 Fy hoffwch yr ydym ni'n gwestiynau. Andrew i fynd i'w ddod i'ch ddod i gael i gael y gweithio i gwaith'r cyd-gweithio. Mae'n gweithio, gan gwybodol, gan gyntaf, yn cael ei gyd-dwylo. Yn y gallu ei wneud, yw'r gweithio'r gweithio'n gweithio'r prosiect. A'r ydw i'n gweithio'n gweithio. Rwy'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio. One story today begins with a major infrastructural project. This was undertaken in 2010 with an Oxford West�c Archiology joint venture to investigate archaeological remains in advance of phase two, glamorously called Phase Two the East Kent Access Road, linking the former island of Thanu with points south via the Epsiwit Peninsula. Mae'r llythio, rhan gweithgredig hir yw rhan gweithio, sy'n cyfrifiadau typol ar y cael 50 hectau, sy'n fynd ti'r 16.5 km ddod o'r gweithgau acysgrwydd, ydy'r dyfodol a llythoedd, i'r dweud yr hyn yn oed yn ysgrifennu llawr dda i'r prynynsgol a'r Pegwell Bay. Rhan gweithio'r dyfodol fydd y diolethaf o'r llythoedd Llywodraeth, ond yn ysgrifennu'r ddod i'r awyr ar y 1rheu. a'r ddweudio ychydig yn ddweudio'r rôl o'r miliwyr, sy'n gwneud ymweld i'r Ddweudio'r Andrew, ddweudio'r ddweudio'r ddweudio'r ddweudio. Mae'r ddweudio'r ddweudio'r Ddweudio yn ddweudio'r Ddweudio'r Andrew ym mwyaf i'r Ddweudio Cysur Cymru yn 55 a 54 BC, ac yn ymweld i Andrew – ym mwyaf – Ychydig i'w dweud i'r gwerthu gwahanol sy'n cyntaf y dyfodol i'w gwahaniaeth'n gyfer y gyfrannu o'r Prifysgol Llywodraeth yn cynnig yr cerddol, ond nid o'r cyfrannu yn ymgyrch ar gyfer y cyfrannu am y cyfrannu Llywodraeth. Wrth gwrs fy mwy fydd yw'n gweld, y dyfodol ychydig o'r drwng i'w Llywodraeth yn Cyfrannu er mwyn oes i'r trofnol wedi'i ysgrifennu sy'n cyfrannu i'r trofnol. Felly, mae'r twyd wedi bod y cysylltu i'r cyfnodd yn Llyfrgelliaeth Cymru, yn y ddweud y 5th Archiologicol Lleithiau, ac rydyn ni i gyd yn ddod i'r tynnu i'r unrhyw ysgwrdd yn ychydig o'r archiologiaeth yn ei ddweud, ac mae'n fawr yn gwneud y ddweud. Yn y gweithio'r 40 yma, y ddweud yn ymddangos i'r hefyd ynghylch yn ymddangos cerddau newydd yn gweithio'r cyfnodd, a'r cyfnodd ychydig o'r cyfnodd. ac mae Edz Ebbsbyd, pob fydden nhw, llawer, eich gwrdd y gweithio nhw'r ffordd yn y ffordd yn cyfrifio'r bwysig. Andrew wedi'u gwneud o'r cyfrifio newid ymlaen, o'r ddwylwys Cysysau i'r bwysig i'r bwysig i'r nobryd. Fel hynny, mae'n ddweud yn y ddefnyddio ar y dweud bydn yn ei ddwyll Extrêffydd Cymru. More seriously, this was also a kind of a way in to a wide-ranging archaeological reappraisal of the many important changes that took place in southeast England between Julius Caesar's brief visits and the Claudian conquest a century later for which they laid the foundation. The key point obviously in seeking funding is you have to have something that will excite an interest of the funders. In 2013 Andrew and I have put together an application to the Leave of Human Trust for funding for a four-year project and this was successful. Our research began in earnest in October 2014 and is now in the final year. It's brief, as I indicated, to look not only for archaeological evidence of Caesar's invasions and their enduring impact on the peoples of southeast England. A topic, I may say, not without residence today, with a year to go of all days, but also a project that would aim to set this episode within the wider archaeological and historical context of Julius Caesar's conquest of Gaul. Because of the interest that they discover as a Bebsvied have aroused in the media, we will devote a substantial amount of today's lecture to the site. But we are also working on a monograph which is going to take a much wider perspective on the late Andes in southeast England, which we are hoping to have finished by the end of the year. At this point I'll hand over to Andrew to take up the story. But we'll move from the southeast of England to the much wider context in which Julius Caesar's invasions need to be understood. It's within Rome and within the Roman conception of the world. Here is a representation of how, in about the 1st century BC, Romans would have described the world where they'd have made maps of it, but they didn't. They didn't make maps and that's an important point which we'll come back to. But the Romans conceived the world essentially as circular and it is surrounded by an outer sea. Some places are known to lie beyond the outer sea, one of which is Britain. And it is this remoteness, the interest in the land that lies beyond the known world that ultimately leads to Caesar's invasions and then to the Claudian invasion almost a century later. But in order to understand why Caesar came to Britain, twice in 55 and 54 BC, we need to understand a little of the contemporary political context in Rome. And Rome has a form of democracy at this stage, if you happen to be male and haven't been very rich, you can participate in it. And each year two men are elected to be the supreme leaders, the consuls for each year. And this democracy is not very democratic in reality. And a great deal of corruption, bribery, physical violence goes on to secure power. And by the 60s BC we see the rise of what is known as the triumvirate, the three figures you can see before you. Julius Caesar is one, but he along with Crassus and Pompey the Great come to an arrangement where they keep each other in power and ensure that they are elected to the highest position, the consulorship. And it is understood widely accepted within Roman society that in the year following a consulorship the consuls will be granted a provincial command in which as governors they have an opportunity to make their name even further, to accrue great wealth typically in the context of warfare. And this is seen by Roman society at the time to be entirely a good thing to bring more people under the sway of Roman authority. And it's within the relationship particular between Caesar and Pompey that I will argue that we should understand why Caesar comes to Britain. Crassus is the wealthiest man in Rome and he and Pompey have served together as consuls in the past and they are rivals. But Crassus is not a great general, he is a successful general, but his ambitions are quite modest. In contrast Pompey deliberately models himself on Alexander the Great and he seeks to conquer the known world. And it's in this conquest of the known world that Caesar takes his cue. Now most of what we know about Julius Caesar's invasions of Britain come from his descriptions in his commentaries on the battle for war. And from those commentaries we have a very popular image of Caesar as a general and also as an astute politician. But that misses a lot of things about the man. He is regarded as one of the most able men of his generation as a very fine orator, as a very fine author. But we also know when he comes to be a dictator that he attempts to reform the laws, to establish a library and he reforms the calendar which we still have today. So we just think of Caesar as a bit of Biffboff Bash general. We miss a lot. But we miss that partly because of the modern perception that he was such a fine propagandist that we cannot believe what he says. And this is a view that has been particularly propagated in the aftermath of the two world wars. And it says that Caesar conceals his meaning and the logic of the argument runs to the point that you can't believe anything he says. You can only believe what he doesn't say. I don't accept that. I think that's a very flawed reading. We have to remember that Caesar seems remarkable because his commentaries, his own account of the wars which are based on his annual reports to the Roman Senate is remarkable only insofar as that it survives. The other accounts of Pompey's wards, for example, are lost. So we don't know how typical or atypical the way he presents himself is. But I just want to take one example as to why we should believe largely what he says. And that's in his army he has the younger brother of the Roman senator Cicerove. The younger brother is Quintus Cicerove and we know that letters are written between the brothers and some of those letters survive. And so although we must accept that Caesar puts the best possible light on events, I don't think we can accept that he is lying outright or should not be believed. For if he would have done so he would surely have been called out. But what are these events? Well, Caesar serves as consul in 59 BC and in 58 he is awarded two provinces to look after and they are essentially north in Italy. And as you see from this map of the Roman world at this time it is very much a Mediterranean empire. And the parts to the east in modern Turkey largely have only recently been added by Pompey in the 60s BC. Caesar's command is north Italy, but unfortunately the governor for southern France Matilda Sellard dies unexpectedly and it's decided to add the province of Transalpine Gaul, basically southern France to Caesar's command. And what happens very shortly after that is that the people of Switzerland, the Helvetii, seek to migrate to the west of France. They say they're doing that because of pressure from the Germans and if they were to make their journey they would cross the territories of allies of Rome. And that would destabilise the Roman province in the south but it might also have other consequences. And so Caesar has a legitimate reason as a person in charge of protecting the south of France to take action and he does. And essentially he takes the opportunity to start a war and that is the beginning of the battle for Gaul. The defeat of the Helvetii follows very quickly but he then runs on for almost a decade campaigning as you can see in this map which looks like the introduction to Dad's army all the way across France into Germany, Belgium and beyond. And at no point do the Romans in Rome say this is a bad thing. They argue about individual things about whether they should have done that to a particular opponent or whether Caesar's outstretched his command but nobody says that this war is a bad thing. Everybody accepts it is a good thing to do. Now in 55 BC Julius Caesar does two things which are quite remarkable. The first is that he crosses the Rhine and the Rhine is one of the boundaries to Roman knowledge. They don't know what lies beyond it and there is tradition of German Germanic peoples having invaded the south of France and threatened Italy. So he strikes a blow even though it is largely symbolic blow against one of the great historic enemies of the Romans. And then later in the year he crosses the sea to Britain. He crosses beyond the known world and these are quite remarkable things to have done. But if that's the story, the broad outline, how does the archaeology begin to fill this in? Well in France it's well understood that there is an extensive archaeology of the battle for Gaul, the name of Julius Caesar's commentaries. Back in the 19th century some of the key battlefields were identified and since then sites have steadily come to light. And there's an important point to take from this work in France and I give you an example from Elysia, the decisive battlefield in 52 BC where on this map from Napoleon III's work in the 1860s you can make out in the middle there's a hill surrounded by red lines which the Romans besieged them. And I'm just going to highlight in the top right hand corner an unusual enclosure. The important point about this is that it's a Roman fort. It's not the kind of Roman fort we would expect to see in Britain or on the Roman limies but it is undoubtedly a Roman fort with the details of the defences, a typically Roman defensive works and if there were any doubt the inscribed sling stone at the bottom, the leg sling bullet is of Caesar's lieutenant, Titus Libienus. This is the fort of Caesar's deputy in 52 BC but you would not recognise it as a Roman fort and that's a lesson that's important for us to bear in mind when we look for what the archaeology of Caesar in Britain might be. So Caesar comes to Britain in 55 BC and he brings a very small force, I've suggested allegiance may only be 3000 here, they may have been stronger but it's a modest force, less than 10,000 and the important point in this is the time of year of which Caesar comes, the end of summer into the early autumn. Now, he returns, he doesn't stay and because of that it's very often said that Caesar's invasions were a failure. They weren't, they were never intended to be a permanent occupation and at this time it is simply enough for the Romans to be victorious in battle to declare themselves the victors and to secure the triumph. You do not need to have colonialism through boots on the ground, you can execute imperialism through working with the local elites and this is what Caesar's about. And the reason that he gives us for this invasion of 55 is that the Britons have sent support to the Gauls in all their battles against him. So he has a legitimate reason to come to Britain but he says almost nodsulently, I thought it would be useful, doesn't really elaborate why it would be useful or to whom it would be useful but that will become clearer. The following year he returns and he comes from a different place. Now in, sorry I skipped, the first year he crosses from, it is thought near Bolognau and traditionally it's believed he lands at Dover and as Colin was mentioning earlier, Rice Homes in 1907 argued that Caesar eventually landed at Diel. The reason why Rice Homes argued that Caesar landed at Dover or wanted to land at Dover was he believed there to be a harbour there but there is no evidence for a harbour in prehistoric Dover until much later. Did he land at Diel? I think that's very unlikely. The beach there is a deeply shelving shingle beach and it seems to me much more likely that the landing site lies further inland, probably somewhere towards Wharth which now lies on maybe three kilometres from the sea but before was much closer. But I don't want to dwell too much on 55 other than its political conquest rather than the turn to 54 and this is a much more serious exercise and the reason Caesar gives for this campaign is that in the winter of 55 to 54 a prince of the tribe of the Trinibantes, Manjubrarchius has fled to him in France to seek his support because the father of Manjubrarchius has been killed by somebody called Cassavillanus and this provides a legitimate reason for Caesar to come back to Britain. It's the same reason that he uses in starting of the war initially. It is to protect the allies of Rome against the migration of the Helvetii so it's the same narrative they are protecting their friends but he has a much larger force. He says five legions at least 2000 cavalry and 800 ships. Now there is a difference in the account. Caesar says in the first year he went by the shortest crossing which might have been the loin. The second year he talks about a place called Portis Itias which he describes providing the most convenient crossing and they aimed to land the place which they had learnt the year before was the best landing place. The plan is to sail across the channel using the tide and then to tack across the channel further with the wind but about midnight the wind drops and they are carried too far by the tide and at first light they see Britain far behind them on the left hand side. Traditionally that has been thought to be the cliffs at Dover and according to rice homes they returned probably to warmer and deal. I'm going to suggest that this is not the case and in order to understand this a little bit more we need to look at the topography. So here's a lidar model showing the contemporary landscape and Collins mentions Fannett. Now Fannett was an island but today it isn't. Fannett has never been considered as a possible landing base simply because once it was an island but it has many advantages so let's just lay down some of the places we've already mentioned. Here is Deal, the site at Worth. You can see now some distance inland from the shore. Richborough which is the traditional landing site of Claudius in AD 43 and Ramsgate, modern Ramsgate which I'll show you a picture of soon. The beach at Pegwell Bay and then Ebsfleet itself and an indication of the Wonson Channel and it is the Wonson Channel that is systematically reclaimed by the monks from Canterbury in the Middle Ages. By the 13th century AD there is very little left of the wide expanse of marsh and flood plain that was the former Wonson Channel. I don't think it had ever been a swiftly flowing river because if it had been it would have been impossible to retain so quickly and so effectively by the Middle Ages. So the topography is important in understanding this and here we see the peninsula of Ebsfleet in the road scheme excavations of 2010 and the peninsula is marked by the crops of wheat beyond like reclaimed ground and in the middle distance the river stower as it flows out through the eastern outflow of the former Wonson Channel. Beyond is the English Channel. Now in those excavations by Oxford Wessex Archaeology we found a very large ditch as Claudius mentioned. There and further away some 500 metres apart and there were two important points that struck me in the field about this that the first was it was very unusual to find the defence of this type at this time because in Britain hill forts had stopped being built. It was almost a century earlier and this certainly was no hill. So what was it? And then when we looked carefully at the evidence of occupation inside it we could find no evidence for contemporary occupation. There was an INH hamlet that had stood there but that seemed to have been abandoned at the time that these ditches were built. So as part of the research project we returned to the site an undertaken geophysical survey and you can see in brown the sweep of the road scheme and a pipeline to the east of it and then in the grey tone the geophysical prospection and all the field work on our project has been undertaken as community archaeology project working with Kent County Council. It was clear that the site occupies somewhere in the region of 20 hectares or more. Now we don't have the full extent. The area which the green line covers there is woodland. We've tried to survey but we can't get the data points and we don't have access to the lands to the east. So I'm not sure quite how we reconstruct the site but it is a very unusual site were it to be a British site. But in the course of the research for the road scheme I realised that the best parallels for the defences lie with the siege works at Elysia that we've seen before dating to 52 BC and also at the site of the battle of Bibracti in 58 BC. So the parallels seem to be Roman rather than British and the little image of the legionary here has by his side a couple of Roman pilum. Now at this time they're a different style from the ones you would see in Roman Britain. And so in this section of the ditch here which we excavated in 2016 when we found a weapon head initially we weren't sure what it was but eventually we could compare it with the examples from Elysia again and now more recently with a find from Hermes Kyle in Germany that dates to 51 BC. We can see that this is a typical Republican pilum head so we have certainly one Roman weapon from the defences. But we have another strand of evidence and that is the account that Julius Caesar gives off the landing and now it's important to have some of the topography here. Here's Ramsgate and the Chalk Cliffs by it. The sandy open beach at Pegwell Bay and here is an outline roughly of where the shore was in the 13th century because we have a dated medieval seawall and roughly where we think the Iron Age shoreline was. And the area enclosed by the defences lies within the plowed field. Caesar describes how they first see Britain at first light in their journey and he says at sunrise they see Britain afar on the port sides. And so they follow the tide to the place that they know is the best place of disembarkation and later on he gives us another couple of clues. He says the ships are left riding an anchor on a soft open shore and he also says that the Britons think about opposing the landing but retreat to the higher ground. And what we have at Pegwell Bay is a soft sandy open shore the biggest of its kind in East Kent and importantly we have cliffs by Ramsgate because when you're at sea in a small boat the curvature of the earth means you cannot see low lying ground. And either side of Thanet is low land or sea. The Watson Channel to the south, the Tensestry and then Essex to the north. So the only land that Caesar can have been describing are the cliffs of Thanet and next to Ramsgate by those cliffs we have the wide open shore that is consistent with the beach where you could land 800 ships in a day and disembark in the region of 20,000 soldiers and 2,000 horses. And to do that you need a landing front of between two and three kilometres. And so Pegwell Bay fits the bill very well. It just hadn't been considered before because it was an island earlier on. So we argue that Ebb's Fleet is the landing base of 54. Now the rest of the campaign is well known that he marches through the early hours of the following morning with most of the army to Canterbury, a battle is fought, they then have to come back to repair the ships and defend the fort that is protecting the fleet. They then return to Canterbury, another battle is fought, they march somewhere to around modern London, 80 miles inland across the Thames and eventually a decisive battle is fought in which Casimir Lawn is defeated. And we know that must be somewhere near the territory of the Trinabantes who we know as the tribe that occupies modern Essex because the Trinabantes is giving food and Caesar says that he should not allow his troops to harm the Trinabantes so the decisive battle is not far from the area of modern Essex. So one of the things we've done here's my colleague Al Oswald undertaking some of the survey works that we've done on hill forts that could have been attacked is to using LiDAR, an old fashioned earthwork survey, see which sites fit the bill for the sites that see dimensions of being attacked. Now Bigbury near Canterbury has long been identified as the place well identified, well protected by nature and by man, if only because it's the only hill fort until Prisypys Ferry Green's recent discoveries that it could have been. And we think that Bigbury is still the best candidate for the site that Caesar attacks and defeats in the first battle. The last battle, many sites have been suggested, but we are arguing that it is Warbury camp near Stansford airport because it is well protected, same phrase by nature and by man, but also it is protected by marshes. And so we've looked at all the hill forts and whether they are or could have been protected by marshes and Warbury camp, which is near the territory of the Trinabantes is the only one that fits the bill. So we can bookend the two battles that he describes in which hill forts are taken. We can also see evidence in the coinage and here's some work from Collins from some years ago which shows the distribution of coins that are issued in Belgium also, Northern France and Belgium, perhaps in Britain too. And their distribution on both sides of the channel suggests that they have been used as payment for soldiers fighting in the wars against Caesar. And the little red circle in the diagram at the bottom shows the great increase, a three-fold increase in the number of dies used to strike these coins which are dated to the times of the war. So we have in the archaeology for a long time coins that we can attribute to that. It's a bit fuzzy though and here are other coins that we think could fit into the campaigns to be associated with Caesar's campaigns through Britain. So here's a distribution of potent coins, tin, very high tin rich coins and you'll see there's quite a concentration in the London area and that is a distribution that is away from the normal pattern of site finds. So they looked to have been displaced. So we think these coins, the coin horde, might fit with Caesar's campaigns and the crossing of the Thames. But if you look at the small print, it's phase three. And then when we look at the Belgium coins, the Gallo-Belgiat E as they're called, they're phase four. And then you look at the British coins that copied the type before Gallo-Belgiat E, they're dated to a phase later. And this has worked still in progress. But we think we need to rearrange the chronology of the coinage where we will see, we are sure, that there is a horizon of coin hoarding that can be associated with the campaigns, but also the chronology of coin use, particularly of gold coins, can be extended earlier than is currently seen. But what are the long-term impacts in Britain? Well, Caesar describes how he takes hostages, the Obesides, and he decides on a tribute, the Vectigalis, how much they will pay. So Caesar says that at the end of 54, he's taking hostages and defining tribute. And this is a way by which the Romans will bind in the people, in this case Britain, into the Roman world, because if the peace is broken, those hostages will die and those hostages always come from the family of the elite. And if the money isn't paid, they might not be happy. But this is a classic Roman formulation of how you make people be on the Roman territory into client kings. And we think we can see some evidence of that in the well-known late Iron Age burial, the so-called Welling type, where there's a very tight concentration in Hertfordshire and they emerge from no background, and they have some unusual things, most notably from Welling grave here, silver cuts, which are exceptionally rare finds in Iron Age burials across Europe, and graffiti on the bottom that say that they were owned by a Roman. And we think that these may be diplomatic gifts that are given by the Romans to those people in Britain who choose to side with Caesar, rather than to fight with Cassavillornus against him. And so these are the kinds of people who may well become friends of Rome. And we can see this illustrated in the south of England with coins of Tim Comaras. Now there's a king called Comius, who's a gall, who eventually, after swapping sides with Caesar for and then again, says he will leave as long as he never sees the Roman again. And it's often assumed that the king who issues coins in the modern counties of Hampshire and Sussex, with the name Comius on it, is that same man. A little later we see coins with the name Tim Comaras, this is one here, and they're in a traditional style. Then all of a sudden the coins look absolutely Roman, and these coins imitate coins of Octavian of 29 BC. So why did the coins suddenly become Roman? And you couldn't get more Roman than this little quarter coin that goes with it, with a head of Medusa. It's really quite remarkable. Well, the explanation that has been given by John Crichton is that Tim Comaras was a client king, and he'd been sent as a hostage to Rome, and then he is returned to rule. And this is a scenario that we see with the distribution of similar coins outside the empire, all of which have the horsemen in Luxembourg, in Numidia, in Norican. And the important point about the example from Numidia is that it's Jupiter. Jupiter, we know, is taken as a hostage as a young child. He's brought up as a Roman, and then eventually returned to be seen as the king, the client king of Numidia, and Crichton argues that this is what we will see with Tim Comaras. And other things will follow from this, and just briefly to touch on them. We see the emergence of Oppiter, the earliest towns in Britain, and we see things with rectangular buildings and regular town planning. This is new from about the 20s BC, and in places like Fishbourne and Braffing in Hertfordshire, we begin to see a full range of Roman goods, imported goods like these ones from Greece. But at Braffing, we see Roman foodstuffs, olive oil, wine, fish sauce, but also food preparation vessels. The vessels are eating and drinking, broaches in the Roman style, cosmetic jars. We begin to see a complete Roman material culture, and that includes Stiley. And so we get the introduction of writing through the form of graffiti and also on coinage at these urban sites. And if there was any doubt that this complete Roman material culture package represents anything other than Romans, you look no further than the name Gracus on the graffiti from Braffing. We have Romans in Iron Age Britain, and rather than these arising from diplomatic contexts that are forged in campaigns in the 20s BC, we prefer to see them arising directly from the aftermath of Julius Caesar's campaigns. And ultimately, at the Denoumont, this is by maybe 10 BC, we can recognise at Lexden and Colchester the grave of a client king of Rome, where in the grave there is a complete range of Roman grave goods, Roman culture, Roman folding stool, Roman statuary, the dead man, if it is a man, is buried with a Roman suit of chain mail. It is a Roman burial. It is unique in Britain. It is the grave of a client king of Rome. We would argue that these links derived from Caesar. But in order to understand this better, we need to return to Rome. And what we've tried to do is to see how the triumph of Britain might have been represented. Now this is an example of the Horde, a silver vessel from Boscaralee near Pompeii. It's a Tiberius, the triumph of Tiberius, either in 7 BC or 1812. And this is a classic piece of Romans to speak theatre of ritual and popular entertainment. But in it, the successful general who's been acclaimed as a victor on the field of battle by his soldiers, the successful general dresses up as a god for a day. He wears traditional costume, and here you can see there is a slave behind him holding a wreath above his head saying, remember, you are but a man. You can play god for a day, but you are immortal. And in front of the triumphal chariot are displayed the booty. Now often that booty takes a form of gold rings and in Britain the amount of gold talks we have surely indicates that this is the typical booty that would have returned. To Rome would have been in British Iron Age talks. But we also have on Roman coins representations of chariots and Caesar mentions chariot warfare only in Britain. Never once does he mention it in Gaul. So these chariots must relate to the warfare of Britain. And so presumably some chariots were actually taken back to Rome and we have literary references and poets of people running around in their painted British chariots. So chariots as well. And there are also representations, representations of the places conquered and Germany is represented by the river Rhine, Gaul by the river Rome. And then there is a representation of golden statue of the ocean and it would seem to be that Britain is represented by a statue of the sea. Immediately in front of the triumphal chariot are the hostages, the elite family in Hiss, close up from the temple of polysosianus which celebrates Octavians victories in 29 BC. And the defeated are literally carted round on beers to be seen and jeered at by the Roman people. But eventually some of them are brought up as Romans and returned as client kings. And it's in this triumph that I think we should see the actual timing of why Caesar comes to Britain. And it's in relation to the deep rivalry and the competitiveness between the Roman elite, but particularly between Caesar and Pompey. Now Pompey is the greatest general of his time in Rome and he has claimed to have conquered the world. And Caesar competes with this and he does it through a variety of means. Some of them are great public building projects. So we see Caesar starting with his four for example while Pompey builds the theatre of Pompey and this is to be the first stone theatre in Rome and it's the greatest public building work of its age. And we can see how Pompey presents himself in a coin issued in 56 BC. In it we can see a globe in the middle and above it a crown which is a golden crown that Pompey was allowed to wear because he had celebrated three triumphs. And those three triumphs are represented by the threaths around them. And then below on the left there is a stern of a Roman ship, that lustre on the right, a corn of wheat. And if we play that out as how that refers to, it sees Pompey's triumphs in Europe, in Africa, in Asia, his three triumphs. The fact that he has defeated the pirates and secured the grain supply to Rome and also his responsibility for the grain supply. And in the centre is his globe in which he is claiming to be ruler or conqueror of the world and he will celebrate that by wearing his golden crown to the events in his theatre. This is going to open in September 55 BC. 55 BC, it's a year that Caesar crosses the Rhine and he crosses the sea in August to the effect that the news of his triumph will arrive in Rome just as Pompey is about to open his theatre. And that theatre will include statues of the nations that Pompey has conquered and it will include a statue of Pompey himself holding the globe. Caesar reigns on Pompey's party. He has redefined the world and he doesn't just do that militarily because in his ethnography which he gives the first descriptions of the Britons and of the Germans, he gives an intellectual element. And in his very accurate measurements of Britain and the way he uses a water clock to define the latitude of Britain, he gives it geographic information so it's an intellectual as well as a military conquest. And if we were any doubt about the significance it is made by Caesar's final statement at the end of the four triumphs that he celebrates on four consecutive days in 44 BC. And in his temple, to the temple of his family, Venus Genetorix, we know that he dedicates a curas, a breastplate made of British pearls. And those British pearls aren't the finest pearls. There are much better ones to be got from elsewhere, from the Indian Ocean, but Caesar wants it to be known that they come from Britain. And the point that he is making there is that he has crossed the sea and he has conquered the sea. He has gone beyond the known world. And the fact that he chooses to do that as his final act in these triumphs illustrates that his campaigns at his invasions in Britain weren't a failure. They weren't a failure because he didn't stay or he didn't conquer more. They were a success because he intended to go beyond the known world and in doing that he achieved the status that usurped the one that Pompey had tried to take for himself as the successor to Alexander the Great. So for Britain, Caesar's invasions have a profound effect. They draw Britain into the Roman world and because of the contacts that develop over the next hundred years in the client kingdoms, when Claudius eventually needs a relatively easy campaign, the south east of England is a relatively easy one for him to win. But for Rome, it's a different story. And in it, it is a story in which Caesar, with his geographical descriptions and his ethnographies, is redefining the intellectual basis of the world and extending the Roman Empire out beyond from the Mediterranean through France and then into Britain, he has redefined the world as a Roman's understood it. And that is why in his lifetime, his campaigns to Britain are regarded as an outstanding success, not a miserable failure. And in doing this, Caesar is redefining the world that the Romans knew in his own self image. Thank you.