 Welcome to what the F is going on in Latin America and the Caribbean, a popular resistance broadcast of hot news out of the region. In partnership with Black Alliance for Peace, Haiti America's team, Code Pink, Common Frontiers, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Friends of Latin America, Interreligious Task Force on Central America, Massachusetts Peace Action, and Task Force on the Americas, we broadcast Thursdays at 4.30 p.m. Pacific, 7.30 p.m. Eastern right here on YouTube Live, including channels for the ConvoCouch, Popular Resistance, and Code Pink. Post broadcast recordings can be found at Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Telegram, Rad Indy Media, and now under podcasts at popularresistance.org. Today's episode, So They Can See Us, Peru's National Protest Advances to Lima. I'm so honored to share with all of you two guests joining us live from Peru to very powerful women that you're going to really learn a lot from and enjoy listening to and engaging with. First, I'd like to introduce Anahi Doran. She is a sociologist, former minister of women and vulnerable populations for the Castillo presidency and founder of Mujeres por una nueva Constitución, Women for a New Constitution. And our second guest is Eliana Carlin. She is a Peruvian political scientist, lecturer and researcher. She is also co-founder of Eruinas Caruanas and no a Quieco, Peruvian heroines and no to Quieco and Quieco Fujimori. Today's episode will be Spanish and English. Spanish to English translation is provided by Carmelo Valescas of Valescas Translations Buenos Aires. So before I have you meet our guests, I want to share with all of you a rather detailed timeline of events beginning December 7th in Peru. Some of you engaged in today's episode have some really, really deep understanding of what's happening in Peru and others may be joining us for the first time to learn more about what's happening in Peru. So bear with me as I go through and I'll keep the daily events brief, but there's a lot of things that have happened since December 7th. So let me start with this timeline and then I'll have our guests join us. So December 7th, 2022, the surprise winner of the July 21 presidential election, Pedro Castillo comes under immediate attack from the right. On December 7th, he attempts to dissolve Congress before it can debate a third impeachment motion against him. And he says he will form an emergency government and rule by decree. Lawmakers vote overwhelmingly to remove him from office for moral incapacity to exercise power he has arrested for rebellion. Vice President Dina Blalarte becomes Peru's first female president. December 10. Pro Castillo protests spread with demonstrators blocking roads and burning tires across the country. December 11, two people are killed in the South. December 12, hundreds of protesters temporarily block the airport runway in Peru's second biggest city, Arraquipa. On December 14, Peru announces a 30 day nationwide state of emergency. Sorry, I lost my screen for a moment folks. December 15, Castillo's pretrial detention is prolonged for 18 months. December 16, the Pro Castillo protests spread to the town of Cusco. The gateway to Peru's top tourist attraction, the Inca Citadel of Machu Picchu with rail services, road and air links closed. December 20, as the death toll rises, Congress votes to bring forward the general election from 2026 to April 2024. January 9, 2023, 18 people are killed in clashes with security forces triggered when demonstrators tried to storm an airport in the southeastern city of Juliaca. The prosecutor's office says it will investigate Bolarty for genocide over the protests. The next day, Peru's government declares a state of emergency in Lima and three other regions. January 19, clashes with police punctuate a march by thousands through the capital for a large anti-government rally. Peru closes Machu Picchu on January 21. On the 24th, Lima sees its most violent clashes since the start of the crisis. January 26, the government says police and soldiers will dismantle roadblocks erected by protesters on the nation's highways. January 28, Congress rejects a request by Bolarty to advance elections to December 2023. January 31, the Peruvian foreign minister led in Washington, DC, a meeting between Peruvian businessmen and their counterparts from the US Chamber of Commerce. Representatives of multinational companies from mining, finance, technology and health among other sectors attended the event. So thank you for your patience but this was a really important update and timelineing events to share with you. And with that all said, I would like you to meet our two guests, Eliana and Anahi. They are joining us live from Peru and let me tell you a little bit about both of them. Again, Anahi is a sociologist and former minister of women and vulnerable populations for the Castillo presidency and founder of Mujeres por una nueva Constitución. And again, Eliana Carlin is a Peruvian political scientist, lecturer and researcher. She is also co-founder of Eruinas Peruanas and no Aqueco. So welcome, ladies. What a wonderful opportunity to have you with us. Muchas gracias. Thank you very much. Thank you, Terry. Thank you for this space. Oh no, thank you. It's an honor to have both of you with us and it's so important to share with our audience what is happening in Peru. And so where would you like to start? What's the most important place for us to begin this conversation? Maybe to move on. I think we should start highlighting this mobilization capacity of the Peruvian people in the light of what is going on in Peru. This imposition of Ms. Valuarte and the elite that are simply living outside democracy and the popular vote. We have seen in the last two months deployment and expression of solidarity demonstrations and expressions of dignity of the Peruvian people that are not willing to have imposed a government that was not elected by popular vote because she was not voted by the people. She is part of a constitutional succession and this could have been shorter and not trying to take the place of President Castillo in the next four years and let alone ally with the right-wing parties because she's ruling the country with the right-wing parties. This mobilization by the Peruvian people, this solidarity is something that we need to highlight and I wanted to start with that. I call upon the solidarity of you because the repression of the Peruvian state to diminish these peaceful protests is not good. People take the streets to protest peacefully and it was what happened on December the 7th. They have been repressed brutally and we have more than 62 people who have been killed during the protest. We have underaged the people who have been killed and the expert examinations have been clear. They have been killed with bullets of the law enforcement agencies. So I would highlight these mobilizations and call upon the solidarity towards the Peruvian people. Eliana, what would you like to say to compliment? Yes. The first thing we need to make visible, especially outside of Peru, is the need of search for justice, immediate justice for more than 60 people who have been killed in our country and violations against the human rights of those of us who are witnessing this situation happening. We have seen the scenario that Anai described well. Killings and deaths are the most severe consequence but we are also witnessing the reproduction of practices that are well remembered in Peru that were part of a recent past in our last dictatorship during Fujimori's administration. They perpetrated similar practices not only by selectively killing people, something that made infamous the Fujimori's government and he's imprisoned for that, but all the practices that we are also witnessing, the violation of human rights, the rupture of the democratic order within Peru and the armed eruption in the National University of San Marcos and more than 100 people were unfairly arrested. Systematic political persecution that is currently taking place in our streets where people are arrested with no probable cause, they are arrested for having, for example, $500 in solace. The police want to show that this is illegal financing of insurrection and it's not that, this is illegal persecution against citizens who are trying to organize their communities in spirit of solidarity and autonomy and those practices of intimidation are the ones that we are witnessing on a daily basis against us, against those who are supporting protests and demonstrations, also racism and discrimination against those coming from the countryside from the rural areas of the countries and this is not visible at all in the media outlets because they are just focusing on different things. That's the situation in our country. So let's talk a little bit about the citizen mobilization because this is a recurring theme on many of our episodes, the need, the importance of citizen mobilities, particularly from indigenous populations, social movements, labor movements. And those are the people in the provinces in Peru outside of Lima, the base of the oligarchy, those are the people that voted for Pedro Castillo. And those are the people that are upset that they're voting right, the election results that they helped produce have now been so overtly violated. Can we talk about what's happening now? And I think, correct me if I'm wrong, I believe most of this mobilization is coming from the southern provinces and has now moved north into the capital of Lima. Can we let's talk a bit about these movements and who and what they are? First of all, those who are protesting and protest started precisely in the south of Peru, precisely near the border with Bolivia, but also towards the center, regions such as Cusco, Puno, Ayacucho, among others, that are characterized by a strong ethical component. Quechua is the most widely spoken language in that area and yes, they voted Pedro Castillo and before they voted for Humala. These people eager for change, territories where you have the main mining reservoirs, the copper reserves are there, the lithium reserves are there and they are excluded population that have not received the benefits of these resources that should have brought benefits for all this population and this economic boom that was sold, we saw that there was a waste of money during the pandemic and there is some happiness that has accumulated even before December the 7th, the systematic exclusion of the regions by Lima and people say that it's not December the 7th, this is the expression of 200 years of neglect and that is why it's so necessary, a new constitution, a new constitutional text that includes these Peruvian people that have been systematically excluded. This is a component of a protest, a territorial component that is now expanding towards other regions. Now we see expressions of protest in the north and we see this in Lima, historical demand for recognition and demand for true democracy that does not vulnerate the votes of citizens because we have a systemic crisis in Peru. We have had seven presidents in seven years, almost one president per year and only two of them elected by the people. The rest are the result of parliamentary maneuvers. So this is another characteristic of this context of mobilization. People that are demanding a new model of society and new model of country, this is very important. And as I was saying, the ethnic indigenous component that is organizing the protest, they send delegations to Lima, they store resources and so they're claiming to be included in a country that has excluded them historically. Just to complement what Anai said, in fact, we have a heterogeneous group of citizens mobilizing and telling the president that there is an absence of leadership, an absence of leaders. That's absurd. This is the argument of the Peruvian government, not to hold conversations with us. The reality is that there is a lot of leadership, dozens of leaders, but they are not in Lima. They are not just staring at traditional politicians. They are all across Peru. And from the power, the obligation of those really in the country is precisely to hold conversations with this leadership outside of Lima. And if we need to organize 20 dialogue tables outside Lima, they need to be done because that's the purpose of having people in holding positions of power. But the elites of that Lima that I always say that they are a colony in their state of mind, a shameful colonial mind, they see this dialogue as something impossible. They use derogatory names against us. They even exclude the possibility of acknowledging the diversity of leadership that exists in Peru. On the other hand, no leader. Now it's going to sit down with a government that has killed more than 60 people because it's bringing legitimacy to a space of power that have no intentions of introducing changes. And what they want at this moment is to continue killing us. So now this is the state of affairs of how the power is working in this rotten system that we see in Lima. There are no leaders that can even sit down to speak with this government because they don't want to. It's not possible. This possibility vanished because at some point, leaders considered the possibility of talking to the government but the government started killing people. They created a cabinet full of figures linked to Fujimoriism and on the next day, we started to see killings. So there's no leadership that are willing to sit down and speak to this government due to this state of affairs. And clearly the elites refer to us as a mass without shape, without organization. One thing that Ana mentioned has to do with the episode of the search for the recognition of the votes. There are injustices that we have seen for more than 200 years and that goes back to way before December 7th. There is something that has to do with the current crisis. The search for the elimination of Pedro Castillo by the elites by using legal firms of Peru that work linked to the largest corporations in our country that generated somehow crusade to contest the results of the votes in Peru, especially to render invalid the votes from our brothers and sisters from the South. These are people that are usually neglected because of their ethnic origin. Precisely, those votes want to be rendered invalid by the most important lawyers of Peru working shoulder to shoulder with the ruling class because there is this idea of democracy is just voting every five years. So they wanted to eliminate the rights of all the citizens from the South by contesting the results of elections. So I should share, thank you, Eliana, because I have a whole list of things that I want to talk about that you've brought up. But I should share with both Anahi, Eliana, and also with the audience that we did do an episode around December 14 regarding the removal of Pedro Castillo from the presidency of Peru. We did a full episode on lawfare. And so I'll share that with Eliana and Anahi and with the audience as well, because we went into a lot of detail as the technical aspects of a lawfare. Basically, it's the modern day form of a coup d'etat or a golpe de estado. So there are several things that were mentioned. And I want us to say one thing for the audience because Eliana made this really clear that Lima, the capital Peru, is the seat of the oligarchy. It's been the seat of the oligarchy and power for 200 years, which we see throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. And many of those governments have changed to center left at this point, first time in 200 years. I'd cite Columbia as well recently. And this battle between the capital, the center, of power, Lima, and the provinces. We should talk a little bit more about that in a historical context for the audience. So they understand, or at me as well, the significance of Pedro Castillo becoming president of Peru and what that meant to have the provinces represented in Lima. And also, Eliana, you mentioned that the leadership in Lima does not represent the provinces that there's very few in the legislature and in the cabinet that are from the provinces. And this is, I think this is really important to understand historically and also to understand why this law fair has unfolded. I mean, for Castillo, it was three times the legislature tried to impeach him. And they, you know, unfortunately succeeded on the third. So let's give some historical context to this battle between Lima and the provinces. Elis, if you'd like to. Elis? Well, in reality, what we are witnessing now is part of this gap in which we not only... We need to see that Lima is a diverse space. When I speak about this colonial Lima, I speak about what the consulting company is called the Modern Lima. Some districts, 10 districts, a geographical area that is quite limited in which it's very easy to believe for those who live there and don't go beyond their nose, that there could be a state of affairs that is favorable and the system has brought development, blah, blah, blah. So 10 minutes trip, you realize that this is completely fake. It is true to what they say for just a fraction of the population. So what happened with Pedro Castillo is that his victory was so overwhelming and surprising because even the pollsters didn't go beyond the rural area. So that is why he started to become so visible in the polls. First, at the end of the first round, he was like in the last positions. And I want to share with you an example that is quite curious. There were TV stations that didn't even have his picture when he won the first round just to give you an idea. So they showed the picture of the person holding the second position in the voting results, but Pedro Castillo was not shown. Incredible. They didn't even have his picture to show. So the reality is that he starts to become visible during the first round of votes. Lima has a third of the population. It's a very important voting spot. So what I was saying about the leadership in Lima, the limas, there are different limas that are diverse. And we start to see mobilizations right here that has a base of mobile light spaces due to human rights affairs. The anti-Fujimorism, the Fujimorism, in each electoral moment, we see the different limas moving against Fujimorism that has to do with the defense of democracy and mobilizing around human rights issues. Now, I think the whole presence of Pedro Castillo had an element of representation and covered the need for representation that was so urgent for many people. Not only the elite didn't calculate how to handle with this crisis situation that we're living now, the presence, the material presence, of a peasant, of a farmer, of a teacher in the palace of government, the House of Pizarro. And the population has seen for a year and a half these three impeachment attempts and 55 fisc dockets because there have been corruption investigations. All the presidents we have had in our Republican era had been processed. And in the last 30 years, some of them have been detained. And this is going to happen with Dinavo Luarte, I'm sure. In the short terms. And we saw how Pedro Castillo and his family underwent a situation of injustice using the prosecutor's office as a political arm, shamelessly. And people are not stupid. And they have witnessed that for a year and a half of abuse, of differentiated treatment. And it's not difficult to draw conclusions why is this abuse taking place. Pedro Castillo, if he was a person from the Lima elite, nothing would have occurred. Not even a half of what has occurred of the abuses he has undergone. Just to complement what Liana explained. Effectively, as you mentioned, Terry, the law fair, the judicial war is something that is quite present in Peru and Latin America. Clearly against Pedro Castillo, the prosecutor's office for the first time investigated a president in office. Because usually presidents are protected by immunity. Here we have witnessed an unseen interpretation of law. This criminalization and this prosecution is not exclusive against Pedro Castillo. We are seeing the demonization and the criminalization of social leaders of our opposition congressmen and women. In 2023, we see some future candidates that are being prosecuted. And these are not processes with guarantees. So it's necessary to highlight the role of the office of prosecutions and the judiciary to criminalize social leaders to political leaders that belong to the opposition. And with the purpose not to seek for justice, no, the judiciary acting as just another political actor. And this goes against the spirit of democracy. Oh, gosh, this is so complex and it's just so evil. That's a really strong word to use. But just listening to both of you, it's just so evil. And then we see this playing out throughout the hemisphere, the global south in general, I would say. But our work is in Latin America and the Caribbean. One of the things that came up earlier in our discussion, I think, Eliana, you brought this up. Protests started in the south along the border with Bolivia, an area, and this is principally Quechua-speaking indigenous people with Bolivia and a border with Bolivia, an area with many mining reserves. And so I guess for a lot of us who work on human rights related issues and land related issues, environmental related issues regarding mining, this is probably not surprising that the Castillo government has been couped and that the current foreign minister of Peru was in Washington, DC yesterday, which was what, January 31st, to meet with the United States Chamber of Commerce and the business sector focused on mining interests. So this to me is very reminiscent of what we saw happen in Honduras in 2009 and how the coup-installed government of Pepe Logo, quote, unquote, opened Honduras for business, which started a whole acceleration of the extraction industry and also an enormous nationwide privatization project. Is this what is in store for Peru in this moment? Is this what the vision for Peru is with this current coup government? Yes, I would say yes, effectively. We see similar aspects to what happened in Honduras and in Bolivia in 2019 in terms of restoring initiative, if you want to call it, the power of neoliberal elites and what they have had since the times of Fujimori and that has been disappearing with popular mobilization. But they want to restore the old state of affairs. They lost the elections in the past and now they want to use authoritarianism to impose their will. That is why they're resorting to violence in the search of installing hegemony and giving open access to the capital. They already have capital here in the oil concessions in the agricultural business, some businesses that have installed in Peru in the last years. And in detriment of the most excluded sectors, this promise that the wealth is going to reach these popular sectors at some point. And that is why people are so outraged because this is not going to happen. And so I think they want to restore the ancient authoritarian order of the past. It's not only that Dina wants to stay for a year and a half. They want to create the conditions for ensuring to have a right-wing option that could win the elections. This is what we see. They have initiatives to get a hold of the powers from the Congress. This is something that goes beyond Dina. There are multinational powers around this. And that is why it's important for them to have the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the US. This makes evident what is at stake. I think this is a clear threat upon us at this moment. I just want to compliment that in the last days, several things have been said about the reserves of lithium in Puno. And apart from this lithium reserve, important multimillion contracts of extractive industries related to mining activities, oil in a lesser way. And these are three elements that are on the table and have to do with this discussion in very reduced space. There has been an invisibleization by the media outlets of this. And this is about money and interest, the whole situation. All this thing about extractive industries that, in the end, are resources that we have in the soil of Peru. This overlaps with the situation of media outlets. They are an actor that plays a key role, and they are responsible of the situation that we are living. Because there is somehow a transaction that has to do with state advertising paid with favors. And we see extractivism on one hand, structural extractivism, but also we see the major economic interest behind controlling the situation and the access to the decision-making mechanisms. Because having a year and a half in power, a person like Castillo that they didn't know, this broke somehow this context of interest and information exchange that were structured and running for 30 years. And this got interrupted by Castillo. And now they are groups that speak through different mechanisms. We have a small group of people that were used to rule the country through WhatsApp. And when Pedro Castillo took office, they suddenly became the heroes of their democracy. And during that year and a half, they were attacking and attacking systematically Pedro Castillo to basically ignore the people's will. So let me ask both of you. Inapolarte had announced initially, December 7, that she would hold the presidency through 2026, complete Pedro Castillo's term. And then now, more recently, she said she would hold elections December 2023. The Peruvian Assembly denied her that capability, which to me just reinforces they want the next couple of years to regain their power and put these business interests in front again, which you have both described. And so now they conceivably have the business interests, the transnational corporate interests, specifically extraction industry has until 2026. What are the Peruvian people, the people that you work with, the people from the provinces, the people who elected Pedro Castillo? What are you doing to prevent this? I have heard talk about a constituente asemblea, constituent assembly, which I believe your constitution permits. We are not familiar with that process in the United States. So let's talk about that. What is a constituente asemblea, a constituent assembly, and how the people outside of Lima are working to bring this about? Either one of both of you, please. I'm going to start. Because we have this group called Women for a New Constitution. Precisely, the constituent assemblies are a democratic mechanism that makes possible writing a new constitution. In the case of a political constitution in Peru, we have had 12 constitutions in our 200 years of Republican life. The first ones during the 19th century and one that was democratically written in 1978 that was eliminated by the self-coup of Fujimori. Like in Chile, Fujimori makes this coup and changes the government and imposes a new model that is tied to a constitution to make it difficult to introduce any subsequent changes. And that constitution can not be changed. So the constitution interprets that the Congress that the constitution cannot be changed. So we have reached a point in which it is unquestionable that there is the need of change the constitution. First, because that constitution was imposed during a dictatorship. But there has also been a problem of decomposition because in the Congress, they have changed the constitution. What we have now is a Frankenstein that is the result of legislative modifications. We have passed from being a presidential regime to a legislative regime. Now there is no second balances. The Congress does what they want and people have not voted for that. So these reforms need to be made a consulting population. What the people in the South are doing and what our groups are doing is creating the possibility of overcoming this crisis through democratic means with a large people's consultation. If people agree with a new constitution, we can have a constituent assembly to create a new space where we have the possibility of agreeing upon fundamental issues and have a real social pact. What's the role of the state? What type of education do we want? How do we want the resources to be handled? What we have now not only was imposed arbitrarily but also deteriorated. So there is no consensus. There is no stability. So this is the way out, the constituent assembly and people are starting to change their mind. 40% last year agreed with the possibility of a new constitution and now we have a 70% of our population agreeing with this idea. We have seen that from the Congress and the powers, no new ideas are going to come and no consensus is possible. So this possibility that is a democratic possibility, the constituent assembly, is what people are demanding. And the indigenous people that never had participation in writing a constitution, women were also excluded in the past. We never were part of a constituent assembly. During the Fujimarism, just a few women participated. We need a true space for all the voices that need to be present for a new social pact in Peru. Just to complement what Anai said, and Anai is doing a great job speaking about this space of women, it's important to mention that there has been a ground gain of this need for our constituent assembly. Five months ago, a survey was published saying that 45% of population supported the idea of having a constituent assembly. The survey that was published three days ago affirms that 69% of population wants a constituent assembly to be held. This has not been shown, obviously, in any media outlet. When 45% was mentioned, the media outlet presented part of this idea, saying that minority of the country wants the constituent assembly, but we don't see anything published now when this percentage has reached 69%. I want to mention how, from the media power and the executive branch, they are criminalizing not only the protest, but the persons that dare to speak about the constituent assembly. From opinion leaders, they are saying that a constituent assembly is a synonym of speaking about terrorism. Come on. We are speaking about the most democratic possibility. The core of democracy, if we want to see the democracy as something genuine, we cannot say that the constituent assembly is opposed to the spirit of democracy. And so these people that are speaking about the constituent assembly are being criminalized because there is leadership that clearly disagrees with these elites of power in Peru. These people that speaks about the constituent assembly are being victims of discrimination, and Anai has been targeted by these demonizers. She has been called a terrorist for having a strong voice that speaks about the need of a constituent assembly. And what are we doing? What are we doing? Trying to raise our voices. Anai has created this group. Each time we are invited to spaces of discussion and media participation, we have less spaces. They are not calling us to speak about these ideas in the media outlets. Each time we have the opportunity, we try to raise our voice and express our ideas. What is the right wing doing? And this is something that we need to reflect upon. If we take a look of what the media outlets are doing, there has been last week, there are entire TV shows in prime time in all of these programs. Every day, they are discussing topics and they link these programs with this idea on why it would be nefarious to change the constitution. This is what they're doing, showing this unfair criticism on TV. There is the son of a famous lawyer that is linked to people with doubtful reputation that has defended pedophiles. People from those settings are starting national campaigns against this idea of a national constituent assembly, collecting signatures to fight against this idea of a constituent assembly. They're saying it's useless. So those signatures are not useful because they try to fool people saying those signature collections are useful. But what they do, they can do it with money and we know who supports these people. So we need to take into account what we are doing and take into account what they are doing on the other side. And we have disadvantages, of course, because we don't have the money, but we are fighting in every possible space. Well, Elion, you say you don't have the money, but boy, there's certainly the numbers. I mean, to me, when I hear 69, 70% of the population wanting a new constitution, that to me, sitting from the outside says, the Peruvian people want change, period. They're not happy with the Balarte government. And I would also argue that you could, and I guess this was more a question for both of you, there are the majority of citizens who voted for Pedro Castillo and want him returned to power that's who they voted for and that's constitutionally, that's who should be president. And then you have people who maybe perhaps didn't vote for him on the left, right, or center who simply are upset with the fact that there has been a law fair coup d'etat in their country and basically Peru has an unconstitutional president. And I could see that that would make the vast majority of Peruvians very upset unless you were hardcore, right, Buji Morris, transnational capital supporters and all of that. I mean, what happened on December 7th affects everyone as a Peruvian citizen, everyone's constitutional rights, everyone's right to vote and have their vote recognized and valued. It's a huge crisis. And so what in our final minutes, what would the two of you, and I'll ask to let each of you take some time to share with us what we can do, U.S. citizens specifically, but all of us activists across Latin America and the Caribbean who are standing in solidarity with the Peruvian people in this moment of constitutional crisis and what would you like to see us do? How can we best help you? Eleana. Well, in principle, first of all, from the activism space, coordinate our efforts, organize ourselves, solidarity from the outside is very important for us. I think our fellow sisters and brothers outside Peru are doing a great job demonstrating outside the Peruvian embassies and when they see these fake authorities of Peru and we have a space beyond the politics that could be coordinated in the different fora and the spaces of solidarity. I think the first step is to create ties among ourselves. Understand that we are fighting a common case that goes beyond Peru. This may help us to promote certain initiatives that we can speak in detail in the other programs, know each other, organize each other, recognize each other to be echo of the situation in Peru. For us, it's very important. Yes, just to compliment what Eleana said, I think there is a voice that is being heard. We saw the letter that several Democrat congressmen wrote to suspend a military aid to Peru. So there were congressmen expressing their concern. More people killed than days of government in Peru. So this is a situation that triggers major concern in the international community. As Eleana said, the Peruvians abroad, your voices of solidarity, the fact that you are communicating what's happening in Peru is fundamental for us. And this pressure that also takes place in civil society organizations and from feminism, Dina has said that she is the first female president and that is why she's being targeted with attacks. And that's not true. She's not being questioned for being a woman. She's questioned for the political decisions she has made as president. And so it's fundamental to see these expressions of solidarity. We thank you for this space and continue interconnected because this is a global fight. Thank you, Anahi. Eleana, more comments, no? You have any other comments? Yes. No, we wanted to thank you for this possibility. It is truly refreshing to take the time to speak about what's going on. And it's great to see the expressions of solidarity outside of Peru and outside Latin America. Solidarity is present elsewhere. Thank you. Thank you for us. It is truly encouraging to continue our struggle. Thank you. No, thank you to both of you. Just what an honor to speak with both of you today and to hear in such detail what's happening in Peru. It's been an incredibly informative conversation for me and I suspect for our audience as well. And I hope that we can have you come back and give us updates as things continue to unfold in Peru. And again, I'm just so thank you to both of you for making time today. And really an honor for me personally to meet both of you. And I hope to meet both of you remotely. And I hope to meet both of you personally at some point. I know there's so many human rights delegations coming to Peru. And so perhaps more and more stories of what is the reality on the ground we'll get into the media and into the hearts and minds of people specifically in the Global North. So with that said, I'd like to close the program just to remind the audience that you've been watching what the F is going on in Latin America and the Caribbean. We are a popular resistance broadcast in partnership with Black Alliance for Peace, Haiti Americas team, Code Pink, Common Frontiers, Council on Hemispheric Affairs, Friends of Latin America, Interreligious Task Force on Central America, Massachusetts Peace Action, and Task Force on the Americas. We broadcast on YouTube Live every Thursday, 7.30 PM Eastern on Code Pink, Popular Resistance, and the ConvoCouch YouTube channels. Post broadcast recordings can be found at Apple Podcasts and Spotify or wherever you get your podcast. And today's episode has been recorded in English and Spanish. So we will share both to create as wide of an audience as possible for Eliana and Anahi and all of the people in Peru. So with that said, everyone, thank you for joining us and we will see you next week.