 Book 1 Chapter 7 of History of Florence. The Pope and the Romans come to an agreement. Boniface the Ninth introduces the practice of Annettes, disturbance in Lombardy. The Venetians acquire dominion on terra firma, differences between the Pope and the people of Rome, Council of Pisa, Council of Constance, Filippo Visconti recovers his dominion, Giovannas II of Naples, political condition of Italy. A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen John favoured the schismatic Pope, upon which urban coast Charles of Durazzo descended from the kings of Naples to undertake the conquest of her dominions. Having succeeded in his object, she fled to France and he assumed the sovereignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis of Anjou into Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to expel urban from Rome and establish the Antipope. But in the midst of this enterprise Louis died, and his people being rooted returned to France. In this conjecture the Pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into prison for having taken the part of France and the Antipope. He then became offended with the king for having refused to make his nephew Prince of Capua, and pretending not to care about it, requested he would grant him nocura for his cavitation. But having fortified it he prepared to deprive the king of his dominions. Upon this the king pitched his camp before the place, and the Pope fled to Naples, where he put to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From thence he proceeded to Rome, and to acquire influence created twenty-nine cardinals. At this time Charles king of Naples went to Hungary, where, having been made king, he was shortly afterward killed in battle, leaving a wife and two children at Naples. About the same time Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti murdered Bernabo, his uncle, and took the entire sovereignty upon himself, and, not content with being Duke of Milan and sovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master of Tuscany. But while he was intent upon occupying the province with the ultimate view of making himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface the Ninth succeeded urban the Sixth, the Antipope, Clement the Sixth also died, and Benedict the Thirteenth was appointed his successor. Many English Germans and Bretons served at this period in the armies of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders who had from time to time authority in the country, and partly by such as the Pontiff's scent, when they were at Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy long carried on their wars, till the coming of Lodovico the cento of Romania, who formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the company of Saint George, whose valor and discipline soon caused the foreign troops to fall into disrepute, and gave reputation to the native forces of the country, of which the princes afterward availed themselves in their wars with each other. The Pope Boniface the Ninth, being at enmity with the Romans, went to Schesi, where he remained till the Jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to induce him to return to the city, consented to receive another foreign senator of his appointing, and also allowed him to fortify the castle of Saint Angelo, having returned upon these conditions in order to enrich the church, he ordained that everyone, upon vacating a benefit, should pay a year's value of it to the apostolic chamber. After the death of Giovanni Gallerzo, Duke of Milan, although he left two children, Giovanni Maria and Filippo, the state was divided into many parts, and in the troubles which ensured, Giovanni Maria was slain. Filippo remained some time in the castle of Pavia, from which, through the fidelity and virtue of the Castellan, he escaped. Among others who occupied cities possessed by his father was Gaglielmo de la Scala, who being banished, fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord of Padua, by whose means he recovered the state of Verona, in which he only remained a short time, for he was poisoned by order of Francesco and the city taken from him. These things occasioned the people of Vicenza, who had lived in security under the protection of the Visconti, to dread the greatness of the lord of Padua, and they placed themselves under the Venetians, who, engaging in arms with him, first took Verona and then Padua. At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by innocent the Sevenths. The people of Rome supplicated him to restore to them their fortresses and their liberty. But as he would not consent to their petition, they called to their assistants Ladislos, king of Naples. Becoming reconciled to the people, the Pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew Lodovico count of La Marca. In the sense soon after died, and Gregory XII was created, upon the understanding to renounce the papacy, whenever the Antipope would also renounce it. By the advice of the Cardinals, in order to attempt the reunion of the church, Benedict the Antipope came to Porto Venere and Gregory to Lucca, where they made many endeavors, but affected nothing. Upon this the Cardinals of both the Popes abandoned them, Benedict going to Spain and Gregory to Rimini. On the other hand the Cardinals, with the favor of Balthasarcossa, Cardinal on legate of Bologna, appointed a council at Pisa, where they created Alexander the Fifths, who immediately excommunicated King Ladislos and invested Louis of Anjou with the kingdom. This prince with the Florentines, Genoese and Venetians attacked Ladislos and drove him from Rome. In the head of the war, Alexander died, and Balthasarcossa succeeded him, with the title of John XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where he was elected, he went to Rome, and found there Louis of Anjou, who had brought the army from Provence, and coming to an engagement with Ladislos, rooted him. But by the mismanagement of the leaders, they were unable to prosecute the victory, so that the king in a short time gathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled to Provence, the pope to Bologna, where, considering how he might diminish the power of Ladislos, he caused Sigismund, king of Hungary, to be elected emperor, and advised him to come to Italy. Having a personal interview at Mantuia, they agreed to call a general council, in which the church should be united. And having affected this, the pope thought he should be fully enabled to oppose the forces of his enemies. At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict and Giovanni, which kept the church weak and in disrepute. The city of Constance in Germany was appointed for the holding of the council, contrary to the expectation of Pope John. And although the death of Ladislos had removed the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still, having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there. In a few months after his arrival at Constance, he discovered his error, but it was too late. Endavering to escape he was taken, put in prison, and compelled to renounce the papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent his renunciation. Benedict, the other, refusing to do the same, was condemned as a heretic. But being abandoned by his cartinels, he complied, and the council elected Odo of the Colonnese family, Pope, by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was united under one head, after having been divided by many pontiffs. Philippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of Pavia, but Vacino Cain, who in the affairs of Lombardy had become Lord of Vercelli, Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona, and had amazed great riches, finding his end-approach, and having no children, left his wife Beatrice Harris of his estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should be affected between her and Philippo. By this union, Philippo became powerful, and reacquired Milan and the Hall of Lombardy. By way of being grateful for these numerous favors, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice of adultery, and caused her to be put to death. Finding himself now possessed of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscany, and of prosecuting the designs of Giovanni Galerzo, his father. Ladislav's king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister Giovanna the kingdom and a large army, under the command of the principal leaders of Italy, among the first of whom was Forza of Contignola, reputed by the soldiery of that period, to be a very wallyant man. The queen, to shun the disgrace of having kept about her person a certain Pandofella, whom she had brought up, took for her husband Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman of the royal line, on the condition that he should be content to be called Prince of Taranto, and leave to her the title and government of the kingdom. But the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed him king, so that between the husband and the wife, wars ensued, and although they contended with varying success, the queen at length obtained the superiority, and became an enemy of the pope. On this, in order to reduce her to necessity, and that she might be compelled to throw herself into his lap, Forza suddenly withdrew from her service without giving her any previous notice of his intention to do so. She thus found herself at once unarmed, and not having any other source, so the assistant of Alfonso, king of Aragon, and Sicily, adopted him as her son, and engaged Braccio of Mantone as her captain, who was of equal reputation in arms with Forza, and inimical to the pope, on account of his having taken possession of Perugia, and some other places belonging to the church. After this, peace was made between the queen and the pontiff, but king Alfonso, expecting she would treat him as she had her husband, endeavored secretly to make himself master of the strongholds. But possessing acute observation she was beforehand with him, and fortified herself in the castle of Naples. Suspicions increasing between them, they had recourse to arms, and the queen, with the assistance of Forza, who again resumed her service, drove Alfonso out of Naples, deprived him of his succession, and adopted Louis of Anjou in his stead. It arose new contest between Braccio, who took the part of Alfonso, and Forza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the course of the war Forza was drowned in endeavouring to pass the river Pescara. The queen was thus again unarmed, and would have been driven out of the kingdom, but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, the Duke of Milan, who compelled Alfonso to return to Aragon. Braccio, endowed at the departure of Alfonso, continued the enterprise against the queen, and besieged Ul Aquila, but the Pope, thinking the greatness of Braccio injurious to the church, received into his pay Francesco, the son of Forza, who went in pursuit of Braccio to Ul Aquila, where he rooted and slew him. Of Braccio remained Oddo his son, from whom the Pope took Perugia, and left him the state of Montone alone, but he was shortly afterwards slain in Romania, in the service of the Florentines, so that of those who had fought under Braccio, Nicola Picino, remained of greatest reputation. Having continued our general narration nearly to the period which we at first proposed to reach, what remains is of little importance, except the war which the Florentines and Venetians carried on, against Filippo, Duke of Milan, of which an account will be given, when we speak particularly of Roland. When we speak particularly of Florence. I shall therefore continue it no further, briefly explaining the condition of Italy, in respect of her princes and her arms, at the period to which we have now come. John II held Naples, La Marca, the Patrimoni and Romagna, some of these places obeyed the Church, while others were held by vicar or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena and Regio, by those of the House of Este, Faenza, by the Manfredi, Imola by the Alidossi, Furli by the Ordelafi, Rimini and Psaro by the Malitasti, and Camerino by those of Varano. Part of Lombardy was subject to the Duke Filippo, part to the Venetians, for all those who had held single states were set aside, except the House of Gonzaga, which ruled in Montuia. The greater part of Tuscany was subject to the Florentines. Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their own laws. Lucca was under the Junigi, Sienna was free. The Genoese, being sometimes free, at other subject to the kings of France or the Visconti, lived unrestricted, and maybe enumerated among the minor powers. None of the principal states were armed with their own proper forces. Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apartments, and would not allow himself to be seen. His wars were managed by commissaries. The Venetians, when they directed their attention to terra firma, threw off those arms which had made them terrible upon the seas. Unfolding into the customs of Italy, submitted their forces to the direction of others. The practice of arms being unsuitable to priests or women, the Pope and Queen John of Naples were compelled by necessity to submit to the same system which others practiced from defective judgment. The Florentines also adopted the same custom, for having by their frequent divisions destroyed the nobility, and their republic being holy in the hands of men brought up to trade. They followed the usages an example of others. Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the lesser princes, or of men who possessed no state, for the minor princes did not adopt the practice of arms from any desire of glory, but for the acquisition of either property or safety. The others, those who possessed no state, being bred to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no other art, and pursued war for emoliment, or to confer honor upon themselves. The most noticed among the latter were Carmiiola, Francesco Sforza, Nicolo Piccinino, the pupil of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo di Micheletto, Atenduli, Il Tartaglia, Giozzopaccio, Ciacciolini di Perugia, Nicolo da Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonia Dalponte ad Eira, and many others. With these were those lords of whom I have before spoken, to which may be added the barons of Rome, the Colonesi and the Orsini, with other lords and gentlemen of the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy, who, being constantly in arms, had such an understanding among themselves, and so contrived to accommodate things to their own convenience, that of those who were at war, most commonly both sides were losers, and they had made the practice of arms so totally ridiculous, that the most ordinary leader possessed of true valor would have covered these men with disgrace, whom, with so little prudence, Italy honored. With these idle princes and such contemptible arms my history must, therefore, be filled, to which before I descend it will be necessary, as was at first proposed, to speak of the origin of Lorenz, that it might be clearly understood what was the state of the city in those times, and by what means, through the labors of a thousand years, she became so imbecile. End of Chapter 7 Book II, Chapter I of History of Florence. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy, Volume I, by Niccolò Machiavelli. Book II, Chapter I. The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of it. Increased population tends to make countries more healthy. Origin of Florence. A Grand Desmond of Florence. Origin of the name of Florence. Destruction of Florence by Totila. The Florentines take Fiesole, the First Division in Florence, and the cause of it, Bundelmonte, Bundelmonte-Slane, Guelphs and Gibrilines in Florence, Guelphic families, Gibriline families, the two factions come to terms. Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and principalities of antiquity that have now gone into this use was that by means of which towns and cities were from time to time established. And there's nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince or of a well-regulated republic or that confers so many advantages upon a province as the settlement of new places where men are drawn together for mutual accommodation and defense. This may easily be done by sending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries. Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals render a conquered country more secure and keep the inhabitants of a province properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort, the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others and defend themselves with greater assurance. This custom by the unwise practice of princes and republics, having gone into destitute, the ruin and weaknesses of territories has followed. For this ordination is that by which alone empires are made secure and countries become populated. Fidelity is the result of it, because the colony which a prince establishes in a newly acquired country is like a fortress and a guard to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither can a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of its inhabitants without this regulation. For all districts are not equally healthy and hence some will abound to overflowing while others are void. And if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in which they increase too rapidly and planting them where they are too few, the country would soon be wasted. For one part would become a desert and the other a dense and wretched population. And as nature cannot repair this disorder, it is necessary that industry should affect it. For unhealthy localities become wholesome when a numerous population is brought into them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful and the air is purified with fires, remedies which nature cannot provide. The city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in a marshy and unwholesome situation it became healthy only by the number of industrious individuals who were drawn together. Lisa, too, on account of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants, till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers and thus render her populace and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not adopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty. Republics once uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quickly are not relieved. Hence, it is that many places of the world, and particularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have become deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence of princes who have lost all appetite for true glory and of republics which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had its beginning from Fiesole and its increase from colonies. It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the city of Fiesole being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in order that her markets might be more frequented and afford greater accommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place in which to hold them, not up on the hill, but in the plain, between the foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have occasioned the first directions that were made in those places, and to have induced merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for the reception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantial buildings. And afterward, when the Romans, having conquered the Carthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these buildings would greatly increase, for men never endure inconveniences unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fear of war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult of access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence the security to which the reputation of the Roman Republic gave birth caused the inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much as to form a town. This was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this occurred the civil wars between Marius and Silla, then those of Caesar and Pompeii, and next those of the murderers of Caesar and the parties who undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Silla and after by the three Roman citizens who, having avenged the deaths of Caesar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to Fiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed their habitations in the plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase the place became so filled with dwellings that it might, with propriety, be enumerated among the cities of Italy. There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word Florenceia, some supposed to come from Florinus, one of the principal persons of the colony. Florentineus think it was originally not Florentia, but Fluentia, as supposed the word derived from Fluente, or flowing of the Arno. And, in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who says, the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno. This, however, may be incorrect for Pliny, speaks of the locality of Florentini, not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word Fluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus, who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and Florentini, for in the time of Tiberius they were governed like the other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow their country, and it is not at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was always Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the Roman Empire and began to be noticed by writers in the times of the first emperors. When the Roman Empire was afflicted by the Barbarians, Florents was destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths, and after a period of two hundred and fifty years rebuilt by Charlemagne, from whose time till the year twelve-fifteen she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy, and during this period first the descendants of Charles, then the Beringari, and lastly the German emperors, governed her as in our general treaties we have shown. Nor could the Florentines during those ages increase in numbers or effect anything worthy of memory, on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject. Nevertheless in the year ten-ten upon the Feast of St. Romolo, a solemn day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesoli, which must have been performed either with the consent of the emperors or during the interim from the death of one to the creation of his successor, when all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the Pontiffs acquired greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in its wane. All the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for the prince, so that in the time of Henry III the mind of the country was divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines kept themselves united until the year twelve-fifteen, rendering obedience to the ruling power an anxious only to preserve their own safety. But as the diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in proportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in the sex of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause of her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante and many other writers. I shall however briefly notice it. Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonte and the Uberti. Next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty, for whom in her own mind she had fixed upon Buondelmonte a young gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonte family as her husband. But either from negligence or because she thought it might be accomplished at any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that the cavalier bestowed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. This grieved the Donati widow exceedingly, but she hoped with her daughter's beauty to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the marriage. And from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonte approach her house alone, she descended, and as she was passing she said to him, I am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my daughter for you. And pushing the door open presented her to his view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl which was very uncommon and considering the nobility of her blood and her portion not being inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed with such an ardent desire to possess her that not thinking of the promise given or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of the evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said, Since you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose, and without any delay, married her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidae and the Uberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and having assembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concluded that the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that the only vengeance proportionate to the enormity of the offense would be to put Buondelmonte to death. And although some took into consideration the evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said that those who talk of many things effect nothing, using that trite and common adage, Cosa fatta capo a. Thereupon they appointed to the execution of the murder Mosca himself, Stiatty Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidae, and Oderigo Fifanti, who on the morning of Easter day concealed themselves in a house of the Amidae situate between the old bridge and St. Stevens, and as Buondelmonte was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars. This murder divided the whole city. When party espousing the cause of the Buondelmonte, the other died of the Uberti, and as these families possessed men and means of defense they contended with each other for many years without one being able to destroy the other. Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II, who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the church, and to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored the Uberti and their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the Buondelmonte. Thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibolines, and as it will not be superfluous, I shall record the names of the families which took part with each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs were the Buondelmonte, Merli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci, Gerardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri, Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobessi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati, Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornacuinci, Vecchietti, Tosigni, Arriguzzi, Agli, Sisi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati, Passi, Della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghiboli Infection were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriacchi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati, Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri, Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci, Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldiini, Giochi, and Galligai. Besides the noble families on each side above enumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the people, so that the whole city was corrupted with this division. The Guelves, being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where part of their castles and strongholds were situated, and where they strengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of their enemies. But upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, and those who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that it would be better to effect the reunion of the city than by keeping her divided cause her ruin. They therefore induce the Guelves to forget their injuries and return, and the Ghibolines to lay aside their jealousies and receive them with cordiality. Translator Unknown. Book II, Chapter II. New Form of Government in Florence. Military Establishments. The Greatness of Florence. Movements of the Ghibolines. Ghibolines driven out of the city. Guelves routed by the forces of the King of Naples. Florence in the Power of the King of Naples. Project of the Ghibolines to destroy Florence opposed by Farinata de Lyuberti. Adventures of the Guelves of Florence. The Pope gives his standard to the Guelves. Fears of the Ghibolines and their preparations for the defense of their power. Establishment of trades companies and their authority. Count Guido Novello expelled. He goes to Prato. The Guelves restored to the city. The Pope endeavors to restore the Ghibolines and excommunicates Florence. Pope Nicholas III endeavors to abate the power of Charles, King of Naples. Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for the ordination of a free government and that it would be desirable to provide their means of defense before the new emperor should acquire strength. They therefore divided the city into six parts and elected twelve citizens, two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were called Anziani and or elected annually. To remove the cause of those enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial decisions, they provided two judges from some other state, one called Captain of the People, the other Podesta or a Provost, whose duty it was to decide in cases whether civil or criminal, which occurred among the people. And as order cannot be preserved without a sufficient force for the defense of it, they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in the country, upon the roles of which the names of all the youth were armed. And it was ordered that everyone should appear armed, under his banner, whenever summoned, whether by the Captain of the People or the Anziani. They had ensigns, according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmen being under one ensign, and the swordsmen or those who carried a target under another. And every year, upon the day of Pentecost, ensigns were given with great pomp to the new men, and new leaders were appointed for the whole establishment. To give importance to their armies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhausted in the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might again make head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by two oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white and red. When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought into the new market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people. To give solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell, called Martinella, which was rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in order that the enemy might have time to provide for his defense. So great was the virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of mind were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent act to assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thought disgraceful, and productive only, of a fallacious advantage. This bell was also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and relief of guard, and other matters necessary, in the practice of war. With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines established their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authority Florentines in a short time acquired. She became not only the head of Tuscany, but was enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and would have attained greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been afflicted with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained under this government ten years, during which time they compelled the people of Pistoria, Arezzo, and Siena to enter into league with them. And returning with the army from Siena they took Volterra, destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants to Florence. All these enterprises were affected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were much more powerful than the gibbalines, for the latter were hated by the people as well on account of their haughty bearing while in power, during the time of Frederick, as because the church party was more in favour than that of the emperor. For with the aid of the church they hoped to preserve their liberty, but with the emperor they were apprehensive of losing it. The gibbalines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested of authority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessing the government, and they thought the favourable moment come, when they found that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of Naples, and reduced the power of the church. They therefore secretly communicated with him to resume the management of the state, but could not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of the Anziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them, but instead of obeying they took arms and fortified themselves in their houses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with the assistance of the Guelphs compelled them to quit the city. And with the whole gibbaline party withdrawed to Siena. They then asked assistance of Manfred, king of Naples, and by the able conduct of Farenata de Gliuberti the Guelphs were routed by the king's forces upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter that those who escaped, thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought refuge at Lucca. Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputation in arms, to command his forces. He, after the victory, went with the gibbalines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king's authority, annulling the magistracies and every other institution that retained any appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with little prudence, excited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity against the gibbalines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was increased to the highest pitch. The necessities of the kingdom compelling the Count Giordano to return to Naples, he left at Florence as Regul Vicar, the Count Guido Novalo, Lord of Cassantino, who called a council of gibbalines at Empoli. There it was concluded, with only one dissenting voice, that in order to preserve their power in Tuscany it would be necessary to destroy Florence as the only means of compelling the Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the church. To this so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city, there was not a citizen who offered any opposition, except Farnata de Liuberte, who openly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many dangers and difficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country, that he still wished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the blessing which Fortune now presented, even though by using it he were to become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise as he had been of the Guelphs, and that no one need be afraid the city would occasion the ruin of their country, for he hoped that the Valor which had expelled the Guelphs would be sufficient to defend her. Farnata was a man of undaunted resolution and excelled greatly in military affairs. Being the head of the gibbaline party, and in high estimation with Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and induced the rest to think of some other means of preserving their power. The Lucezi being threatened with the anger of the Count, for affording refuge to the Guelphs after the Battle of Arbia, could allow them to remain no longer, so leaving Lucca they went to Bologna, from whence they were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the gibbalines of that city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latter were assigned to them, so that having increased in honours and riches, and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the Pope to offer him their services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave them a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after born by the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charles having taken the kingdom from Manfred and slain him, to which success the Guelphs of Florence had contributed, their party became more powerful, and that of the gibbalines proportionately weaker. In consequence of this, those who with Count Novello governed the city, thought it would be advisable to attach to themselves, with some concession, the people whom they had previously aggravated with every species of injury. But these remedies which, if applied before the necessity came, would have been beneficial, being offered when they were no longer considered favours, not only failed of producing any beneficial results to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking, however, to win them to their interests, they restored some of the honours of which they had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens from the higher rank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights, or gentlemen brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the city was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of the people according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed a magistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed under him. They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every man was expected to appear armed whenever the city required it. These arts were at first twelve, seven major, and five minor. The minor arts were afterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present, twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also affected other changes for the common good. Count Guido proposed to lay attacks upon the citizens for the support of the soldiery, but during the discussion found so much difficulty that he did not dare to use force to obtain it, and thinking he had now lost the government, called together the leaders of the jibbolines, and they determined to rest from the people those powers which they had with so little prudence conceited. When they thought they had sufficient force, the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, which so alarmed them that they retired to their houses, when suddenly the banners of the arts were unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them. These, learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's, moved toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their leader. The Count, on the other hand, being informed where the people were assembled, proceeded in that direction, nor did the people shun the fight for meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of the Torna Quincy, they put the Count to flight, with the loss of many of his followers. Terrified with this result he was afraid his enemies would attack him in the night, and that his own party, finding themselves beaten, would murder him. This impression took such hold of his mind that, without attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety rather in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the Rectors, went with all his people to Proto. But, on finding himself in a place of safety, his fears fled. Perceiving his error, he wished to correct it, and on the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned with his people to Florence, to enter the city by force, which he had abandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed, for the people, who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility, so that with grief and shame he went to the Cusantino, and the Giebulins withdrew to their villas. The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the good of the Republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all the citizens, as well Guelph as Giebulin, who yet remained without. The Guelphs returned, after having been expelled six years. The recent offences of the Giebulins were forgiven, and themselves restored to their country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by the people and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget their exile, and the former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were in power. The result was that the minds of neither party became settled. While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed that Coradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany, for the conquest of Naples. This gave the Giebulins hope of recovering power, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for their security, requested assistance from Charles for their defence, in case of the passage of Coradino. The coming of the forces of Charles rendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Giebulins that they fled the city, without being driven out, two days before the arrival of the troops. The Giebulins, having departed, the Florentines reorganised the government of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supreme power, were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not called Anziani, or ancients, but Buono Uomini, or good men. They also formed a council of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides these, from each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the Credenza, and the twelve Buono Uomini, were called the General Council. They also appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens, elected from the people and the nobility, to which all those things were finally referred that had undergone the consideration of the other councils, and which distributed the offices of the Republic. Having formed this government, they strengthened the Guelphic party by appointing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a variety of other measures, that they might be enabled to defend themselves against the Giebulins, whose property they divided into three parts, one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani, and the third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries they had received. The Pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in the Guelphic interest, made Charles, imperial vicar, over the province. While the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved their influence at home by laws and abroad with arms, the Pope died, and after a dispute which continued two years, Gregory X was elected, being then in Syria, where he had long lived. But not having witnessed the working of parties, he did not estimate them in the manner his predecessors had done, and passing through Florence on his way to France, he thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the city, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive the syndics of the Giebulins in Florence to consider the terms of their recall. They affected an agreement, but the Giebulins, without, were so terrified that they did not venture to return. The Pope laid the whole blame upon the city, and, being enraged, excommunicated her, in which state of contumacy she remained as long as the Pontiff lived, but was re-blast by his successor, innocent V. The Pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III of the Orsini family. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of the Popes to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, even when its growth had been occasioned by the favors of the Church. And, as they always endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were the result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase the influence of one previously weak. His becoming great caused him also to be feared, and his being feared made them seek the means of destroying him. This mode of thinking and operation occasioned the Kingdom of Naples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as the latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated by these motives Nicholas III contrived that, with influence of the Emperor, the Government of Tuscany should be taken from Charles, and Latino, his legate, was therefore sent into the province in the name of the Empire. On August 1, 2008, in San Diego, California. New Form of Government in Florence. The Signatory Created. Victory over the Aratines. The Ganfaunier of Justice Created. Ubaldo Rufoli. The First Ganfaunier. Giano de la Bella. New Reform by His Advice. Giano de la Bella Becomes a Voluntary Exile. Dissentions between the People and the Nobility. The Chumots Composed. Reform of Government. Public Buildings. The Prosperous State of the City. Florence was, at this time, in a very unhappy condition, for the great Guelphic families had become insolent and set aside the authority of the magistrates, so that murders and other atrocities were daily committed, and the perpetrators escaped unpunished under the protection of one or another of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order to restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had been expelled, and thus gave the legate an opportunity of uniting the city. The Gibilinis returned, and instead of twelve governors, fourteen were appointed, seven for each party, who held their office one year, and were to be chosen by the Pope. The Florentines lived under this government two years, till the Pontificate of Martin, who restored to Charles all the authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so that parties were again active in Tuscany. For the Florentines took arms against the Emperor's Governor, and to deprive the Gibilinis of power, and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government. This was in the year twelve eighty-two, and the companies of the arts, since magistrates had been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so great influence that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of fourteen citizens, three should be appointed and called priors, to hold the government of the Republic two months, and chosen from either the people or the nobility. After the expiration of the First Magistasy they were augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixth of the city, and this number was preserved till the year thirteen forty-two, when the city was divided into quarters, and the priors became eight, although upon some occasions during the interim they were twelve. This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin of the nobility, for the people by various causes excluded them from all participation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. The nobles at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made no opposition, and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in the State they lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given, in which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers were appointed, it having been previously the custom of councils and magistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were only called priors, but to increase their distinction the word signori or lords was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines remained for some time in domestic quiet, during which they made war with the Aratins for having expelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them at Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and population, it was found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which was enlarged to the extent it at present remains, although its diameter was previously only the space between the Old Bridge and the Church of St. Lorenzo. Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph and Gibriline factions to become almost extinct, and the only party feeling which seemed occasionally to glow was that which naturally exists in all cities between the higher classes and the people. For the latter, wishing to live in conformity with the laws, and the former to be themselves the rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to abide in perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while their fear of the Gibrilines kept them in order, did not discover itself. But no sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, and not a day passed without some of the populace being injured, while the laws were insufficient to procure redress, for every noble, with his relations and friends, defended himself against the forces of the priors and the Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the arts companies ordered that every seniori, at the time of entering upon the duties of office, should appoint a gonfalonier of justice, chosen from the people, and place a thousand men at his disposal divided into twenty companies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon, or banner and his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the laws whenever called upon, either by the seniors themselves or the Capitano. The first elected to this high office was Ubaldo Rofoli. This man unfurled his gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of Galletti, on account of a member of that family having slain one of the Florentine people in France. The violent animosities among the nobility enabled the companies of the arts to establish this law with facility, and the former, no sooner saw the provision which had been made against them, than they felt the acrimonious spirit with which it was enforced. At first it impressed them with greater terror, but they soon after returned to their accustomed insolence, for one or more of their body always making part of the seniori, gave them opportunities of impeding the gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office. Besides this the accuser always required a witness of the injury he had received, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thus in a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before, and the tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever, for the decisions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentences were not carried into execution. In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Gianno della Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged the heads of the arts to reform the constitution of the city, and by his advice it was ordered that the gonfalonier should reside with the priors and have four thousand men at his command. They deprived the nobility of the right to sit in the seniori. They condemned the associates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and ordered that public report should be taken as evidence. By these laws, which were called the Ordinations of Justice, the people acquired great influence, and Gianno della Bella, not a small sphere of trouble, for he was thoroughly hated by the great as the destroyer of their power, while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought he possessed too great authority. This became evident upon the very first occasion that presented itself. It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in a riot, in which several of the nobility had taken apart, and among the rest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the death was attributed. He was therefore taken by the captain of the people, and whether he was really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was afraid of condemning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased the people so much that, seizing their arms, seizing their arms, they ran to the house of Gianno della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution of those laws which he had himself made. Gianno, who wished Corso to be punished, did not insist upon their laying down their arms, as many were of opinion he ought to have done, but advised them to go to the scenery, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it into consideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted by the Capitano and abandoned by Gianno della Bella, instead of going to the scenery, went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made themselves masters, and plundered it. This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin of Gianno laid the entire blame upon him, and as in the succeeding scenery there was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as the originator of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people took arms, and proceeding to his house offered to defend him against the scenery and his enemies. Gianno, however, did not wish to put this burst of popular favour to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for he feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the former. So in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to injure him, or his friends to offend the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver his countrymen from the fear they had of him, and leaving the city which, at his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude of the great, became a voluntary exile. After the departure of Gianno de la Bella, the nobility began to entertain hopes of recovering their authority, and judging their misfortune to have arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to the scenery, which they thought was favourable to them, to beg they would be pleased to moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soon as their demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited, for they were afraid the seniors would submit to them, and so, between the desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were resorted to. The nobility were drawn together in three places, near the church of St. John in the new market, and in the piazza of the Mozzi under three leaders, Borese Adamari, Vani de Mozzi, and Jerry Spini. The people assembled in immense numbers under their ensigns before the palace of the scenery, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo, and as they suspected the integrity of the scenery, they added six citizens to their number to take part in the management of affairs. While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, as well as the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests of respectable character, mingled among them for the purpose of affecting a pacification, reminding the nobility that their laws of power and the laws which were made against them had been occasioned by their haughty conduct, and the mischievous tendency of their proceedings, that resorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illiberal measures and disunion would tend to the destruction of their country and increase the difficulties of their own position, that they should bear in mind that the people, both in riches, numbers, and hatred, were far stronger than they, and that their nobility, on account of which they assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win battles, and would be found when they came to arms to be but an empty new nobility, and that an empty name, and insufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, they reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have the last blow, that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation, for he who is without hope is also without fear, that they ought not to forget that in the wars the nobility had always done honour to the country, and therefore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them with so much bitterness, and that although the nobility could bear with patience the loss of the supreme majesty, they could not endure that by the existing laws it should be in the power of everyone to drive them from their country, and therefore it would be well to qualify these laws, and in furtherance of so good a result, be better to lay down their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of a battle, for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety of opinion was found among the people. Many wished to decide the question by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done some time, and that it would be better to do so then than delay till the enemy had acquired greater strength, and that if they thought a mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be glad to comply, but that the pride of the nobility was so great that they would not submit unless they were compelled. To many others, who were more peaceable and better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the laws a little than to come to battle, and their opinion prevailing it was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be received unless supported with sufficient testimony. Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion, and each fortified itself with men in places of strength. The people reorganized the government and lessened the number of its officers, to which measure they were induced by finding that the seniors appointed from the families, of which the following were the heads, had been favorable to the nobility—Viz, the Manzini, Magolati, Altoviti, Peruzzi, and Seretani. Having settled the government for the greater magnificence and security of the scenery, they laid the foundation of their palace, and to make space for the piazza, removed the houses that had belonged to the Oberti. They also, at the same period, commenced the public prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years, nor did our city ever enjoy a greater state of prosperity than in those times, filled with men of great wealth and reputation, possessing within her walls thirty thousand men capable of bearing arms, and in the country seventy thousand, while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owed obedience to Florence. And although there might be some indignation and jealousy between the nobility and the people, they did not produce any evil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace. And if this peace had not been disturbed by internal enmities, there would have been no cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to fear, either from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasons kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states of Italy with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powers could not effect, was brought about by those within. Book II. CHAPTER IV. THE CHERCHE AND THE DONATY. Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions in Pistoia. They come to Florence. Open enmity of the Donati and the Cherchi. Their first conflict. The Cherchi head the Bianchi faction. The Donati take part within Nera. The Pope's legate at Florence increases the confusion with an interdict. New affray between the Cherchi and the Donati. The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the advice of Dante Alighieri. Charles of Valois sent by the Pope to Florence. The Florentines suspect him. Corso Donati and the rest of the Nere party return to Florence. Very Cherchi flies. The Pope's legate again comes in Florence. The city again interdicted. New disturbances. The Bianchi banished. Dante banished. Corso Donati excites fresh troubles. The Pope's legate endeavors to restore the immigrants but does not succeed. Great fire in Florence. The Cherchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the number and influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguished families in Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country, there had arisen between them some slight displeasure, which, however, had not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have produced any serious effect if the malignant humours had not been increased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia was the Cancillieri. It happened that Lore, son of Guillermo, and Jerry, son of Bartaca, both of this family, playing together and coming to words, Jerry was slightly wounded by Lore. Thus displeased Guillermo, and by designing a suitable apology to remove all cause of further animosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of the youth whom he had wounded and asked pardon. Lore obeyed his father, but this act of virtue failed to soften in the cruel mind of Bartaca, and having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignity to his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's hand upon a block used for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, Go to thy father and tell him that sword-wooms are cured with iron and not with words. The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Guillermo that he ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bartaca prepared for his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city of Pistoia became divided. And as the Cancillieri were descended from a Cancillier who had two wives of whom one was called Bianca, white, one party was named by those who were descended from her Bianca, and the other, by way of a greater distinction, was called Nera Black. Much and long continued strife took place between the two, attended with the death of many men and the destruction of much property, and not being able to affect a union among themselves but weary of the evil, and anxious either to bring it to an end, or by engaging others in their quarrel increase it, they came to Florence, where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the Donati, were favored by Corso, the head of that family, and on this account the Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against the Donati, had recourse to Varri de Cherchi, a man in no respect inferior to Corso. This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased the old animosity between the Cherchi and the Donati, and it was already so manifest, that the priors and all well dispersed men were hourly in apprehension of its breaking out, causing a division of the whole city. They therefore applied to the Pontiff, praying that he would interpose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide their remedy which they found themselves unable to furnish. The Pope sent for Varri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Varri exhibited great astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them, and that as pacification presupposes war he did not know there being no war between them how peacemaking could be necessary. Varri, having returned from Rome without anything being affected, the rage of the parties increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed sufficient to make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened. It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is the custom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughout the city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, upon horseback, were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look at a party of ladies who were dancing. Thither also came some of the Churchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and not knowing that the Donati were before them, pushed their horses and jostled them. Thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drew their swords. Nor were the Churchi at all backwards to do the same, and not till after the interchange of many wounds they separated. This disturbance was the beginning of great evils, for the whole city became divided, the people as well as the nobility, and the parties took the names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Churchi were at the head of the Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Arimari, the Abati, a part of the Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Neri and of the Meneli, and all the Motsi, the Scali, Garardini, Cavalcanti, Spini, Bostiki, Gian Donati, Vecchietti, and Arragucci. To these were joined many families of the people, and all the Gibrilini's then in Florence, so that their numbers gave them almost the entire government of the city. The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Neri party, to which also adhered those members of the above named families who did not take part with the Bianchi, and besides these, the whole of the Pasi, the Bistamini, Maneri, Bagnesi, Torniquinzi, Spini, Buondelmonte, Gian Figliasi, and the Brunelisci. Nor did the evil confine itself to the city alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that the captains of the six parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphic party or the well-being of the Republic, were very much afraid that this new division would occasion the destruction of the city, and give new life to the Gibrilini faction. They therefore sent again to Pope Boniface, desiring that unless he wished that city which had always been the shield of the church, should either be ruined or become Gibrilini, he would consider some means for her relief. Cardinal Matteo da Casparta, a Portuguese, who finding the Bianchi as the most powerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdicted the city and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailed than had done previously to his coming. The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at a funeral which many of the Donatee and the Churchi attended, they first came to words and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merely tumult resulted at the moment. However, having each retired to their houses, the Churchi determined to attack the Donatee, but by the valour of Corso they were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city was in arms. The laws and the scenery were said it not by the rage of the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were full of apprehension. The Donatee and their followers, being the least powerful, were in the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they called together Corso, the captains of the parts, and the other leaders of the nary, and resolved to apply to the Pope to appoint some personage of royal blood that he might reform Florence, thinking by this means to overcome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known to the priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy against the liberties of the Republic. Both parties being in arms, the scenery, one of whom at that time was the poet Donatee, took courage, and from his advice and prudence caused the people to rise for the preservation of order, and being joined by many from the country they compelled the leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso with many of the nary. And as an evidence of the impartiality of their motives they also banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon afterward, under pretence of some justifiable cause, returned. Corso and his friends, thinking the Pope favourable to their party, went to Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previously forwarded a statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of the King of France, was then at the papal court, having been called into Italy by the King of Naples to go over into Sicily. The Pope, therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consented to send Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going to Sicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the Bianchi, who then governed, were very apprehensive, still as the head of the Guelphs, and appointed by the Pope, they did not dare to oppose him, and in order to secure his friendship they gave him authority to dispose of the city as he thought proper. Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which Step gave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them of their liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in order to be ready, if Charles should make any such attempt. The Churchy and the leaders of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having, while at the head of the Republic, conducted themselves with unbecoming pride, and this induced Corso and the banished of the neary party to return to Florence, knowing well that Charles and the captains of the parts were favourable to them. And while the city, for fear of Charles, kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, and followed by many others, entered Florence without the least impediment. And although very DiCerci was advised to oppose him, he refused to do so, saying that he wished the people of Florence against whom he came should punish him. However, the contrary happened, for he was welcomed, and not punished by them, and it behooved very to save himself by flight. Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San Pietro Maggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a great number of friends and people desirous of change, he set at liberty all who had been imprisoned for offences, whether against the State or against individuals. He compelled the existing scenery to withdraw privately to their own houses, elected a new one from the people of the nary party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The Cerci, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles opposed to them, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. And although at first they would not listen to the advice of the Pope, they were now compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that, instead of uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion than before. The Pope again sent Matteo da Quasparta, his legate, who made peace between the Cerci and the Donatee, and strengthened it with marriages and new betrothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate in the employments of the government, to which the nary, who were then at the head of it would not consent, he withdrew, with no more satisfaction, nor less enraged, than on the former occasion, and left the city interdicted for disobedience. Both parties remained in Florence and equally discontented, the nary from seeing their enemies at hand and apprehending the loss of their power, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor or authority, and to these natural causes of animosity new injuries were added. Niccolo da Cerci, with many of his friends, went to his estates, and being arrived at the bridge of Africa, was attacked by Simon, son of Corsodonati. The contest was obstinate, and on each side had a sorrowful conclusion, for Niccolo was slain, and Simon was so severely wounded that he died on the following night. This event again disturbed the entire city, and although the nary were the most to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head of affairs, and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi with Piero Ferante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles, was discovered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the government. The matter became known from letters addressed to him by the Cerci, although some were of opinion that they were not genuine, but written and pretended to be found by the Donati, to abate the infamy which their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole of the Cerci were, however, banished, with their followers of the Bianchi party, of whom was Dante the poet, their property confiscated, and their houses pulled down. They sought refuge with a great number of gibbalines who had joined them in many places, seeking fresh fortunes in new undertakings. Charles, having affected the purpose of his coming, left the city, and returned to the Pope to pursue his enterprise against Sicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he had been at Florence, so that with disgrace and the loss of many of his followers he withdrew to France. After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone was restless, thinking that he did not possess that sort of authority in the city which was due to his rank. For the government, being in the hands of the people, he saw the offices of the Republic administered by many inferior to himself. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under the pretense of an honourable design, to justify his own dishonourable purposes, and accused many citizens who had the management of the public money of applying it to their private uses, and recommended that they should be brought to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by many who had the same views as himself, and many in ignorance joined them, thinking Corso actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other hand, the accused citizens, enjoying the popular favour, defended themselves, and this difference arose to such a height that after civil means they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso and La Tieri, Bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and some of the people. On the other side were the scenery, with the greater part of the people, so that skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. The scenery, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to Lucece, and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their assistance the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people retained the government and their liberty without attempting by any other means to punish the movers of the disorder. The Pope had heard of the chumults at Florence, and sent his legate, Niccolò de Prata, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both for his quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much of the people's confidence that authority was given him to establish such a government as he should think proper. As he was of giveline origin he determined to recall the banished, but designing first to gain the affections of the lower orders he retained the ancient companies of the people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of the nobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavored to recall the banished, and after attempting in many ways, none of which succeeded, he fell so completely under the suspicion of the government that he was compelled to quit the city and return to the Pope in great wrath, leaving Florence full of confusion and suffering under an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed by one division alone, but by many, first the enmity between the people and the nobility, then that of the givelines and the Guelphs, and lastly of the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were therefore in arms, for many were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate and wished for the return of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on foot were the Medici and the Guinegi, who with the legate had discovered themselves in favor of the rebels, and thus skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. In addition to these evils a fire occurred which first broke out at the Garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abbati. It thence extended to those of the Caponsacchi and consumed them, with those of the Machi, Ameri, Tashi, Cipriani, Lemberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the new market. From thence it spread to the Gate of St. Maria and burned it to the ground. Turning from the old bridge it destroyed the houses of the Garadini, Pulci, Amade and Lucardesi, and with these so many others that the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion of many that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the disturbances. Others affirmed that it was begun willfully by Neri Abbati, prior of St. Pietro Scaraggio, a dissilent character, fond of mischief, who seeing the people occupied with the combat took the opportunity of committing a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed, could offer no remedy. And to enure his success he set fire to the house of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity of doing it. This was in the year thirteen-o-four. Florence being afflicted both with fire and the sword, Corsodonti alone remained unarmed in so many tummels, for he thought he would more easily become the arbitrator between the contending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined to accommodation. They laid down their arms, however, rather from se tieti of evil than from any desire of union, and the only consequence was that the banished were not recalled, and the party which favoured them remained inferior. End of Book Two, Chapter Four. Book Two, Chapter Five of History of Florence. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy, Volume One, by Niccolò Machiavelli. Translator Unknown. Book Two, Chapter Five. The immigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do so. The companies of the people were stored. Restless conduct of Corsodonti. The ruin of Corsodonti. Corsodonti accused and condemned. Riot at the house of Corso. Death of Corso. His character. Fruitless attempt of the Emperor Henry against the Florentines. The immigrants are restored to the city. The citizens place themselves under the King of Naples for five years. War with Uggucione della Fagliuola. The Florentines routed. Florence withdraws herself from the subjection to King Robert and expels the Count Novolo. Lando da Gobio. His tyranny. His debarcher. The legate, being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbance which had occurred, persuaded the Pope that if he wished to unite the Florentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizens appear before him, and having thus removed the principal causes of disunion, he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this advice, and the citizens, among whom was Corsodonti, obeyed the summons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles that now, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the time for them to return. They therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, and entering by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to the piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark that those who, a short time previously, when they came unarmed and begged to be restored to their country, had fought for their return. Now, when they saw them in arms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to oppose them. So much more was the common good esteemed than private friendship, and being joined by the rest of the citizens compelled them to return to the places whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by having left a part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrival of Tolesi Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three hundred horse, for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give them the victory. And it often happens in similar enterprises that delay Robsis of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of the power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared. The banished having retired, Florence again returned her old divisions, and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority the people took from them the Stinchi, a castle situated in the Valdigreve, and anciently belonging to the family. And as those who were taken in it were the first who were put into the new prisons, the latter were, and still continue, named after it, the Stinchi. The leaders of the Republic also re-established the companies of the people, and gave them the ensigns that were first used by the companies of the arts, the heads of which were called gonfalniés of the companies, and colleagues of the scenery, and ordered that when any disturbance arose they should assist the scenery with arm, and in peace with council. To the ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who with the gonfalniés was to aid in repressing the insolence of the nobility. In the meantime the Pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returned from Rome, and all would have been well if his restless mind had not occasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contrary opinion to the most powerful men in the city, and whatever he saw the people inclined to do he exercised his utmost influence to effect, in order to attach them to himself, so that he was a leader in all differences, at the head of every new scheme, and whoever wished to obtain anything extraordinary had recourse to him. This conduct caused him to be hated by many of the highest distinction, and their hatred increased to such a degree that the nary faction to which he belonged became completely divided, for Corso, to attain his ends, had availed himself of private force and authority, and of the enemies of the state. But so great was the influence attached to his person that everyone feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular favour, which, by this means, may be easily done, a report was set on foot that he intended to make himself Prince of the City, and to the design his conduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of living quite exceeded all civil bounds, and the opinion gained further strength upon his taking to wife a daughter of Ugucione della Fagliuola, the head of the Gibrilin and Bianchi faction, and one of the most powerful men in Tuscany. When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries, and they took arms against him, for the same reason the people ceased to defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of his enemies, the leaders of whom were Rosso della Tossi, Pazino de Paisi, Jerry Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These with their followers and the greater part of the people assembled before the palace of the scenery, by whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of the people, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of Ugucione, to usurp the government. He was then summoned, and for disobedience declared a rebel, nor did two hours pass over between the accusation and the sentence. The judgment being given, the scenery, with the companies of the people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, although seeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, aware of the sentence against him, the power of the scenery and the multitude of his enemies remained undaunted, and fortified his houses in the hope of defending them till Ugucione, for whom he had sent, should come to his relief. His residences and the streets approaching them were barricaded and taken possession of by his partisans, who defended them so bravely that the enemy, although in great numbers could not force them, and the battle became one of the hottest with wounds and death on all sides. But the people, finding they could not drive them from their ground, took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved passages obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes, no longer retaining any help of assistance from Ugucione, and without a chance of victory, thought only of affecting his personal safety, and with Gerardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends, fought a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and affected their escape from the city by the gate of the cross. They were, however, pursued by vast numbers, and Gerardo was slain upon the bridge of Africa by Boccaccio Caviculli. Corso was overtaken and made prisoner by a party of Catalan horse in the service of the scenery at Rovizano. But when approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seen and torn to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall from horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted him cut his throat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi, and buried without any ceremony due his rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom his country and the nary faction were indebted, for much both of good and evil, and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left behind him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves to be enumerated among the most distinguished men our city has produced. True it is that his restless conduct made both his country and his party forgetful of their obligation to him. The same cause also produced his miserable end, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country. Ugucioni, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Romoli that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he could not render him any assistance in order to avoid bringing evil upon himself without occasion, he returned home. After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, the disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it was reported that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him all the Florentine immigrants to whom he had promised restoration to their country. The leaders of the government thought that in order to lessen the number of their enemies it would be well to recall, of their own will, all who had been expelled, accepting such as the law had expressly forbidden to return. Of the number not admitted were the greater part of the gibilines, and some of those of the Bianchi faction, among whom were Dante Algarie, the sons of Veri di Cerci, and of Gianno della Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert, king of Naples, and not being able to obtain it of him as friends, they gave their city to him for five years that he might defend them as his own people. The Emperor entered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome, where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then having determined to subdue the Florentines, he approached their city by way of Peruccia and Arezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about a mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days without affecting anything. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa, where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of Sicily, to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his people accordingly, but while filled with the hope of victory and carrying dismay into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buon Convento, he died. Shortly after this, Uguccione della Fagliuola, having by means of the Ghibeline party become Lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with the assistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighboring places. In order to affect their relief, the Florentines requested King Robert would allow his brother Piero to take command of their armies. On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power, and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles in the Valdarno and the Valdiniavoli, and having besieged Montecatini, the Florentines found it would be necessary to send to its relief that they might not see him burn and destroy their whole territory. Having drawn together a large army, they entered Valdiniavoli, where they came up with Uguccione and were routed after a severe battle, in which Piero, the king's brother, and two thousand men were slain, but the body of the prince was never found. Piero was the victoria joyful one to Uguccione, for one of his sons and many of the leaders of his army fell in the strife. The Florentines, after this defeat, fortified their territory, and King Robert sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count da Andrea, usually called Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it is natural to the Florentines to find every state tedious, the city, notwithstanding the war with Uguccione, became divided into friends and enemies of the king. Amandelotosa, the Maggiolati, and certain others of the people who had attained greater influence in the government than the rest, were leaders of the party against the king. By these means messengers were sent to France, and afterward into Germany, to solicit leaders and forces that they might drive out the Count, whom the king had appointed governor, but they failed of obtaining any. Nevertheless they did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of one whom they might worship after an unavailing search in France and Germany, they discovered him at Abadgio, and having expelled Count Novello, caused Lando d'Abadgio to be brought into the city as Bargello, sheriff, and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens. This man was cruel and rapacious, and going through the company accompanied with an armed force, he put many to death at the mere instigation of those who had endowed him with authority. His insolence rose to such a height that he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the money of the state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose him so powerful had he come by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappy city, which neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of her enemies, nor king's authority, could unite for her own advantage, so that she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness, harassed without by Eugugioni, and plundered within by Lando d'Abadgio. The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and all Guelphs, but their adversaries being in power they could not discover their minds without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however, determined to deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they secretly wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar in Florence Count Guido d'Batifoli. The king complied, and the opposite party, although the scenery were opposed to the king, on account of the good quality of the Count, did not dare to resist him. Still, his authority was not great, because the scenery and gonfalniés of the company were in favour of Lando and his party. During these troubles the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passed through Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of King Robert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of the king, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the tyranny of Lando and his partisans, so that through her influence and the exertions of the king's friends the citizens were again united, and before her departure Lando was stripped of all authority and sent back to Agobio, laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government the sovereignty of the city was continued to the king for another three years, and as there were then in office seven seniors of the party of Lando six more were appointed of the king's friends, and some majestacies were composed of thirteen seniors, but not long afterward the number was reduced to seven, according to ancient custom. End of Book Two, Chapter Five. Book Two, Chapter Six of History of Florence. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org. History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy, Volume One, by Nicolo Machiavelli. Translator unknown. Book Two, Chapter Six. War with Castruccio. Castruccio marches against Preto and retires without making any attempt. The immigrants not being allowed to return, endeavour to enter the city by force and are repulsed. Change in the mode of electing the great officers of state. The Scritini established. The Florentines, under Raymond of Cardona, are routed by Castruccio at Altopascio. Treacherous designs of Raymond. The Florentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles, Duke of Cambria, who appoints the Duke of Athens for his vicar. The Duke of Calabria comes to Florence. The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy. The excitement he produces. Death of Castruccio and of Charles, Duke of Calabria. Reform of government. About the same time, Uguccioni lost the sovereignty of Luca and of Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Luca, became Lord of them. Ugu being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his enterprises, in a short time became head of the Ghibellini's Intuscany. On this account the discords among the Florentines were laid aside for some years, at first to abate the increasing power of Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defence against him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy to their councils, the scenery appointed twelve citizens whom they called one nomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing of importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and majestacies, and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who after many efforts against the lords of Lunigliano attacked Prado, to the relief of which the Florentines, having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses and proceeded thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and one thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of Castruccio's friends and augment their own, the scenery declared that every rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prado would be restored to his country, they thus increased their army with an addition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly brought to Prado alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune of battle he retired toward Lucca. Upon this disturbances arose in the Florentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom wished to pursue the foe and destroy him. The former were for returning home, saying they had done enough for Prado in hazarding the safety of Florence on its account, which they did not regret under the circumstances, but now that necessity no longer existing, the propriety of further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and much to lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to the scenery, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great, and as the matter spread throughout the city the people drew together, and used such threatening language against the nobility that they, being apprehensive for their safety, yielded, but the resolution being adopted too late, and many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to withdraw in safety to Lucca. This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against the great that the scenery refused to perform the promise made to the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to be beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into the city before the rest of the forces, but their design did not take effect, for their purpose being foreseen they were repulsed by those who had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreaty what they had failed to obtain by force, and sent eight men as ambassadors to the scenery to remind them of the promise given and of the dangers they had undergone. In hope of the reward which had been held out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation on account of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill the promise for which the scenery had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude on account of their only partial success against Cristruccio that they could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to the city, for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding, endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their prayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the city, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. But the affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that those without found the city in arms and prepared to resist them. So completely subdued were those without that none dared to take arms, and thus the undertaking was abandoned without any advantage having been obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it was determined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing them to the city, but although everyone knew who were the delinquents, none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore, resolved that in order to come at the truth every one should write the names of those he believed to be guilty and present the writings secretly to the Capitano. By this means Amerigo Donati, Tehegio, Frescobaldi, and Lateringo Giardini were accused, but the judges being more favourably disposed to them than perhaps their misdeeds deserved, each escaped by paying a fine. The tumult which arose in Florence from the comings of the rebels to the gates showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies of the people. They therefore determined that in future each should have three or four, and to every gonfalier two or three penanieri, pen and bearers, were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a part might operate under one of them. And as often happens in republics, after any disturbance some old laws are annulled and others renewed, so on this occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint the scenery for a time only, the then existing seniors and colleagues, feeling themselves possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority to fix upon the seniors that would have to sit during the next forty months by putting their names into a bag or purse and drawing them every two months. But before the expiration of the forty months, many citizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited among the rest, and a new embossation was made. From this beginning arose the custom of embossing or enclosing the names of all who should take office in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well as those whose offices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previously the councils of the retiring magistrates had elected those who were to succeed them. These embossations were afterwards called swatini or pollings, and it was thought that they would prevent much trouble to the city and remove the cause of those tumults which every three or at most five years took place upon the creation of magistrates from the number of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects which lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation. In thirteen twenty-five, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved before he should get himself firmly seated at his new conquest to attack him and withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they mustered an army amounting to twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse, and with this body encamped before Altopaccio, with the intention of taking the place and thus preventing it from leaving Pistoia. Being successful in the first part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the country waste in their progress. But from the little prudence and less integrity of their leader, Romando de Cardona, they made but a small progress. For he, having observed them upon former occasions very prodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king, or persons of even inferior quality, thought if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequently to mention these matters, and required to have that authority in the city which had been given him over the army, endeavouring to show that otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. As the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants of Lombardy had promised him, and thus became very strong. Romando, having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, now found himself unable to escape, for Castruccio coming up with him at Altopascio, a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain and taken prisoners, and among the former fell Romando, who received from fortune that reward of bad faith in mischievous councils which he had richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suffered from Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction, and burning of property, is quite indescribable. For without any opposition, during many months, he led his predatory forces wherever he thought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the Florentines, if after such a terrible event they could save their city. Still, they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them from raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friends for assistance. But all they could do was insufficient to restrain such a powerful enemy, so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to Charles, Duke of Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him to come to their defense. For these princes, being accustomed to rule Florence, heard her obedience to her friendship. But Charles, being engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake the sovereignty of the city, sent in his dead Walter, by birth of Frenchmen and Duke of Athens. He as Viceroy took possession of the city, and appointed the magistrates according to his own pleasure, but his mode of proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to his real nature that everyone respected him. The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with a thousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, and his coming prevented further pillage of the Florentine territory by Castruccio. However, the influence which they acquired without the city was lost within her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from their enemies were brought upon them by their friends, for the scenery could not do anything without the consent of the Duke of Calabria, who in the course of one year drew from the people four hundred thousand Florence, although by the agreement entered into with him the sum was not to exceed two hundred thousand, so great were the burdens with which either himself or his father constantly oppressed them. To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies, for the gibbalines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles and Tuscany that Galatio Viscanti and the other Lombard tyrants, by money and promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected emperor contrary to the wish of the Pope, to come into Italy. After passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany and with the assistance of Castruccio made himself master of pizza. From Wenz, having pacified with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. This caused the Duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples. He therefore left Florence and appointed at his viceroy, Filippo de Saginetto. After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master of pizza, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her from obedience to him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia and persevered with so much vigor and resolution that although the Florentines often attempted to relieve her by attacking first his army and then his country, they were unable, either by force or policy, to remove him. So anxious was he to punish de Pistolisi and subdue the Florentines. At length the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him for their sovereign, but this event, although greatly to his glory, proved but little to his advantage, for upon his return to Luca he died. And as one event either of good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also died Charles, Duke of Calabria, and Lord of Florence, so that in a short time, beyond the exception of their most sanguine hopes, the Florentines found themselves delivered from the dominion of the one and the fear of the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of the city, annulled all the old councils and created two new ones, the one composed of three hundred citizens from the class of the people, the other of two hundred and fifty from the nobility and the people. The first was called the council of the people, the other the council of the commune.