with Jinnah Prabhupada Surya really appears to begin, or at least has a parallel track, with a note and a commentary on his Siddhantagama stava by one Adigupta. This is more conciliatory and cooperative Tapagha memory of Jinnah Prabhupada that I want to end with here, which evinces an intellectual memory of the monk that crossed lineages and was not subject to the politics of formal biographical or hagiographical writing, but is only traceable in the respect these monks had for him as an accomplished poet. In the opening to the avatruity, the commentator writes, previously the blessed Jinnah Prabhupada Surya daily composed a new hymn before taking any food. He then goes on to state that the Kartharamonk gifted 700 of his own new, lovely and original hymns, which illustrates such techniques of bellette as Yamaka, Shlesha, Chitra, Prazadi, and the like. Two, Lord Samatilika Surya for the purpose of his students' own learning, including the hymn that Adigupta was about to comment upon. He further indicates that Jinnah Prabhupada saw that the Tapa lineage's star was on the rise, blessed by the goddess Padmavati. The story later fed back into Kartharagach lineage histories as the 17th century Patavali mentions, or Kartharapatavali, that is, mentions that Jinnah Prabhupada Surya gave 700 mantras to the Tapa Gach. While the historicity of this exchange cannot be verified, there is a commentary on one of Jinnah Prabhupada Surya's hymns to Mahavira ascribed to A.Somatilika Surya. The hymn is described as a demonstration of figurative languages, or figurative language, Lakshina Prayogamaya, which fits the description of the types of hymns that Jinnah Prabhupada Surya gifted to the Tapa Gach leader. Here, the chronology is correct, and despite the absence of clear dates in these commentaries, we can get a sense of how Jinnah Prabhupada continued to be remembered by this rival order, and how that eventually led to him gaining the status of a, quote, famous monk of the Karthar order. Rather than because of his magnum opus, the memory of Jinnah Prabhupada within the Jain tradition was longest preserved among poets who admired his work. Thank you.