 CHAPTER XIII. The time had now come for the Duke of Valentinoire to continue the pursuit of his conquests. So, since on the first of May, in the preceding year, the Pope had pronounced sentence of forfeiture in full consistory against Julius Caesar of Verano, as punishment for the murder of his brother Rudolph for the harbouring of the Pope's enemies, and he had accordingly been mocked of his thief of Camerino, which was to be handed over to the apostolic chamber. Caesar left Rome to put the sentence in execution. Consequently, when he arrived on the frontiers of Perugia, which belonged to his lieutenant Gianpaolo Baglione, he sent Oliverotta da Femmo and Orsini of Guarini to lay waste the march of Camerino, at the same time petitioning Guido de Baldo di Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino, to lend his soldiers an artillery to help him in this enterprise. The unlucky Duke of Urbino, who enjoyed the best possible relations with the Pope, and who had no reason for distrusting Caesar, did not dare refuse. But on the very same day that the Duke of Urbino's troops started for Camerino, Caesar's troops entered the duchy of Urbino and took possession of Caldi, one of the four towns of the little state. The Duke of Urbino knew what awaited him if he tried to resist, and fled incontinently, disguised as a peasant. Thus, in less than eight days, Caesar was master of his whole duchy, except the fortress of Mojolo and San Leone. The Duke of Valentinoire, forthwith, returned to Camerino, where the inhabitants still held out, encouraged by the presence of Julius Caesar di Verano, their lord, and his two sons, Venantio and Hannibal, the eldest son, Gianmaria, had been sent by his father to Venice. The presence of Caesar was the occasion of parliing between the besiegers and besieged. A capitulation was arranged whereby Verano engaged to give up the town, on condition that he and his sons were allowed to retire safe and sound, taking with them their furniture, treasure, and carriages. But this was by no means Caesar's intention, so, profiting by the relaxation invigilance that had naturally come about in the garrison, when the news of the capitulation had been announced, he surprised the town in the night preceding the surrender, and Caesar di Verano and his two sons, who were strangled a short time after. The father at La Purgola and the sons at Pessaro, by Don Michel Correlio, who, though he had left the position of Spiro for that of a captain, every now and then returned to his first business. Meanwhile, Viterlotso Vitelli, who had assumed the title of general of the church, and had under him eight hundred men at arms and three thousand infantry, was following the secret instructions that he had received from Caesar by word of mouth, and was carrying forward that system of invasion which was to encircle Florence in a network of iron, and in the end make her defence an impossibility. A worthy pupil of his master, in whose school he had learned to use, in turn, the cunning of a fox and the strength of a lion, he had established an understanding between himself and certain young gentlemen of Oredzo to get that town delivered into his hands. But the plot had been discovered by Guglielma del Pazzi, commissary of the Florentine Republic, and he had arrested two of the conspirators, whereupon the others, who were much more numerous than was supposed, had instantly dispersed about the town summoning the citizens to arms. All the republican faction, who saw in any sort of revolution the means of subjugating Florence, joined their party, set the captives at liberty, and seized Guglielma, then, proclaiming the establishment of the ancient constitution, they besieged the citadel, with the Cosimo de Pazzi, Bishop of Oredzo, the son of Guglielma, had fled for refuge. He, finding himself invested on every side, sent a messenger in hot haste to Florence to ask for help. Unfortunately for the Cardinal, Viterlotso's troops were nearer to the besiegers than were the soldiers of the most Serene Republic to the besieged, and instead of help, the whole army of the enemy came down upon him. This army was under the command of Viterlotso, of Gianparlo Baglioni, and of Fabio Orsino, and with them were the two Medici, ever ready to go wherever there was a league against Florence, and ever ready at the command of Borgia, on any conditions whatsoever, to re-enter the town whence they had been banished. The next day more help in the form of money and artillery arrived, sent by Pandolfo Petrucci, and on the eighteenth of June the citadel of Oredzo, which had received no news from Florence, was obliged to surrender. Viterlotso left the men of Oredzo to look after their town themselves, leaving also Fabio Orsino to garrison the citadel with a thousand men. Then, profiting by the terror that had been spread throughout all this part of Italy, by the successive captures of the duchy of Orbino, of Camarino, and of Oredzo, he marched upon Monte Sanseverino, Castiglione, Arretino, Cotoni, and the other towns of the valley of Tiana, which submitted one after the other almost without a struggle. When he was only ten or twelve leagues from Florence, and dared not, on his own attempt anything against her, he made known the state of affairs to the Duke of Valentinoire. He, fancying the hour had come at last, for striking the blow so long delayed, started off at once to deliver his answer in person to his faithful new tenants. But the Florentines, though they had sent no help to Guglielmo de Pazzi, had demanded aid from Charmont Dumbest, Governor of the Milanese, on behalf of Louis XII, not only explaining the danger they themselves were in, but also Caesar's ambitious projects, namely that after first overcoming the small principalities and then the states of the Second Order, he had now, it seemed, reached such a height of pride that he would attack the King of France himself. The news from Naples was disquieting. Serious differences had already occurred between the Count of Armoniac and Consolver de Cordova, and Louis might any day need Florence, whom he had always found loyal and faithful. He therefore resolved to check Caesar's progress, and not only sent him orders to advance no further, but also sent off, to give him effect to his injunction, the Captain Imbo with four hundred lances. The Duke of Valentinoire, on the frontier of Tuscany, received a copy of the treaty signed between the Republic and the King of France, a treaty in which the King engaged to help his ally against any enemy whatsoever, and at the same moment the formal prohibition from Louis to advance any further. Caesar also learned that beside the four hundred lances with the Captain Imbo, which were on the road to Florence, Louis XII had, as soon as he reached Asty, sent off to Parma, Louis de la Tromwe, and two hundred-minute arms, three thousand Swiss, and a considerable train of artillery. In these two movements combined, he saw hostile intentions toward himself, and turning right about faith with his usual agility, he profited by the fact that he had given nothing but verbal instructions to all his lieutenants, and wrote a furious letter to Vita Lodso, reproaching him for compromising his master with a view to his own private interest, and ordering the instance surrendered to the Florentines of the towns and fortresses he had taken, threatening to march down with his own troops and take them if he hesitated for a moment. As soon as this letter was written, Caesar departed from Milan, where Louis XII had just arrived, bringing with him proof positive that he had been culminated in the evacuation of the conquered towns. He also was entrusted with the Pope's mission to renew for another eighteen months the title of legate, a latere, in France to Cardinal Dumbest, the friend rather than the minister of Louis XII. Thus, thanks to the public proof of his innocence and private use of his influence, Caesar soon made his peace with the King of France. But this was not all. It was in the nature of Caesar's genius to divert an impending calamity that threatened his destruction so as to come out of it better than before, and he suddenly saw the advantage he might take from the pretended disobedience of his lieutenants. Already he had been disturbed now and again by their growing power, and coveted their towns. Now he thought the hour had perhaps come for suppressing them also, and in the usurpation of their private possessions striking a blow at Florence, who always escaped him at the very moment when he thought to take her. It was indeed an annoying thing to have these fortresses and towns displaying another banner than his own in the midst of the beautiful Romagna which he desired for his own kingdom. For Vittorotso possessed Gitta di Costello, benti Voglio Bologna, Gian Paolo Baleoni was in command of Perugia, Oliverotto had just taken Fomo, and Pandolfo Petrucci was lord of Siena. It was high time that all these returned into his own hands. The lieutenants of the Duke of Valentinoire, like Alexanders, were becoming too powerful, and Borgia must inherit from them unless he were willing to let them become his own heirs. He obtained from Louis XII three hundred lances were with to march against them. As soon as Vittorotso Vittelli received Caesar's letter he perceived that he was being sacrificed to the fear that the King of France inspired, but he was not one of those victims who suffered their throats to be cut in the expiation of a mistake. He was a buffalo of Romagna who opposed his horns to the knife of the butcher. Besides, he had the example of Verano and the Manfredi before him, and death for death he preferred to perish in arms. So Vittorotso convoked at Maggioni all whose lives or lands were threatened by this new reversal of Caesar's policy. These were Paolo Orsino, Gian Paolo Balioni, Hermes Bentavoglio, representing his father Gian, Antonio di Fanafro, the envoy of Pandolfo Petrucci, Oliver Toxo da Fermo, and the Duke of Urbino. The first six had everything to lose, and the last had already lost everything. A treaty of alliance was signed between the Confederates. They engaged to resist whether he attacked them severally or altogether. Caesar learned the existence of this league by its first effects. The Duke of Urbino, who was adored by his subjects, had come with a handful of soldiers to the fortress of San Leone, and it had yielded at once. In less than a week, towns and fortresses followed this example, and all the duchy was once more in the hands of the Duke of Urbino. At the same time, each member of the Confederacy openly proclaimed his revolt against the common enemy, and took up a hostile attitude. Caesar was at Imola, awaiting the French troops, but with scarcely any men, so that Bentavoglio, who held part of the country, and the Duke of Urbino, who had just reconquered the rest of it, could probably have either taken him or forced him to fly and quit the Romagna had they marched against him. All the more, since the two men on whom he counted, was Don Hugo di Cardona, who had entered his service after Capua was taken, and Micholotto had mistaken his intention, and were all at once separated from him. He had really ordered them to fall back upon Rimini, and bring two hundred light horse and five hundred infantry, of which they had the command, but unaware of the urgency of his situation, at the very moment when they were attempting to surprise La Pergola and Fossum Brone, they were surrounded by Orsino of Gravina and Vitellozzo. Hugo di Cardona and Micholotto defended themselves like lions, but in spite of their utmost efforts, their little band was cut to pieces, and Hugo di Cardona taken prisoner, while Micholotto only escaped the same fate by lying down among the dead. When night came on, he escaped to Fanno. But even alone as he was, almost without troops at Imola, the Confederates dared attempt nothing against Caesar, whether because of the personal fear he inspired, or because in him they respected the ally of the King of France. They contented themselves with taking the towns and fortresses in the neighbourhood. Vitellozzo had retaken the fortresses of Fossum Brone, Verbino, Carli, and Agobio, Orsino of Gravina had reconquered Fanno and the whole province, while Gianmaria di Verano, the same who by his absence had escaped being massacred with the rest of his family, had re-entered Camarino, born in triumph by his people. Not even all this could destroy Caesar's confidence in his own good fortune, and while he was on the one hand urging on the arrival of the French troops, and calling into his prey all those gentlemen known as broken lances, because they went about the country in parties of five or six only, and attached themselves to anyone who wanted them, he had opened up negotiations with his enemies, and that from that very day when he should persuade them to a conference they were undone. Indeed, Caesar had the power of persuasion as a gift from heaven, and though they perfectly well knew his duplicity, they had no power of resisting. Not so much of his actual eloquence, as that heir of Frank Goodnature, which Machiavelli so greatly admired, and which indeed more than once deceived even him, while he politician as he was. In order to get Paolo Orsino to treat with him at Imola, Caesar sent Cardinal Borgia to the Confederates as a hostage, and on this Paolo Orsino hesitated no longer, and on the twenty-fifth of October, fifty-no-two, arrived at Imola. Caesar received him as an old friend, from whom one might have been estranged a few days, because of some slight passing differences. He frankly avowed that all the fault was no doubt on his side, since he had contrived to alienate men who were such loyal lords and also such brave captains. But with men of their nature, he added, an honest, honourable explanation such as he would give must put everything once more in statute quo. To prove that it was goodwill, not fear, that brought him back to them, he showed Orsino the letters from Cardinal Amboise, which announced the speedy arrival of French troops. He showed him those he had collected about him, in the wish he declared that they might be thoroughly convinced that what he chiefly regretted in the whole matter was not so much the loss of the distinguished captains who were the very soul of his vast enterprise, as that he had led the world to believe, in a way so fatal to his own interest, that he could for a single instant fail to recognise their merit, adding that he consequently relied upon him, Paolo Orsino, whom he had always cared for most, to bring back the Confederates by a peace which would be as much for the profit of all, as a war was hurtful to all, and that he was ready to sign a treaty in consonance with their wishes so long as it should not prejudice his own honour. Whatever was the man Caesar wanted, full of pride and confidence in himself, he was convinced of the truth of the old proverb that says, a pope cannot reign eight days if he has half the colonis and the Orsini against him. He believed, therefore, if not in Caesar's good faith, at any rate in the necessity he must feel for making peace. Accordingly he signed with him the following conventions which only needed ratification on the 18th of October, 1502, which we reproduce here as Machiavelli sent them to the magnificent Republic of Florence. Agreement between the Duke of Valentinois and the Confederates Let it be known to the parties mentioned below, and to all who shall see these presents, that his Excellency, the Duke of Romania, of the one part, and the Orsini of the other part, together with their Confederates, desiring to put an end to differences, enmities, misunderstandings, and suspicions which have arisen between them, have resolved as follows. There shall be between them peace and alliance true and perpetual, with a complete obliteration of wrongs and injuries which may have taken place up to this day. Both parties engaging to preserve no resentment of the same, and in conformity with the aforesaid peace and union, his Excellency, the Duke of Romania, shall receive into perpetual confederation, league and alliance all the lords aforesaid, and each of them shall promise to defend the estates of all in general, and reach in particular against any power that may annoy or attack them for any cause whatsoever, excepting always nevertheless the Pope Alexander VI and his very Christian Majesty Louis XII, King of France. The lords above named, promising on the other part to unite in the defence of the person and the states of his Excellency, and also those of the most illustrious lords, Don Gafredo Borgia, Prince of Squilas, Don Rodrigo Borgia, Duke of Sermet and Bicelli, and Don Gian Borgia, Duke of Camarino and Negi, all brothers or nephews of the Duke of Romania. Moreover, since the rebellion and usurpation of Urbino have occurred during the above-mentioned misunderstandings, all the confederates aforesaid, and each of them shall bind themselves to unite all their forces for the recovery of the estates aforesaid, and of such other places as have revolted and been usurped. His Excellency the Duke of Romania shall undertake to continue to the Orsini and Vitelli their ancient engagements in the way of military service and on the same conditions. His Excellency promises further not to insist on the service in person of more than one of them, as they may choose, the service that the others may render shall be voluntary. He also promises that the second treaty shall be ratified by the sovereign Pontiff, who shall not compel Cardinal Orsino to reside in Rome longer than shall seem convenient to this prelate. Furthermore, since there are certain differences between the Pope and the Lord Gianvento Vorglio, the confederates aforesaid agree that they shall be put to the arbitration of Cardinal Orsino of his Excellency the Duke of Romania and of the Lord Pandolfo Petrucci, without appeal. Thus the confederates engage each and all so soon as they may be required by the Duke of Romania to put into his hands as a hostage one of the legitimate sons of each of them, in that place and at that time which he may be pleased to indicate. The same confederates promising, moreover, all and each, that if any project directed against any one of them come to their knowledge to give warning thereof, and all to prevent such project reciprocally. It is agreed, over and above, between the Duke of Romania and the confederates aforesaid, to regard as a common enemy any who shall fail to keep the present stipulations and to unite in the destruction of any states not conforming there too. Signed Caesar, Paolo Orsino, Agapit, Secretary. CHAPTER XXXIV CHAPTER XIII At the same time, while Orsino was carrying to the confederates the treaty drawn out between him and the Duke, Bentevolio, not willing to submit to the arbitration indicated, made an offer to Caesar of settling their differences by a private treaty, and sent his son to arrange the conditions after some pallying they were settled as followers. Bentevolio wished to separate his fortunes from Vitelli and Orsini. He should furnish the Duke of Valentinois with a hundred men-at-arms and a hundred mounted arches for eight years. He should pay twelve thousand ducats per annum to Caesar for the support of a hundred lances. In return for this, his son Hannibal was to marry the sister of the Archbishop of Enna, who was Caesar's niece, and the Pope was to recognize his sovereignty in Bologna. The King of France, the Duke of Ferrara, and the Republic of Florence were to be the guarantors of this treaty. But the convention brought to the confederate's bioscenar was the cause of great difficulties on their part. Vitellozzo Vitelli in particular, who knew Caesar the best, never ceased to tell the other condottieri that so prompt and easier peace must needs be the cover to some trap. But since Caesar had meanwhile collected a considerable army at Imala, and the four hundred lances lent him by Louis the twelfth had arrived at last, Vitellozzo and Oliver Rotto decided to sign the treaty that Orsino bought, and to let the Duke of Orbino and the Lord of Camarino know of it. They, seeing plainly that it was henceforth impossible to make a defence unaided, had retired, the one to Tieta di Castello and the other into the Kingdom of Naples. But Caesar, saying nothing of his intentions, started on the tenth of December, and made his way to Castena with a powerful army once more under his command. Fear began to spread on all sides, not only in Romania but in the whole of northern Italy. Florence, seeing him move away from her, only thought it a blind to conceal his intentions, while Venice, seeing him approach her frontiers, dispatched all her troops to the banks of the pole. Caesar perceived their fear, and lest harm should be done to himself by the mistrusted might inspire, he sent away all French troops in his service as soon as he reached Castena, except a hundred men with Monsieur de Condali, his brother-in-law. It was then seen that he only had two thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry with him. Several days were spent in Parliang, for at Castena, Caesar found the envoys of the Bittelli and Orsini, who themselves were with their army in the Duchy of Orbino. But after the preliminary discussions as to the right course to follow in carrying on the plan of conquest, there arose such difficulties between the general-in-chief and these agents, that they could not but see the impossibility of getting anything settled by intermediaries, and the urgent necessity of a conference between Caesar and one of the chiefs. So Oliverotta ran the risk of joining the Duke in order to make proposals to him, either to march on Tuscany or to take Sinigalia, which was the only place in the Duchy of Orbino that had not yet fallen into Caesar's power. Caesar's reply was that he did not desire to war upon Tuscany because the Tuscans were his friends, but that he approved of the lieutenant's plans with regard to Sinigalia, and therefore was marching towards Farno. But the daughter of Frederick, the former Duke of Orbino, who held the town of Sinigalia, and who was called the Lady Prefect because she had married Gian Della Rovere, whom his uncle, Sixtus IV, had made prefect of Rome, judging that it would be impossible to defend herself against the forces that the Duke of Valentinoire was bringing, left the citadel in the hands of a captain, recommending him to get the best terms he could for the town, and took boat for Venice. Caesar learned this news at Rimini, through a messenger from Vitelli and the Orcinu, who said that the governor of the citadel, though refusing to yield to them, was quite ready to make terms with him, and consequently they would engage to go to the town and finish the business there. Caesar's reply was that in consequence of this information he was sending some of his troops to Cassena and Imola, for they would be useless to him, as he should now have theirs, which together with the escort he retained would be sufficient, since his only object was the complete pacification of the Duchy of Orbino. He added that this pacification would not be possible if his old friends continued to distrust him, and to discuss through intermediaries alone plans in which their own fortunes were interested as well as his. The messenger returned with this answer, and the confederates, though feeling it is true, the justice of Caesar's remarks, nonetheless hesitated to comply with his demand. But a lot so Vitelli in particular showed a want of confidence in him, which nothing seemed able to subdue. But, first by Oliverotto, Gravina and Orcinu, he consented at last to await the Duke's coming, making concession rather because he could not bear to appear more timid than his companions, than because of any confidence he felt in the return of friendship that Roger was displaying. The Duke learned the news of this decision so much desired when he arrived at Farno on the 20th of December, 1502. At once he summoned eight of his most faithful friends, amongst whom were Dena, his nephew Michelotto and Ugo di Codona, and ordered them, as soon as they arrived at Cinegalia, and had seen Vitellozzo, Gravina, Oliverotto, and Orcinu come out to meet them, on a pretext of doing them honour, to place themselves on the right and left hand of the four generals. Two beside each, so that at a given signal they might either stab or arrest them. Next he assigns to each of them his particular man, bidding them not quit his side until he had re-entered Cinegalia, and arrived at the quarters prepared for him. Then he sent orders to such of the soldiers as were in contendments in the neighbourhood to assemble to the number of eight thousand on the banks of the Metaurus, a little river of Umbria, which runs into the Adriatic, and has been made famous by the defeat of Hannibal. The Duke arrived at the rendezvous given to his army on the 31st of December, and instantly sent out in front two hundred horse, and immediately behind them his infantry, following close in the midst of his menate arms, following the coast of the Adriatic, with the mountains on his right, and the sea on his left, which in part of the way left only space for the army to march ten abreast. After four hours march, the Duke had a turn of the path, perceived Cinegalia, nearly a mile distant from the sea, and a bow shot from the mountains. Between the army and the town ran a little river, whose banks he had to follow for some distance. At last he found a bridge opposite a suburb of the town, and here Caesar ordered his cavalry to stop. It was drawn up in two lines, one between the road and the river, the other on the side of the country, leaving the whole width of the road to the infantry, which latter defiled, crossed the bridge, and entering the town drew themselves up in battle array in the great square. On their side Vitellozzo, Gravina, Orsino, and Oliverotto, to make room for the Duke's army, had quartered their soldiers in little towns or villages in the neighbourhood of Cinegalia. Oliverotto alone had kept nearly one thousand infantry and a hundred and fifty horse, who were in barracks in the suburb through which the Duke entered. Caesar had made only a few steps towards the town when he perceived Vitellozzo at the gate, with the Duke of Gravina and Orsino, who all came out to meet him. The last two quite gay and confident, but the first so gloomy and dejected that you would have thought he foresaw the fate that was in store for him, and doubtless he had not been without same presentiments. For when he left his army to come to Cinegalia, he had bidden them farewell as though never to meet again, had commended the care of his family to the captains, and embraced his children with tears. A weakness which appeared strange to all who knew him as a brave cundottieri. The Duke marched up to them, holding out his hand, as a sign that all was over and forgotten, and did it with an air at once so loyal and so smiling that Gravina and Orsino could no longer doubt the genuine return of his friendship. And it was only Vitellozzo still appeared sad. At the same moment, exactly as they had been commanded, the Duke's accomplices took their posts on the right and left of those they were to watch, who were all there except Oliver Otto, whom the Duke could not see, and began to seek with uneasy looks. But as he crossed the suburb, he perceived him exercising his troops on the square. Caesar at once dispatched Michelotto and Dena with a message that it was a rash thing to have his troops out, when they might easily start some quarrel with the Duke's men and bring about an affray. It would be much better to settle them in barracks and then come to join his companions, who were with Caesar. Oliver Otto, drawn by the same fate as his friends, made no objection, ordered his soldiers indoors, and put his horse to the gallop to join the Duke, escorted on either side by Dena and Michelotto. Caesar, on seeing him, called him, took him by the hand, and continued his march to the palace that had been prepared for him, his four victims following after. Arrived on the threshold, Caesar dismounted, and, signing to the leader of the men-at-arms, to await his orders, he went in first, followed by Oliver Otto, Gravina, Vitellozzo Vitelli, and Rossino, each accompanied by his two satellites. But scarcely had they gone upstairs and into the first room when the door was shot behind them, and Caesar turned round, saying, The hour has come. This was the signal agreed upon. Instantly the former Confederates were seized, thrown down, and forced to surrender with a dagger at their throat. Then, while they were being carried to a dungeon, Caesar opened the window, went out on the balcony, and cried out to the leader of his men-at-arms, Go forward! The man was in the secret. He rushed on with his band towards the barracks where Oliver Otto's soldiers had just been consigned, and they, suddenly surprised and off their guard, were at once made prisoners. Then the Duke's troops began to pillage the town, and he summoned Machiavelli. Caesar and the Florentine envoy were nearly two hours shut up together, and since Machiavelli himself recounts the history of this interview, we will give his own words. He summoned me, says the Florentine ambassador, and in the calmest manner showed me his joy at the success of this enterprise, which he assured me he had spoken of to me the evening before. I remember that he did, but I did not at that time understand what he meant. Next he explained, in terms of much feeling and lively affection for our city, the different motives which had made him desire your alliance, a desire to which he hopes you will respond. He ended with charging me to lay three proposals before your lordships, first that you rejoice with him in the destruction at a single blow of the mortal enemies of the king, himself, and you, and the consequent disappearance of all seeds of trouble and dissension likely to waste Italy. This service of his, together with his refusal to allow the prisoners to march against you, ought, he thinks, to excite your gratitude towards him. Secondly, he begs that you will at this juncture give him a striking proof of your friendliness by urging your cavalry's advance towards Borgo, and there assembling some infantry also, in order that they may march with him should need arise, on Castello or on Perugia. Lastly, he desires, and this is his third condition, that you arrest the Duke of Urbino if he should flee from Castello into your territories, when he learns that Vitellozzo is a prisoner. When I objected that to give him up would not be seen the dignity of the Republic, and that you would never consent, he approved of my words, and said that it would be enough for you to keep the Duke, and not give him his liberty without his excellency's permission. I have promised to give you all this information to which he awaits your reply. The same night, eight masked men descended to the dungeon where the prisoners lay. They believed at that moment that the fatal hour had arrived for all. But this time the executioners had to do with Vitellozzo and Oliverotto alone. When these two captains heard that they were condemned, Oliverotto burst forth into approaches against Vitellozzo, saying that it was all his fault that they had taken up arms against the Duke. Not a word Vitellozzo answered except a prayer that the Pope might grant him plenary indulgence for all his sins. Then the masked men took them away, leaving Orsino and Gravina to await a similar fate, and led away the two chosen out to die to a secluded spot outside the ramparts of the town, where they were strangled and buried at once in two trenches that had been dug beforehand. The two others were kept alive until it should be known if the Pope had arrested Cardinal Orsino, Archbishop of Florence and Lord of Santa Croce, and when the answer was received in the affirmative from his holiness, Gravina and Orsino, who had been transferred to a castle, were likewise strangled. The Duke, leaving instructions with Mitchellotto, set off for Sinigalia as soon as the first execution was over, assuring Machiavelli that he had never had any other thought than that of giving tranquillity to the Romagna and to Tuscany, and also that he thought he had succeeded by taking and putting to death the men who had been the cause of all the trouble, also that any other revolt that might take place in the future would be nothing but sparks that a drop of water could extinguish. The Pope had barely learned that Caesar had his enemies in his power when, eager to play the same winning game himself, he announced to Cardinal Orsino, though it was then midnight, that his son had taken Sinigalia and gave him an invitation to come the next morning and talk over the good news. The Cardinal, delighted at this increase of favour, did not miss his appointment, so in the morning he started on horseback for the Vatican, but at a turn of the first street he met the Governor of Rome with a detachment of cavalry, who congratulated him on the happy chance that they were taking the same road and accompanied him to the threshold of the Vatican. There the Cardinal dismounted and began to ascend the stairs. Scarcely, however, had he reached the first landing before his mules and carriages were seized and shot in the palace stables. When he entered the hall of the PowerPoint, he found that he and all his suite were surrounded by armed men who led him into another apartment called the Vickers Hall, where he found the abbot Alviano, the proto-notary Orsino, Giacopo Santacroce, and Ronaldo Orsino, who were all prisoners like himself. At the same time, the Governor received orders to seize the castle of Montegiardino, which belonged to the Orsini, and take away all the jewels, all the hangings, all the furniture, and all the silver that he might find. The Governor carried out his orders conscientiously and brought to the Vatican everything he seized down to the Cardinal's account book. On consulting the book, the Pope found out two things. First, that the sum of two thousand ducats was due to the Cardinal, no debtor's name being mentioned. Secondly, that the Cardinal had bought three months before, for one thousand five hundred Roman crowns, a magnificent pearl which could not be found among the objects belonging to him, on which Alexander ordered that from that very moment until the negligence in the Cardinal's account was repaired, the men who were in the habit of bringing him food twice a day on behalf of his mother should not be admitted into the castle St. Angelo. The same day, the Cardinal's mother sent the Pope the two thousand ducats, and the next day his mistress, in man's attire, came in person to bring the missing pearl. His holiness, however, was so struck with her beauty in this costume that, we are told, he let her keep the pearl for the same price she had paid for it. Then the Pope allowed the Cardinal to have his food brought as before, and he died of poison on the twenty-second of February. That is, two days after his accounts had been set right. The same night, the Prince of Screlacci set off to take possession in the Pope's name of the lands of the deceased. Org. Recording by Anne Boulay. Celebrated Crimes, Volume 1 by Alexander Dumas. Translated by G. B. Ives. Section 25, The Borgias, Chapter 14. The Duke of Valentinois had continued. His road towards Citta di Castello and Perugia, and had seized these two towns without striking a blow, for the Vitale had fled from the former. And the latter had been abandoned by Gianpaolo Bagliano, with no attempt whatever at resistance. There still remained Siena, where Pandolfo Petrucchi was shut up, the only man remaining of all who had joined the league against Caesar. But Siena was under the protection of the French. Besides, Siena was not one of the states of the church, and Caesar had no rights there. Therefore he was content with insisting upon Pandolfo Petrucchi's leaving the town and retiring to Luca, which he accordingly did. Then all on this side being peaceful and the whole of Romagna in subjection, Caesar resolved to return to Rome, and help the Pope to destroy all that was left of the Orsini. This was all the easier because Louis XII, having suffered reverses in the kingdom of Naples, had since then been much more concerned with his own affairs to disturb himself about his allies. So Caesar, doing for the neighborhood of the Holy See the same thing he had done for the Romagna, seized in succession Vicovario, Cera, Palombura, Lanzano, and Trivetti. When these conquests were achieved, having nothing else to do now that he had brought the pontifical states into subjection from the frontiers of Naples to those of Venice, he returned to Rome to concert with his father as to the means of converting his duchy into a kingdom. Caesar arrived at the right moment to share with Alexander the property of Cardinal Gian Michel, who had just died, having received a poison cup from the hands of the Pope. The future king of Italy found his father preoccupied with a grand project. He had resolved, for the Feast of St. Peter's, to create nine cardinals. What he had to gain from these nominations is as follows. First, the cardinals elected would leave all their offices vacant, these offices would fall into the hands of the Pope, and he would sell them. Secondly, each of them would buy his election. More or less dear according to his fortune, the price, left to be settled at the Pope's fancy, would vary from 10,000 to 40,000 due cuts. Lastly, since as cardinals, they would by law lose the right of making a will, the Pope, in order to inherit from them, had only to poison them. This put him in the position of a butcher who, if he needs money, has only to cut the throat of the fattest sheep in the flock. The nomination came to pass. The new cardinals were Giovanni Castellaro Valentin, Archbishop Otrani, Francesco Remolini, Ambassador from the King of Aragon, Francesco Soldarini, Bishop of Volterra, Melchiori Copis, Bishop of Bresina, Nicholas Friesce, Bishop of Fragus, Francesco DiSprate, Bishop of Leone, Adriano Castellense, Clerk of the Chamber, Treasurer General and Secretary of the Briefs, Francesco Boris, Bishop of Elva, Patriarch of Constantinople, and Secretary to the Pope, and Giancomo Casanova, proto notary and private chaplain to his holiness. The price of their simony paid and their vacated office is sold. The Pope made his choice of those he was to poison. The number was fixed at three, one old and two new. The old one was Cardinal Casanova and the new ones Melchiori Copis and Adriano Castellense, who had taken the name of Adrien of Carnetta from that town where he had been born, and where, in the capacity of Clerk of the Chamber, Treasurer General and Secretary of the Briefs, he had amassed an immense fortune. So when all was settled between Caesar and the Pope, they invited their chosen guest to supper in a vineyard situated near the Vatican, belonging to the Cardinal of Carnetto. In the morning of this day, the second of August, they sent their servants and the steward to make all preparations, and Caesar himself gave the Pope's butlers two bottles of wine prepared with the white powder resembling sugar, whose mortal properties he had so often proved, and gave orders that he was to serve this wine only when he was told, and only to persons specially indicated. The butler accordingly put the wine in a sideboard apart, bidding the waiters on no account to touch it, as it was reserved for the Pope's drinking. The poison of the Borgias, say contemporary writers, was of two kinds, powder and liquid. The poison in the form of powder was a sort of white flour, almost impalpable, with the taste of sugar, and called Contorella. Its composition is unknown. The liquid poison was prepared, we are told in so strange a fashion that we cannot pass it by in silence. We repeat here what we read, and vouch for nothing ourselves. Less science should give us the lie. A strong dose of arsenic was administered to a boar. As soon as the poison began to take effect, he was hung up by his heels, convulsions supervened, and a froth deadly and abundant ran out from his jaws. It was this froth, collected in a silver vessel, and transferred into a bottle hermetically sealed, that made the liquid poison. Towards evening, Alexander VI walked from the Vatican leaning on Caesar's arm, and turned his steps toward the vineyard, accompanied by Cardinal Carafa. But as the heat was great and the climb rather steep, the Pope, when he reached the top, stopped to take breath. Then putting his hand on his breast, he found that he had left in his bedroom a chain he always wore around his neck, which suspended a gold medallion that enclosed the sacred host. He owed this habit to a prophecy that an astrologer had made, that so long as he carried about a sacred wafer, neither steel nor poison could take hold upon him. Now, finding himself without his talisman, he ordered Monsignor Carafa to hurry back at once to the Vatican, and told him in which part of his room he had left it, so that he might get it and bring it him without delay. Then, as the walk had made him thirsty, he turned to a valet, giving signs with his hand as he did so that his messengers should make haste, and asked for something to drink. Caesar, who was also thirsty, ordered the man to bring two glasses. By a curious coincidence, the butler had just gone back to the Vatican to fetch some magnificent peaches that had been sent that very day to the Pope, but which had been forgotten when he came here. So the valet went to the underbutler, saying that his holiness and Monsignor the Duke of Romagna were thirsty and asking for a drink. The underbutler, seeing two bottles of wine set apart and having heard that this wine was reserved for the Pope, took one and telling the valet to bring two glasses on a tray, poured out this wine, which both drank, little thinking that it was what they had themselves prepared to poison their guests. Meanwhile, Carafa hurried to the Vatican, and as he knew the palace well, went up to the Pope's bedroom, a light in his hand, and attended by no servant. As he turned round a corridor, a puff of wind blew out his lamp. Still, as he knew the way, he went on, thinking there was no need of seeing to find the object he was in search of. But as he entered the room, he recoiled a step with a cry of terror. He beheld a ghastly apparition. It seemed that there before his eyes, in the middle of the room, between the door and the cabinet which held the medallion, Alexander VI, motionless and livid, was lying on a buyer at whose four corners there burned four torches. The cardinal stood still for a moment, his eyes fixed, and his hair standing on end, without strength to move either backward or forward. Then thinking it was all a trick of fancy or an apparition of the devil's making, he made the sign of the cross, invoking God's holy name. All instantly vanished, torches, buyer and corpse. And the seeming mortuary chamber was once more in darkness. Then Cardinal Carafa, who has himself recorded this strange event, and who was afterwards Pope Paul IV, entered baldly, and though an icy sweat ran down his brow, he went straight to the cabinet, and in the drawer indicated found the gold chain and the medallion, took them, and hastily went out to give them to the pope. He found supper served, the guests arrived, and his holiness ready to take his place at table. As soon as the cardinal was in sight, his holiness, who was very pale, made one step towards him. Carafa doubled his pace and handed the medallion to him, but as the pope stretched forth his arm to take it, he fell back with a cry, instantly followed by violent convulsions. And instant later, as he advanced to render his father's assistance, Caesar was similarly seized. The effect of the poison had been more rapid than usual, for Caesar had doubled the dose, and there is little doubt that their heated condition increased its activity. The two stricken men were carried side by side to the Vatican, where each was taken to his own rooms. From that moment they never met again. As soon as he reached his bed, the pope was seized with a violent fever, which did not give way to emetics or to bleeding. Almost immediately, it became necessary to administer the last sacraments of the church, but his admirable bodily constitution, which seemed to have defied old age, was strong enough to fight eight days with death. At last, after a week of mortal agony, he died, without once uttering the name of Caesar or Lucrezia, who were the two poles around which had turned all his affections and all his crimes. His age was seventy-two, and he had reigned eleven years. Caesar, perhaps because he had taken less of the fatal beverage, perhaps because the strength of his youth overcame the strength of the poison, or maybe, as some say, because when he reached his own rooms, he had swallowed an antidote known only to himself, was not so prostrated as to lose sight for a moment of the terrible position he was in. He summoned his faithful Michelotto, with those he could best count on among his men, and disposed this band in the various rooms that led to his own, ordering the chief never to leave the foot of his bed, but to sleep lying on a rug, his hand upon the handle of his sword. The treatment had been the same for Caesar as for the pope, but in addition to bleeding any medics, strange baths were added, which Caesar had himself asked for. Having heard that in a similar case, they had once cured Ladislaus, king of Naples. Four posts, strongly welded to the floor and ceiling, were set up in his room, like the machines at which barriers shoe horses. Every day a bull was brought in, turned over on his back and tied by his four legs to the four posts. Then, when he was thus fixed, a cut was made in his belly a foot and a half long, through which the intestines were drawn out. Then Caesar slipped into this living bath of blood, when the bull was dead. Caesar was taken out and rolled up in burning hot blankets, where, after copious perspirations, he almost always felt some sort of relief. Every two hours Caesar sent to ask news of his father. He hardly waited to hear that he was dead before, though still at death's door himself. He summoned up all the force of character and presence of mind that naturally belonged to him. He ordered Michelotto to shut the doors of the Vatican, before the report of Alexander's deceased could spread about the town, and forbade anyone whatsoever to enter the pope's apartments until the money and papers had been removed. Michelotto obeyed at once, went to find carnal Casanova, held a dagger at his throat, and made him deliver up the keys of the pope's rooms and cabinets. Then, under his guidance, took away two chests full of gold, which perhaps contained 100,000 Roman crowns in specie, several boxes full of jewels, much silver and many precious vases. All these were carried to Caesar's chamber. The guards of the room were doubled. Then the doors of the Vatican were once more thrown open, and the death of the pope was proclaimed. Although the news was expected, it produced nonetheless a terrible effect in Rome. For although Caesar was still alive, his condition left everyone in suspense. Had the mighty Duke of Romagna, the powerful Condottieri, who had taken 30 towns and 15 fortresses in five years, been ceded, sword in hand upon his charger, nothing would have been uncertain of fluctuating even for a moment. For, as Caesar afterwards told Machiavelli, his ambitious soul had provided for all things that could occur on the day of the pope's death, except the one that he should be dying himself. But being nailed down to his bed, sweating off the effects the poison had wrought, so though he had kept his power of thinking he could no longer act, but must needs wait and suffer the course of events, instead of marching on in front and controlling them. Thus he was forced to regulate his actions no longer by his own plans, but according to circumstances. His most bitter enemies, who could press him hardest, were the Orsini and the Colanas. From the one family he had taken their blood, from the other their goods. So he addressed himself to those to whom he could return what he had taken, and opened negotiations with the Colanas. Meanwhile, the obsequies of the pope were going forward. The vice chancellor had sent out orders to the highest among the clergy, the superiors of convents and the secular orders, not to fail to appear, according to regular custom, on pain of being dispoiled of their office and dignities, each bringing his own company to the Vatican, to be present at the pope's funeral. Each therefore appeared on the day and at the hour appointed at the pontifical palace, once the body was to be conveyed to the Church of St. Peter's, and there buried. The corpse was found to be abandoned and alone in the mortuary chamber. For everyone of the name of Borgia, except Caesar, lay hidden, not knowing what might come to pass. This was indeed well justified. For Fabio Orsino, meeting one member of the family, stabbed him, and as a sign of the hatred they had sworn to one another, bathed his mouth and hands in the blood. The agitation in Rome was so great, that when the corpse of Alexander VI was about to enter the Church, there occurred a kind of panic, such as will suddenly arise in times of popular agitation, instantly causing so great a disturbance in the funeral cortege, that the guards drew up in battle array. The clergy fled into the sacristy, and the bearers dropped the bire. The people, tearing off the pole which covered it, disclosed the corpse, and everyone could see with impunity and close at hand the man who, fifteen days before, had made princes, kings, and emperors tremble, from one end of the world to the other. But in accordance with that religious feeling towards death which all men instinctively feel, and which alone survives every other, even in the heart of the atheist, the bire was taken up again and carried to the foot of the great altar in St. Peter's, where, set on trestles, it was exposed to public view. But the body had become so black, so deformed and swollen, that it was horrible to behold. From its nose a bloody matter escaped, the mouth gaped hideously, and the tongue was so monstrously enlarged that it filled the whole cavity. To this frightful appearance was added a decomposition so great that, although at the Pope's funeral it is customary to kiss the hand which bore the fisherman's ring, not one approach to offer this mark of respect and religious reverence to the representative of God on earth. Towards seven o'clock in the evening, when the declining day adds so deep a melancholy to the silence of a church, four porters and two working carpenters carry the corpse into the chapel where it was to be interred, and, lifting it off the catafalque, where it lay in state, put it in the coffin which was to be its last abode. But it was found that the coffin was too short, and the body could not be got in till the legs were bent and thrust in with violent blows. Then the carpenters put on the lid, and while one of them sat on top to force the knees to bend, the others hammered in the nails. Amid those Shakespearean pleasantries, that sound as a last orison in the ear of the mighty, then says Tomasso Tomassi, he was placed on the right of the great altar of St. Peter's, beneath a very ugly tomb. The next morning this epitaph was found inscribed upon the tomb. Then did Alexander Claves, Altaria Christum, Imerat Ile Prius, Fenderi Huitpotest, that is, Pope Alexander sold the Christ, the altars and the keys, but anyone who buys a thing may sell it, if he please. End of section 25. Section 26 of Celebrated Crimes, Volume 1. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Anne Boulet. Celebrated Crimes, Volume 1, by Alexander Dumas, translated by G.B. Ives. Section 26, the Borgias, Chapter 15. From the effect produced at Rome by Alexander's death, one may imagine what happened not only in the whole of Italy, but also in the rest of the world. For a moment, Europe swayed. For the column which supported the vault of the political edifice had given way, and the star with eyes of flame and rays of blood, round which all things had revolved for the last eleven years, was now extinguished, and for a moment the world, on a sudden struck motionless, remained in silence and darkness. After the first moment of stupefaction, all who had an injury to avenge arose and hurryed to the chase. Savorza retook Pizarro, Baglo Ioni, Perugia, Guido in Ubaldo, Urbino, and La Roveri, Senegoglia. The Vitelli entered Città di Castello, the Appiani, Piambino, the Orsini, Monteggiordano, and their other territories. The Romagna alone remained impassive and loyal, for the people who have no concern with the quarrels of the great, provided they do not affect themselves, had never been so happy as under the government of Cesar. The Colanas were pledged to maintain a neutrality, and had been consequently restored to the possession of their castles, and the cities of Chuazzano, Capodano, Frazgatti, Rocca di Papa, and Netunno, which they found in a better condition than when they had left them, as the Pope had had them embellished and fortified. Cesar was still in the Vatican with his troops, who, loyal to him in his misfortune, kept watch about the palace, where he was writhing on his bed of pain and roaring like a wounded lion. The Cardinals, who had in their first terror fled, each his own way. Instead of attending the Pope's obsequies, began to assemble once more, some at the Minerva, others around Cardinal Carafa. Frightened by the troops that Cesar still had, especially since the command was entrusted to Michelotto, they collected all the money they could to levy an army of 2,000 soldiers with. Charles Tanao at their head, with the title of captain of the Sacred College. It was then hoped that peace was re-established, when it was heard that Prospero Colana was coming with 3,000 men from the side of Naples, and Fabio Orsino from the side of Viterbo, with 200 horse, and more than 1,000 infantry. Indeed they entered Rome at only one day's interval one from another. By so similar an ardor were they inspired. Thus there were five armies in Rome, Cesar's army, holding the Vatican and the Borgo, the army of the Bishop of Nicastro, who had received from Alexander the guardianship of Castel Santangelo, and had shut himself up there, refusing to yield. The army of the Sacred College, which was stationed round about the Minerva, the army of Prospero Colana, which was encamped at the capital, and the army of Fabio Orsino, in barracks at the Rapetta. On their side, the Spaniards had advanced to Teresino and the French to Nepe. The Cardinals saw that Rome now stood upon a mine which the least spark might cause to explode. They summoned the Ambassadors of the Emperor of Germany, the Kings of France and Spain, and the Republic of Venice to raise their voice in the name of their masters. The Ambassadors, impressed with the urgency of the situation, began by declaring the Sacred College inviolable. They then ordered the Orsini, the Colanas, and the Duke of Valentine to leave Rome and go each his own way. Though Orsini were the first to submit, the next morning their example was followed by the Colanas. No one was left but Caesar, who said he was willing to go, but desired to make his conditions beforehand. The Vatican was undermined, he declared, and if his demands were refused, he and those who came to take him should be blown up together. It was known that his were never empty threats they came to terms with. Caesar promised to remain 10 miles away from Rome the whole time the conclave lasted and not to take any action against the town or any other of the ecclesiastical states. Fabio Orsino and Prospero Colana had made the same promises. It was agreed that Caesar should quit Rome with his army, artillery, and baggage, and to ensure his not being attacked or molested in the streets. The Sacred College should add to his numbers 400 infantry, who, in case of attack or insult, would fight for him. The Venetian ambassador answered for the Orsini, the Spanish ambassador for the Colanas, the ambassador of France for Caesar. At the day and hour appointed, Caesar sent out his artillery, which consisted of 18 pieces of cannon and 400 infantry of the Sacred College, on each of whom he bestowed a Ducat. Behind the artillery came 100 chariots escorted by his advance guard. The Duke was carried out of the gate of the Vatican. He lay on a bed covered with a scarlet canopy, supported by 12 halberdiers, leaning forward on his cushion so that no one might see his face with its purple lips and bloodshot eyes. Beside him was his naked sword. To show that, feeble as he was, he could use it at need. His finest charger, comparison in black velvet embroidered with his arms, walked beside the bed, led by a page, so that Caesar could mount in case of surprise or attack. Before him and behind, both right and left, marched his army, their arms at rest, but without beating of drums or blowing of trumpets. This gave a somber funerial air to the whole procession, which at the gate of the city met Prospero Colana awaiting it with a considerable band of men. Caesar thought at first that, breaking his word as he had so often done himself, Prospero Colana was going to attack him. He ordered a halt and prepared to mount his horse. But Prospero Colana, seeing the state he was in, advanced to his bedside alone. He came against expectation to offer him an escort, fearing an ambuscade on the part of Fabio Orsino, who had loudly sworn that he would lose his honor or avenge the death of Paolo Orsina, his father. Caesar thanked Colana and replied that from the moment that Orsini stood alone, he ceased to fear him. Then Colana saluted the Duke and rejoined his men, directing them towards Albano, while Caesar took the road to Citta Castellana, which had remained loyal. When there, Caesar found himself not only master of his own fate, but of others as well. Of the twenty-two votes he owned in the Sacred College, twelve had remained faithful, and as the conclave was composed in all of thirty-seven cardinals, he with his twelve votes could make the majority inclined to whichever side he chose. Accordingly, he was courted both by the Spanish and the French party, each desiring the election of a pope of their own nation. Caesar listened, promising nothing and refusing nothing. He gave his twelve votes to Francesco Piccolomini, Cardinal of Siena, one of his father's creatures who had remained his friend, and the latter was elected on the 8th of October and took the name of Pius III. Caesar's hopes did not deceive him. Pius III was hardly elected before he sent him a safe conduct to Rome. The Duke came back with two hundred and fifty men at arms, two hundred and fifty light horse, and eight hundred infantry, and lodged in his palace, the soldiers camping round about. Meanwhile the Orsini, pursuing their projects of vengeance against Caesar, had been levying many troops at Perugia and the neighborhood to bring against him to Rome, as they fancied that France, in whose service they were engaged, was humoring the Duke for the sake of the twelve votes, which were wanted to secure the election of Cardinal Amboise at the next conclave. They went over to the service of Spain. Meanwhile, Caesar was signing a new treaty with Louis XII, by which he engaged to support him with all his forces, and even with his person, so soon as he could ride, in maintaining his conquest of Naples. Louis, on his side, guaranteed that he should retain the possession of the states he still held, and promised his help in recovering those he had lost. The day when this treaty was made known, Gonzalvo di Cordova proclaimed to the sound of a trumpet in all the streets of Rome, that every Spanish subject serving in a foreign army was at once to break his engagement on pain of being found guilty of high treason. This measure robbed Caesar of 10 or 12 of his best officers and of nearly 300 men. Then the Orsini, seeing his army thus reduced, entered Rome, supported by the Spanish ambassador, and summoned Caesar to appear before the Pope and the sacred college, and given account of his crimes. Faithful to his engagements, Pius III replied that in his quality of sovereign prints, the duke in his temporal administration was quite independent and was answerable for his actions to God alone. But as the Pope felt he could not much longer support Caesar against his enemies for all his good will, he advised him to try to join the French army, which was still advancing on Naples, in the midst of which he would alone find safety. Caesar resolved to retire to Bracciano, where Gian Giordano Orsino, who had once gone with him to France, and who was the only member of the family who had not declared against him, offered him an asylum in the name of Cardinal Dummest. So one morning he offered his troops to march for this town, and, taking his place in their midst, he left Rome. But though Caesar had kept his intentions quiet, the Orsini had been forewarned, and taking out all the troops they had by the gate of San Paco Cio, they had made a long detour and blocked Caesar's way. So when the latter arrived at Storta, he found the Orsini's army drawn up awaiting him in numbers exceeding his own by at least one half. Caesar saw that to come to blows in his then feeble state was to rush on certain destruction. So he ordered his troops to retire, and, being a first-rate strategist, echelon his retreat so skillfully that his enemies, though they followed, dared not attack him, and he re-entered the pontifical town without the loss of a single man. This time Caesar went straight to the Vatican to put himself more directly under the Pope's protection. He distributed his soldiers about the palace so as to guard all its exits. Now the Orsini, resolved to make an end of Caesar, had determined to attack him wheresoever he might be, with no regard to the sanctity of the place. This they attempted, but without success, as Caesar's men kept a good guard on every side and offered a strong defense. Then the Orsini, not being able to force the guard of the castle St. Angelo, hoped to succeed better with the Duke by leaving Rome and then returning by the Torriani gate. But Caesar anticipated this move, and they found the gate guarded and barricaded. Nonetheless, they pursued their design, seeking by open violence the vengeance they had hoped to obtain by craft. And, having surprised the approaches to the gate, set fire to it. A passage gained, they made their way into the gardens of the castle, where they found Caesar awaiting them at the head of his cavalry. Face to face with danger, the Duke had found his old strength, and he was the first to rush upon his enemies, loudly challenging Orsino in the hope of killing him should they meet. But either Orsino did not hear him or dared not fight, and after an exciting contest, Caesar, who was numerically two-thirds weaker than his enemy, saw his cavalry cut to pieces. And after performing miracles of personal strength and courage, was obliged to return to the Vatican. There he found the Pope in mortal agony. The Orsini, tired of contending against the old man's word of honor pledged to the Duke, had by the interposition of Pandolfo Petrucci, gained the ear of the Pope's surgeon, who placed a poison plaster upon a wound in his leg. The Pope then was actually dying when Caesar, covered with dust and blood, entered his room, pursued by his enemies, who knew no check till they reached the palace walls, behind which the remnant of his army still held their ground. Pius III, who knew he was about to die, sat up in his bed, gave Caesar the key of the corridor which led to the castle Sant'Angelo, and an order addressed to the governor to admit him and his family, to defend him to the last extremity, and to let him go wherever he thought fit, and then fell fainting on his bed. Caesar took his two daughters by the hand, and, followed by the little dukes of Sermonetta and Nephi, took refuge in the last asylum open to him. The same night the Pope died, he had reigned only 26 days. After his death, Caesar, who had cast himself fully dressed upon his bed, heard his door open at two o'clock in the morning, not knowing what anyone might want of him at such an hour. He raised himself on one elbow and felt for the handle of his sword with his other hand, but at first glance he recognized his nocturnal visitor, Giuliano de la Rovere. Utterly exhausted by the poison, abandoned by his troops, fallen as he was from the height of his power, Caesar, who could now do nothing for himself, could yet make a pope. Giuliano de la Rovere had come to buy the votes of his twelve cardinals. Caesar imposed his conditions, which were accepted. If elected, Giuliano de la Rovere was to help Caesar to recover his territories in Romagna. Caesar was to remain general of the church, and Francesco Maria de la Rovere, prefect of Rome, was to marry one of Caesar's daughters. On these conditions, Caesar sold his twelve cardinals to Giuliano. The next day, at Giuliano's request, the sacred college ordered the Orsini to leave Rome for the whole time occupied by the conclave. On the 31st of October, 1503, at the first scrutiny, Giuliano de la Rovere was elected pope and took the name of Julius II. He was scarcely installed in the Vatican when he made it his first care to summon Caesar and give him his former rooms there. Then, since the Duke was fully restored to health, he began to busy himself with the re-establishment of his affairs, which had suffered sadly of late. The defeat of his army and his own escape to St. Angelo, where he was supposed to be a prisoner, had brought about great changes in Romagna. Cicena was once more in the power of the church, as formerly it had been. John Savorza had again entered Pizarro. Ordelafi had seized Forli. Malatesta was laying claim to Rimini. The inhabitants of Imola had assassinated their governor, and the town was divided between two opinions, one that it should be put into the hands of the Riani, the other into the hands of the church. Fanza had remained loyal longer than any other place, but at last, losing hope of seeing Caesar recover his power, it had summoned Francesco, a natural son of Galeotto Manfredi, the last surviving heir of this unhappy family, all whose legitimate descendants had been massacred by Borgia. It is true that the fortresses of these different places had taken no part in these revolutions, and had remained immutably faithful to the Duke of Valentinois. So it was not precisely the defection of these towns, which, thanks to their fortresses, might be reconquered, that was the cause of uneasiness to Caesar and Julius II. It was the difficult situation that Venice had thrust upon them. Venice, in the spring of the same year, had signed a treaty of peace with the Turks. Thus set free from her eternal enemy, she had just led her forces to the Romagna, which she had always coveted. These troops had been led towards Revena, the farther most limit of the papal estates, and put under the command of Giacomo Venieri, who had failed to capture Cassena, and had only failed through the courage of its inhabitants. But this check had been amply compensated by the surrender of the fortresses of Val di Lomani and Fanza, by the capture of Far Limpopoli, and the surrender of Rimini, which Pandolfo Malatesta, its lord, exchanged for the sovereignty of Cittadella in the state of Padua, and for the rank of gentleman of Venice. Then Caesar made a proposition to Julius II. This was to make a momentary succession to the church of his own estates in Romagna, so that the respect felt by the Venetians for the church might save these towns from their aggressors. But, says Gucci Yardini, Julius II, whose ambition, so natural in sovereign leaders, had not yet extinguished the remains of rectitude, refused to accept the places, afraid of exposing himself to the temptation of keeping them later on against his promises. But as the case was urgent, he proposed to Caesar that he should leave Rome, embark at Ostia, and cross over to Spezia, where Michelotto was to meet him at the head of 100 men at arms and 100 light horse, the only remnant of his magnificent army, then spied land to Ferrara, and from Ferrara to Imala, where, once arrived, he could utter his war cries so loud that it would be heard through the length and breadth of Romagna. This advice being after Caesar's own heart, he accepted it at once. The resolution submitted to the sacred college was approved and Caesar left for Ostia, accompanied by Bartolomeo de la Rovere, nephew of his holiness. Caesar at last felt he was free and fancied himself already on his good charger, a second time carrying war into all the places where he had formerly fought. When he reached Ostia, he was met by the Cardinals of Sorrento and Volterra, who came in the name of Julius II to ask him to give up the very same citadels which he had refused three days before. The fact was that the Pope had learned in the interim that the Venetians had made fresh aggressions, and recognized that the method proposed by Caesar was the only one that would check them. But this time it was Caesar's turn to refuse, for he was wary of these transgressions and fear to trap. So he said that the surrender asked for would be useless, since by God's help he should be in Romagna before eight days were passed. So the Cardinals of Sorrento and Volterra returned to Rome with a refusal. The next morning, just as Caesar was setting foot on his vessel, he was arrested in the name of Julius II. He thought at first that this was the end. He was used to this mode of action and knew how short was the space between a prison and a tomb. The matter was all the easier in his case, because the Pope, if he chose, would have plenty of pretests for making a case against him. But the heart of Julius was of another kind from his, swift to anger but open to clemency. So when the dew came back to Rome guarded, the momentary irritation his refusal had caused was already calmed, and the Pope received him in his usual fashion at his palace, and with his ordinary courtesy. Although from the beginning it was easy for the Duke to see that he was being watched. In return for this kind of reception, Caesar consented to yield the Fortress of Cassena to the Pope as being a town which had once belonged to the church and now should return. Giving the deed, signed by Caesar, to one of his captains, called Pietro de Oviedo, he ordered him to take possession of the Fortress in the name of the Holy See. Pietro obeyed, and starting at once for Cassena, presented himself armed with his warrant before Don Diego Chinon, a noble condottieri of Spain who was holding the Fortress in Caesar's name. But when he had read over the paper that Pietro de Oviedo brought, Don Diego replied that as he knew his lord and master was a prisoner, it would be disgraceful in him to obey an order that had probably been rested from him by violence, and that the bearer deserved to die for undertaking such a cowardly office. He therefore bade his soldier seize de Oviedo, and flung him down from the top of the walls. This sentence was promptly executed. This mark of fidelity might have proved fatal to Caesar. When the Pope heard how his messenger had been treated, he flew into such a rage that the prisoner thought a second time that his hour was come. And in order to receive his liberty, he made the first of those new propositions to Julius II, which were drawn up in the form of a treaty and sanctioned by a bull. By these arrangements, the Duke of Valentinois was bound to hand over to his holiness, within the space of forty days, the fortresses of Cassena and Bertinoro, and authorized the surrender of Forley. This arrangement was guaranteed by two bankers in Rome who were responsible for fifteen thousand Ducats, the sum total of the expenses which the governor pretended he had incurred in the place on the Duke's account. The Pope on his part engaged to send Caesar to Ostia, under the sole guard of the Cardinal of Santa Crocia and two officers, who were to give him his full liberty on the very day when his engagements were fulfilled. Should this not happen, Caesar was to be taken to Rome and imprisoned in the castle of Sant'Angelo. In fulfillment of this treaty, Caesar went down the Tiber as far as Ostia, accompanied by the Pope's treasurer and many of his servants. The Cardinal of Santa Crocia followed, and the next day joined him there. But as Caesar feared that Julius II might keep him a prisoner, in spite of his pledge word after he had yielded up the fortresses, he asked, through the mediation of Cardinals Borgia and Remolina, who, not feeling safe at Rome, had retired to Naples, for a safe conduct to Gonzalva of Cordova, and for two ships to take him there. With the return of the Courier the safe conduct arrived, announcing that the ships would shortly follow. In the midst of all this, the Cardinal of Santa Crocia, learning that by the Duke's orders, the governors of Cassina and Bertonaro had surrendered their fortresses to the captains of his holiness, relaxed his rigor, and knowing that his prisoner would someday or other be free, began to let him go out without a guard. Then Caesar, feeling some fearless when he started with Gonzalva's ships, the same thing might happen as on the occasion of his embarking on the Pope's vessel. That is, that he might be arrested a second time, concealed himself outside the town, and when night came on, mounting a wretched horse that belonged to a peasant, rode as far as Nectuno, and there hired a little boat, in which he embarked for Monte Dragone, and then gained Naples. Gonzalva received him with such joy that Caesar was deceived as to his intention, and this time believed that he was really saved. His confidence was redoubled opening his designs to Gonzalva, and telling him that he counted upon gaining Pisa and thence going on into Romagna. Gonzalva allowed him to recruit as many soldiers at Naples as he pleased, promising him two ships to embark with. Caesar, deceived by these appearances, stopped nearly six weeks at Naples, every day seeing the Spanish governor and discussing his plans. But Gonzalva was only waiting to gain time to tell the king of Spain that his enemy was in his hands, and Caesar actually went to the castle to bid Gonzalva goodbye, thinking he was about to start after he had embarked his men on the two ships. The Spanish governor received him with his accustomed courtesy, wished him every kind of prosperity, and embraced him as he left. But at the door of the castle, Caesar found one of Gonzalva's captains, Nuno Cappahia by name, who arrested him as a prisoner of Ferdinand the Catholic. Caesar, at these words, heaved a deep sigh, cursing the ill luck that had made him trust the word of an enemy when he had so often broken his own. He was at once taken to the castle, where the prison gate closed behind him, and he felt no hope that anyone would come to his aid. For the only being who was devoted to him in this world was Michelotto, and he had heard that Michelotto had been arrested near Pisa by order of Julius II. While Caesar was being taken to prison, an officer came to him to deprive him of the safe conduct given him by Gonzalvo. The day after his arrest, which occurred on the 27th of May, 1504, Caesar was taken aboard a ship, which at once weighed anchor and set sail for Spain. During the whole voyage, he had but one page to serve him, and as soon as he disembarked, he was taken to the castle of Medina del Campo. Ten years later, Gonzalvo, who at that time was himself proscribed, owned to loxa on his dying bed that now, when he was to appear in the presence of God, two things weighed cruelly on his conscience. One was his treason to Ferdinand, the other his breach of faith towards Caesar. End of Section 26. Section 27 The Bourges, Chapter 16 Caesar was in prison for two years, always hoping that Louis XII would reclaim him as peer of the Kingdom of France. But Louis, much disturbed by the loss of the battle of Gariliano, which robbed him of the Kingdom of Naples, had enough to do with his own affairs without busying himself with his cousins. So the prisoner was beginning to despair, when one day, as he broke his bread at breakfast, he found a file and a little bottle containing a narcotic, with a letter from Michelotto, saying that he was out of prison and had left Italy for Spain, and now lay in hiding with the Count of Benevento in the neighboring village. He added that from the next day forward he and the Count would wait every night on the road between the fortress and the village, with three excellent horses. It was now Caesar's part to do the best he could with his bottle and file. When the whole world had abandoned the Duke of Romagna, he had been remembered by a spyro. The prison where he had been shut up for two years was so hateful to Caesar that he lost not a single moment. The same day he attacked one of the bars of a window that looked out upon an inner court, and soon contrived so to manipulate it, that it would need only a final push to come out. But not only was the window nearly seventy feet from the ground, but one could only get out of the court by using an exit reserved for the governor of which he alone had the key. Also this key never left him. By day it hung at his waist, by night it was under his pillow. This then was the chief difficulty. But prisoner though he was, Caesar had always been treated with the respect due to his name and rank. Every day at the dinner hour he was conducted from the room that served as his prison to the governor, who did the honors of the table in a grand and courteous fashion. The fact was that Don Manuel had served with honor under King Ferdinand, and therefore while he guarded Caesar rigorously according to orders, he had a great respect for so brave a general, and took pleasure in listening to the accounts of his battles. So he had often insisted that Caesar should not only dine, but also breakfast with him. Happily the prisoner, yielding perhaps to some pre-sentiment, had till now refused this favor. This was of great advantage to him, since thanks to his solitude he had been able to receive the instruments of escape sent by Michelotto. The same day he received them, Caesar on going back to his room made a false step and sprained his foot. At the dinner hour he tried to go down but pretended to be suffering so cruelly that he gave it up. The governor came to see him in his room and found him stretched upon the bed. The day after he was no better, the governor had his dinner sent in and came to see him as on the night before. He found his prisoner so dejected and gloomy in his solitude that he offered to come and sup with him. Caesar gratefully accepted. This time it was the prisoner who did the honors. Caesar was charmingly courteous. The governor thought he would profit by this lack of restraint to put to him certain questions as to the manner of his arrest, and asked him as an old Castilian, for whom honor is still of some account, what the truth really was as to Gonzalvo's and Ferdinand's breach of faith with him. Caesar appeared extremely inclined to give him his entire confidence, but showed by a sign that the attendants were in the way. This precaution appeared quite natural and the governor took no offense but hastened to send them all away so as to be the sooner alone with his companion. When the door was shut, Caesar filled his glass and the governor's, proposing the king's health. The governor honored the toast. Caesar at once began his tale, but he had scarcely uttered a third part of it when, interesting as it was, the eyes of his host shut as though by magic, and he slid under the table in a profound sleep. After half an hour had passed, the servants, hearing no noise, entered and found the two, one on the table, the other under it. This event was not so extraordinary that they paid any great attention to it. All they did was to carry Don Manuel to his room and lift Caesar on the bed. Then they put away the remnant of the meal for the next day's supper, shut the door very carefully, and left their prisoner alone. Caesar stayed for a minute motionless and apparently plunged in the deepest sleep, but when he heard the steps retreating, he quietly raised his head, opened his eyes, slipped off the bed, walked to the door, slowly indeed but not to all appearance feeling the accident of the night before, and applied his ear for some minutes to the keyhole. Then lifting his head with an expression of indescribable pride, he wiped his bra with his hand, and for the first time since his guards went out, breathed freely with full-drawn breaths. There was no time to lose. His first care was to shut the door as securely on the inside, as it was already shut on the outside, to blow out the lamp, to open the window, and to finish sawing through the bar. When this was done he undid the bandages on his leg, took down the window and bed curtains, tore them into strips, joined the sheets, table napkins, and cloth, and with all these things tied together end to end formed a rope fifty or sixty feet long, with knots every here and there. This rope he fixed securely to the bar next to the one he had just cut through, then he climbed up to the window and began what was really the hardest part of his perilous enterprise, clinging with hands and feet to this fragile support. Luckily he was both strong and skillful, and he went down the whole length of the rope without accident, but when he reached the end and was hanging on the last knot he sought in vain to touch the ground with his feet. His rope was too short. The situation was a terrible one. The darkness of the night prevented the fugitive from seeing how far off he was from the ground, and his fatigue prevented him from even attempting to climb up again. Cesar put up a brief prayer whether to God or Satan he alone could say, then, letting go the rope, he dropped from a height of twelve or fifteen feet. The danger was too great for the fugitive to trouble about a few trifling contusions. He at once rose, and guiding himself by the direction of his window he went straight to the little door of exit. He then put his hand into the pocket of his doublet, and a cold sweat damped his brow. Either he had forgotten and left it in his room, or had lost it in his fall. Anyhow he had not the key. But summoning his recollections he quite gave up the first idea for the second, which was the only likely one. Again he crossed the court, looking for the place where the key might have fallen, by the aid of the wall round a tank on which he had laid his hand when he got up. But the object of search was so small, and the night so dark, that there was little chance of getting any result. Still Cesar sought for it, for in this key was his last hope. Suddenly a door was opened, and a night watch appeared, preceded by two torches. Cesar for the moment thought he was lost, but remembering the tank behind him he dropped into it, and with nothing but his head above water, anxiously watched the movements of the soldiers, as they advanced beside him, passed only a few feet away, crossed the court, and then disappeared by an opposite door. But short as their luminous apparition had been, it had lighted up the ground, and Cesar by the glare of the torches had caught the glitter of the long sought key. And as soon as the door was shut behind the men was again master of his liberty. Halfway between the castle and the village, two cavaliers and a lead horse were waiting for him. The two men were Michelotto and the Count of Benevento. Cesar sprang upon the riderless horse, pressed with fervor the hand of the Count and this bureau, then all three galloped to the frontier of Navarre where they arrived three days later and were honourably received by the king, Jean d'Albray, the brother of Cesar's wife. From Navarre he thought to pass into France, and from France to make an attempt upon Italy with the aid of Louis XII. But during Cesar's detention in the castle of Medina del Campo, Louis had made peace with the king of Spain, and when he heard of Cesar's flight, instead of helping him, as there was some reason to expect he would, since he was a relative by marriage, he took away the duchy of Valentinois and also his pension. Still, Cesar had nearly two hundred thousand ducats in the charge of bankers at Genoa. He wrote asking for this sum, with which he hoped to levy troops in Spain and in Navarre and make an attempt upon Pisa. Five hundred men, two hundred thousand ducats, his name and his word were more than enough to save him from despair. The bankers denied the deposit. Cesar was at the mercy of his brother-in-law. One of the vassals of the king of Navarre, named Prince Allerino, had just then revolted. Cesar then took command of the army which Jean d'Albray was sending out against him, followed by Michelotto, who was as faithful in adversity as ever before. Thanks to Cesar's courage and skillful tactics, Prince Allerino was beaten in a first encounter. But the day after his defeat he rallied his army and offered battle about three o'clock in the afternoon. Cesar accepted it. For nearly four hours they fought obstinately on both sides, but at length as the day was going down, Cesar proposed to decide the issue by making a charge himself at the head of a hundred men-at-arms upon a body of cavalry which made his adversaries chief force. To his great astonishment this cavalry at the first shock gave way and took flight in the direction of a little wood where they seemed to be seeking refuge. Cesar followed close on their heels up to the edge of the forest. Then suddenly the pursuit turned right about face, three or four hundred archers came out of the wood to help them, and Cesar's men, seeing that they had fallen into an ambush, took to their heels like cowards and abandoned their leader. Left alone, Cesar would not budge one step. Possibly he had had enough of life and his heroism was rather the result of satiety than courage. However that may be, he defended himself like a lion, but riddled with arrows and bolts, his horse at last fell with Cesar's leg under him. His adversaries rushed upon him and one of them thrusting a sharp and slender iron pike through a weak place in his armour pierced his breast. Cesar cursed God and died. But the rest of the enemy's army was defeated thanks to the courage of Nicoloto who fought like a valiant condottiere but learned on returning to the camp in the evening from those who had fled that they had abandoned Cesar and that he had never reappeared. Then only too certain from his master's well-known courage that disaster had occurred, he desired to give one last proof of his devotion by not leaving his body to the wolves and birds of prey. Torches were lighted for it was dark, and with ten or twelve of those who had gone with Cesar as far as the little wood he went to seek his master. On reaching the spot they pointed out he beheld five men stretched side by side. Four of them were dressed, but the fifth had been stripped of his clothing and lay completely naked. Nicoloto dismounted, lifted the head upon his knees, and by the light of the torches recognized Cesar. Thus fell on the 10th of March, 1507, on an unknown field near an obscure village called Vian in a wretched skirmish with the vassal of a petty king, the man whom Machiavelli presents to all princes as the model of ability, diplomacy and courage. As to Lucrezia, the fair Duchess of Ferrara, she died full of years and honors, adored as a queen by her subjects, and sung as a goddess by Ariosto and by Bembo. End of Section 27 Section 28 of Celebrated Crimes, Volume 1 This is the LibriVox Recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Celebrated Crimes, Volume 1 by Alexander Dumas. Translated by G.B. Ives. Section 28 There was once in Paris, says Boccaccio, a brave and good merchant named Jean de Sivanjie, who did a great trade in drapery and was connected in business with a neighbor and fellow merchant, a very rich man called Abraham, who though a Jew, enjoyed a good reputation. Jean de Sivanjie, appreciating the qualities of the worthy Israelite, feared last, good man as he was, his false religion would bring his soul straight to eternal perdition, so he began to urge him, gently as a friend, to renounce his errors and open his eyes to the Christian faith, which he could see for himself was prospering and spreading day by day, being the only true and good religion, whereas his own creed, it was very plain, was so quickly diminishing that it would soon disappear from the face of the earth. The Jew replied, that except in his own religion there was no salvation, that he was born in it, proposed to live and die in it, and that he knew nothing in the world, that could change his opinion. Still, in his proselytizing fervour, Jean would not think himself beaten, and never a day passed, but he demonstrated with those fair words the merchant uses to seduce the customer, the superiority of the Christian religion above the Jewish, and although Abraham was a great master of Mosaic law, he began to enjoy his friends preaching, either because of the friendship he felt for him, or because the Holy Ghost descended upon the tongue of the new Apostle. Still obstinate in his own belief he would not change. The more he persisted in his error, the more excited was Jean about converting him, so that at last, by God's help, being somewhat shaken by his friend's urgency, Abraham one day said, Listen Jean, since you have it, so much a tired that I should be converted, behold me disposed to satisfy you, but before I go to Rome to see him who you call God's vicar on earth, I must study his manner of life and his morals, as also those of his brethren, the Cardinals, and if, as I doubt not, they are in harmony with what you preach, I will admit that, as you have taken such pains to show me, your faith is better than mine, and I will do as you desire, but if I should prove otherwise I shall remain a Jew, as I was before, for it is not worthwhile at my age to change my belief for a worse one. Jean was very sad when he heard these words, and he was mournful to himself. Now I have lost my time in pains, which I thought I had spent so well when I was hoping to convert this unhappy Abraham, for if he unfortunately goes, as he says he will, to the court of Rome, and there sees the shameful life led by the servants of the church, instead of becoming a Christian, the Jew will be more of a Jew than ever. Then turning to Abraham he said, Ah friend, why do you wish to incur such fatigue and expense by going to Rome, besides the fact that travelling by sea or by land must be very dangerous for so rich a man as you are? Do you suppose there is no one here to baptize you? If you have any doubts concerning the faith I have expounded, where better than here will you find theologians capable of contending with them and allaying them? So you see this voyage seems to me quite unnecessary. Just imagine that the priests there are such as you see here, and all the better in that they are nearer to the Supreme Pastor. If you are guided by my advice you will postpone this toil till you have committed some grave sin and need absolution, then you and I will go together. But the Jew replied, I believe, dear Jean, that everything is as you tell me, but you know how obstinate I am, I will go to Rome, or I will never be a Christian. Then Jean, seeing his great wish, resolved that it was no use trying to thwart him, and wished him good luck, but in his heart he gave up all hope, for it was certain that his friend would come back from his pilgrimage more of a Jew than ever if the court of Rome was still as he had seen it. But Abraham mounted his horse, and at his best speed took the road to Rome, where on his arrival he was wonderfully well received by his co-religionists, and after staying there a good long time he began to study the behaviour of the Pope, the Cardinals, and other prelates, and of the whole court. But much to his surprise he found out, partly by what passed under his eyes, and partly by what he was told, that all from the Pope downward to the lowest sacristan of St. Peter's were committing the sins of luxurious living in a most disgraceful and unbridled manner, with no remorse and no shame, so that pretty women and handsome youth could obtain any favours they pleased. In addition to this sensuality which they exhibited in public, he saw that they were gluttons and drunkards, so much so that they were more the slaves of the belly than are the greediest of animals. When he looked a little further he found them so avaricious and fond of money that they sold for hard cash both human bodies and divine offices, and with less conscience than a man in Paris would sell cloth or any other merchandise. Seeing this and much more that it would not be proper to set down here it seemed to Abraham himself a chaste, sober and upright man that he had seen enough, so he resolved to return to Paris, and carried out the resolution with his usual promptitude. Jean de Souvenchie held a great fete in honour of his return, although he had lost hope of his coming back converted. But he left time for him to settle down before he spoke of anything, thinking there would be plenty of time to hear the bad news he expected. But after a few days of rest Abraham himself came to see his friend, and Jean ventured to ask what he thought of the Holy Father, the Cardinals, and the other persons at the Pontifical Court. At these words the Jew exclaimed, God damn them all, I never once succeeded in finding among them any holiness, any devotion, any good works, but on the contrary luxurious living, avarice, greed, fraud, envy, pride, and even worse, if there is worse, all the machine seemed to be set in motion by an impulse less divine than diabolical. After what I saw, it is my firm conviction that your Pope, and of course the others as well, are using all their talents, art, and devours, to banish the Christian religion from the face of the earth, though they ought to be its foundation and support. And since, in spite of all the care and trouble they expend to arrive at this end, I see that your religion is spreading every day and becoming more brilliant and more pure. It is borne in upon me that the Holy Spirit himself protects it as the only true and the most holy religion. This is why, death as you found me to your counsel and rebellious to your wish, I am now, ever since I returned from this Sodom, firmly resolved on becoming a Christian, so let us go at once to the church, for I am quite ready to be baptized. There is no need to say if Jean de Sivanje, who expected a refusal, was pleased at this consent. Without delay he went with his godson to Notre-Dame de Paris, where he prayed the first priest he met to administer baptism to his friend, and this was speedily done, and the new convert changed his Jewish name of Abraham into the Christian name of Jean, and as the neophyte, thanks to his journey to Rome, had gained a profound belief, his natural good qualities increased so greatly in the practice of our holy religion, that after leading an exemplary life he died in the full order of sanctity. This tale of Boccacios gives so admirable an answer to the charge of irreligion which some might make against us if they mistook our intentions, that as we shall not offer any other reply we have not hesitated to present it entire as it stands to the eyes of our readers. And let us never forget that if the papacy has had an innocent eighth and an Alexander sixth who are in its shame it also has a pious, and a Gregory sixteen who are in its honor and glory. End of section 28