 Chapter 7 of Mutual Aid, A Factor of Evolution. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Enku. Mutual Aid, A Factor of Evolution by Peter Kropotkin. Chapter 7, Mutual Aid Amongst Ourselves. The Mutual Aid tendency in men has so remote and origin and is so deeply interwoven with all the post-evolution of the human race that it has been maintained by mankind up to the present time, notwithstanding all these attitudes of history. It was chiefly evolved during periods of peace and prosperity, but when even the greatest calamities befell men, when whole countries were laid waste by wars and whole populations were decimated by misery or grown under the yoke of tyranny, the same tendency continued to live in the villages and among the poorer classes in the towns. It still kept them together, and in the long run, it reacted even upon those rulings fighting and devastating minorities which dismissed it as sentimental nonsense. And whenever mankind had to work out a new social organization adapted to a new phases of development, its contractive genius always drew the elements and the inspiration for the new departure from that same ever living tendency. New economical and social institutions, insofar as they were a creation of the masses, new ethical systems and new religions all had originated from the same source and the ethical progress of our race viewed in its broad lines appears as a gradual extension of the mutual aid principles from the tribe to always larger and larger agglomerations so as to finally embrace one day the whole of mankind without respect to its diverse creeds, languages and races. After having passed through the savage tribe and next through the village community, the Europeans came to work out in medieval times a new form of organization which had the advantage of allowing great latitude for individual initiative while its logic responded at the same time to man's need of mutual support. A federation of village communities covered by a network of guilds and fraternities was called into existence in the medieval cities. The immense results achieved under this new form of union in well-being for all in industries of science and commerce were discussed at some length in two pristine chapters and an attempt was also made to show why, towards the end of the 15th century, the medieval republics surrounded by domains of hostile feudal lords unable to free the peasants from servitude and gradually corrupted by ideas of Roman Caesarism were doomed to become a pre-for-growing military state. However, before submitting for three centuries to come to the old absorbing authority of the state, the masses of the people made a formidable attempt at reconstructing society on the old basis of mutual aid and support. It is well known by this time that the great movement of the reform was not a mere revolt against the abusers of the Catholic Church. It had its contractive ideal as well and that ideal was life in three Brotherly communities. Both of the early writings and sermons of the period which found most response with the masses were imbued with ideas of the economical and social Brotherhood of Bangai. The 12 articles and similar professions of faith which were circulated among German and Swiss peasants and artisans maintained not only everyone's right to interpret the Bible according to his own understanding but also included the demand of communal lands being restored to the village communities and feudal servitudes being abolished. And they always alluded to the true faith a faith of Brotherhood. At the same time, scores of thousands of men and women joined the Communists fraternities of Moravia giving them all their fortune and their settlements constructed upon the principles of Communism. A bulky literature dealing with this formerly much neglected subject is now growing in Germany. Kylius works and Apostle their Wendier Tofer and Gershkit their Wendier Tofer, Cornelius Gershkit their Montess Richen of Ruth and Janssen Gershkitsch their Lucian Wilkes may be named as the leading sources. The first attempt as familiarizing English readers with the result by researchers made in Germany in this direction has been made in an excellent little work by Richard Heave and Abatism from its rise at Zwicko to its fall at Munster 1521 to 1536 London 1895 Open Bracket Baptiste Manuels, volume 1 Cozbracket where the leading features of a movement are well indicated and full biographical information is given. Also, Keiko Schitt's Communism in Central Europe in the time of formation London 1897 close footnote. Only wholesale massacres by the 1000 could put a stop to this widespread popular movement and it was by the sword the fire and the rack that the young states secured their first and decisive victory over the masses of the people. Open footnote Few of our contemporaries realize both the extent of this movement and the means by which it was suppressed but those who wrote immediately after the Great Byzant War estimated from 100,000 to 150,000 men the number of peasants slaughtered after their defeat in Germany. C. Zimmermann's Algermen, Geskic, Desgrossan, Buen Kritsch, the measures taken to suppress the movement in the Netherlands C. Richard Heave's Abatism close footnote. For the next 3 centuries, the states both on the continent and in these islands systematically weeded out all institutions in which the mutual aid tendency had formally found its expression. The village communities were bereft of their folk modes, their courts and independent administration, their lands were confiscated, the guilds were exploited of their possessions and liberties and placed under the control the fancy and the bribery of the states official. The cities were divested of their sovereignty and the very springs of their inner life, the folk mode, the elected justices and administration, the sovereign parish and the sovereign guild were annihilated. The state's functionary took position of every link of what formerly was an organic whole. Under that fatal policy and the wars it engendered, whole regions, once populous and wealthy, were laid bare, which cities became insignificant boroughs, the very roads which connected them with other cities became impracticable, industry, art and knowledge fell into decay. Political education, science and law were rendered subservient to the idea of state centralization. It was taught in the universities and from the pulpit that the institutions in which man formally used to embody their needs of mutual support could not be tolerated in a properly organized state, that the state alone could represent the bonds of union between its subjects, that federalism and particularism were the enemies of progress, and the state was the only proper initiator of further development. By the end of the last century, the kings on the continent, the parliament in these eyes and the revolutionary convention in France, although they were at war with each other, agreed in asserting that no separate unions between citizens must exist within the state, that hard labor and death were the uninsuitable punishments to workers who dared to enter into coalitions. No state within the state, the state alone and the state church must take care of matters of general interest, while the subjects must represent loose aggregations of individuals connected by no particular bonds, bound to appeal to the government each time that they feel a common need. Up to the middle of this century, this was the theory and practice in Europe, even commercial and industrial societies were looked at with suspicion. As to the workers, their unions were treated as unlawful almost within our own lifetime in this country and within the last 20 years on the continent. The whole system of our state education was such that up to the present time, even in this country, a notable portion of society would treat as a revolutionary measure the concession of such rights as everyone, free men or self, exercised 500 years ago in the village folk mode, the guild, the parish and the city. The absorption of all social functions by the state necessarily favored the development of an unbridled, narrow-minded individualism. In proportion as the obligations towards the state grew in numbers, the citizens were evidently relieved from their obligations towards each other. In the guild and medieval times, every man belonged to some guild of fraternity. Two brothers were bound to Washington a brother who had fallen ill. It would be sufficient now to give once neighbor the address of the next purpose hospital. In barbarian society two assets at a fight between two men are risen from a carrel and not to prevent it from taking a fatal issue meant to be oneself treated as a murderer but under the theory of the all-protecting state, the bystander need not intrude. It is the man's business to interfere or not and while in a savage land, among the hood and totes, it would be scandalous to eat without having loudly called out fries whether there is not somebody wanting to share the food, all that a respectable citizen has to do now is to pay the poor tax and to let the starving starve. The result is that the theory which maintains that men can and must seek their own happiness in the disregard of other people's want is not triumphant or run in law in religion. It is the religion of the day and to doubt of its efficacy is to be a dangerous utopian. Science loudly proclaims that the struggle of each against all is the leading principle of nature and of human societies as well. To that struggle, biology ascribes the progressive evolution of the animal world. History takes the same line of argument and political economists in their naive ignorance trace all progress of modern industry and machinery to the wonderful effects of the same principle. The very religion of the pulpit is the religion of individualism, slightly mitigated by more or less charitable relations to one's neighbors chiefly on Sundays. Practical men and theorists, men of science and religious, preachers, lawyers and politicians all agree upon one thing, that individualism may be more or less often in its horses effects by charity but that it is the only secure basis for the maintenance of society and its ulterior progress. It seems therefore hopeless to look for mutual aid institutions and practices in modern society. What could remain of them and yet as soon as we try to ascertain how the millions of human beings live and begin to study their everyday relations. We are struck with the immense part which the mutual aid and mutual support principles play even now a days in human life. Although the destruction of mutual aid institutions has been going on in practice and history for full three or four hundred years, hundreds of millions of men continue to live under such institutions that beously maintain them and any other to reconstitute them where they have ceased to exist. In our mutual relations, everyone of us has his moments of revolt against the fashionable and unrealistic greed of the day and actions in which men are guided by their mutual aid inclinations constitute so great a part of our daily intercourse that if a stop to such actions could be put all further ethical progress would be stopped at once. Human society itself could not be maintained for even so much as the lifetime of one single generation. These facts mostly neglected by sociologists and yet of the first importance for the life and further elevation of mankind, we are now going to analyze beginning with the ascending institutions of mutual support and passing next to those acts of mutual aid which have their origin in personal or social sympathies. When we course a broad glance on the present constitution of European society, we are struck at once with the fact that although so much has been done to get rid of the village community, this form of union continues to exist to the extent which we shall presently see and that many attempts are now made either to reconstitute it in some shape or another or to find some substitute for it. The current theory as regards the village community is that in western Europe it has died out by a natural death because the communal possession of the soil was found inconsistent with the modern requirements of agriculture, but the truth is that nowhere did the village community disappear of its own accord. Everywhere on the contrary, it took the ruling closer several centuries of persistent but not always successful efforts to abolish it and to confiscate the old communal lands. In France, the village communities began to be deprived of their independence and their lands began to be plundered as early as the 16th century. However, it was only in the next century when the mass of peasants was brought by exactions and wars to the state of subjection and misery which is vividly depicted by all historians, but the plundering of their lands became easy and attained scandalous proportions. Everyone has taken of them according to his powers. Imaginary depths have been claimed in order to save upon their lands. So we read in an edict promulgated by Louis XIV in 1667. Open footnote Chacun s'en est accommodé selon sa bien-séance. On les apportage pour déployer les communes. On s'essay la vie de dette simulée. Open bracket, edict of Louis XIV of 1667 coated by several authors. Edius before that date, the communes had been taken under state management. Close bracket, close footnote. Of course the state's remedy for such evils was to render the communes still most subservient to the state and to plunder them itself. In fact two years later, all money revenue of the communes was confiscated by the king. As to the appropriation of communal lands, it grew worse and worse. In the next century the nobles and the clergy had already taken possession of immense tracts of land, one half of a cultivated area according to certain estimates mostly to let it go out of culture. Open footnote. On a great landlord's estate, even if he has millions of revenue, you are sure to find the land uncultivated. Open bracket of a young. Close bracket one fourth pot of the soil went out of culture. For the last hundred years, the land has returned to its savage state. The formerly flourishing saloon is now a big mosh and so on. Open bracket Théron de Montauch coated by Théin in origin de la France, Comte-en-Borent. Théme Premier, page 440 here. Close bracket, close footnote. But the peasants still maintained their communal institutions and until the year 1787 the village folk modes composed of all householders used to come together in the shadow of a bell tower or a tree to allot and reallot what they had retained of their fields to assess their taxes and to elect their executive just as the Russian mere does at the present time. This is what Bebo's researchers have proved to demonstration. Open footnote. Hey babo, le village de l'ancien régime. Troisième édition Paris 1892. Close footnote. The government found, however, the folk modes too noisy, too disobedient and in 1787 elected councils composed of a major L3-6 index chosen from among the wealthier peasants were introduced instead. Two years later, the Revolutionary Assembly constituent, which was on this point at one with the old regime fully confirmed this law. Open bracket on the 14th of December 1789. Close bracket and the bourgeois village had now returned through the plunder of communal lands which continued all through the Revolutionary period. Only on the 16th of August 1792 the convention under the pressure of the peasants institutions decided to return the enclosed lands to the communes. Open footnote. In Eastern France, the law only confirmed what the peasants had already done themselves. See my work, The Great French Revolution chapters 17th and 18th London. Open bracket. Heinemann. Close bracket. But it ordered at the same time that they should be divided in equal parts among the wealthier peasants only. A measure which provoked new insurrections and was abrogated next year in 1793 when the order came to divide the communal lands among all communes rich and poor alike, active and inactive. These two laws, however, ran so much against the conceptions of the peasants that they were not obeyed and wherever the peasants had retaken possession of parts of their lands, they kept them undivided. But then came the long years of wars and the communal lands were simply confiscated by the state. Open bracket in 1794. Close bracket. As a mortgage for state loans put up for sale and plundered as such, then returned again to the communes and confiscated again. Open bracket in 1813. Close bracket. And only in 1816 what remained of them that is about 15 million acres of the least productive land was restored to the village communities. Open footnote. After the triumph of the middle class reaction, the communal lands were declared. Open bracket. August 24, 1794. Close bracket. The state's domains and together with the lands confiscated from the nobility were put up for sale and pilfered by the born-noir of the small bourgeoisie. True that a stop to this pilfering was put next year. Open bracket. Law of two prairieaux on 5M. Close bracket. And the preceding law was abrogated but then the village communities were simply abolished and continental councils were introduced instead. Only seven years later, open bracket. Neuf prairieaux en deuxième. Close bracket. That is in 1801, the village communities were reintroduced but not until after having being deprived of all their rights the mayor and syndics being nominated by the government in the 56,000 communes of France. This system was maintained until after the revolution of 1830 when elected communal council were reintroduced under the law of 1787. As to the communal lands, they were again seized open by the state in 1813, plundered as such and only partly restored the communes in 1816. See the classical collection of French laws by Dalos, Repertoire, the Jury's Prudence, also the works of the Noir, Dares, Bonmere, Babou and many others. Close bracket. This was not yet the end of the revolution. Every new regime saw in the communal lands a means for gratifying its supporters and free laws. Open bracket, the first in 1837 and the laws under Napoleon III. Close bracket were forced to induce the village communities to divide their states. Three times these laws had to be repealed in consequence of the opposition they met with in the villages. But something was snapped up each time and Napoleon III under the pretext of encouraging perfected methods of agriculture granted large estates out of the communal lands to some of his favorites. As to the autonomy of the village communities what could be written of it after so many blows. The mayor and the syndics were simply looked upon as unpaid functionaries of the state machinery. Even now under the Third Republic, very little can be done in a village community without the huge state machinery, up to the prefect and the ministries being set in motion. It is hardly credible and yet it is true that when for instance a peasant intends to pay in money to this share in the repair of a communal road instead of himself breaking the necessary amount of stones, the fewer than 12 different functionaries of the state must give their approval and aggregate of 52 different acts must be performed by them in exchange between them before the peasant is permitted to pay that money to the communal council. All the remainder be as the same character upon footnote. This procedure is so absurd but one would not believe it possible if the 52 different acts were not enumerated in full by a quite authoritative writer in the journal The Economist, open bracket 1893 Apple page 94, good bracket and several similar examples were not given by the same of the closed footnote. What took place in France took place everywhere in the standard middle Europe. Even the chief dates of the great assault upon the peasant lands of the same. For England the only difference is that this pollution was accomplished by separate acts rather than by general sweeping measures which we have less haste but more in France. The seizure of the communal lands by the lords also began in the 15th century after the defeat of the peasant insurrection of 1380 as seen from Morse's Historia and from the Statute of Henry VII in which these treasures are spoken of under the heading of enormities and mischiefs have been heard full to the common-willed open footnote Dr. Ochankowski, England with Shaflich et Wicke-Lume in Osganj they are metallic details open bracket Jena 1879 closed bracket Pages 35 sequence where the whole question is discussed with full knowledge of the text closed footnote. Later on the great inquest under Henry VIII was begun as is known in order to put a stop to the enclosure of communal lands but it ended in a sanction of what had been done open footnote Nass Weber Dei, Mithila Therlic, Pelgrim and Shaf-Unday and Hegungan des 16th, Johundet in England open bracket Bon 1869 open bracket Pages 45 Vinogradov, Villinage in England open bracket Oxford 1892 closed bracket closed footnote the communal lands continued to be preyed upon and the peasants were driven from the land but it was especially since the middle of the 18th century that in England as everywhere else it became part of a systematic policy to simply weed out old treasures of communal ownership and the wonder is not that it has disappeared but that it could be maintained even in England so as to be generally insulated as the grandfather of this generation open footnote FAF Seedom the English village community 3rd edition 1884 Pages 13-15 closed footnote the very object of the enclosure acts as shown by Mr Seabomb was to remove this system open footnote and examination into the digits of an enclosure act will make clear the point that the system as above described open bracket communal ownership closed bracket is the system which it was the object of the enclosure act to remove open bracket Seabomb LC page 13 closed bracket and further on they were generally drawn in the same form commencing with a recital that the open and common fields lie dispersed in small pieces intermixed with each other and inconveniently situated that diverse persons who import of them and or untitled to rise of common on them and that it is desired that they may be divided and enclose a specific share being let out and allowed to each owner open bracket page 14 closed bracket porters list contains 3,867 such acts of which the greatest numbers full open the decays of 1770 to 1780 and 1800 to 1820 as in France closed footnote and it was so well removed by the nearly 4,000 acts passed between 1760 and 1844 that many feint traces of it remain now. The land of the village community was taken by the lords and the appropriation was sanctioned by Poland in each separate case in Germany in Austria in Belgium the village community was also destroyed by the state instances of commoners themselves dividing their lands were rare open footnote in Switzerland we see a number of communes ruined by wars which have sold port of their lands and now and the other to buy them back closed footnote while everywhere the states queersed them to enforce the division or simply favored the private appropriation of their lands the most bloated communal ownership in middle Europe also dates from the middle of 18th century in Austria she affords was used by the government in 1768 to compel the communes to divide their lands a special commission being nominated 2 years later for that purpose in Prussia Frederick II in several of his ordinances open bracket in 1752 1763 1765 and 1769 post bracket recommended to the government to enforce the division in Silesia a special resolution was issued to serve at A.M. in 1771 the same took place in Belgium and as the communes did not obey a law was issued in 1847 empowering the government to buy communal medus in order to sell them in retail and to make a forced sale of the communal land when there was a would-be buy for open footnote A. Buchenberger Agre was then an agro-politic in a Wagner's handbook their politician or economy 1892 Ben first pages 280 sequence closed footnote in short to speak of the natural death of the village communes in virtue of economical laws is as grim a joke as to speak of the natural death of soldiers routed on a battlefield the fact was simply this the village communes had lived for over a thousand years and where and when the peasants were not ruined by wars and exactions they steadily improved their methods of culture but as the value of land was increasing in consequence of the growth of industries and the nobility had acquired under the state organization a power which it never had had under the feudal system it took possession of the best parts of the communal lands and did its best to destroy the communal institutions however the village community institutions so well respond to the needs and conceptions of the tillers of the soil that in spite of all Europe is up to this date covered with living survival of the village communities and European country life is permitted with customs and habits dating from the community period even in England notwithstanding all the drastic measures taken against the old order of things it prevailed as late as the beginning of the 19th century Mr. Gorm one of the very few English scholars who have paid attention to the subject shown in his work that many traces of the communal possession of the soil of families Scotland room with tenancy having been maintained in 44 Shire up to 1813 while in certain villages of Inverness the custom was up to 181 to plow the land through the whole community without leaving any boundaries and to alert it after the ploughing was done in Kilmoury the allotment and reallotment of the fields was in full vigor till the last 25 years and the crafters commission founded still in vigor in certain islands open foot G.L.Gom the village community with special reference to its origin forms of survival in Great Britain open bracket contemporary science series close bracket London 1890 pages 141 to 143 also his primitive folk moods open bracket London 1880 close bracket pages 98 sequence close foot note in Ireland the system prevailed up to the great famine and as to England Martian's works which post the notice until Nass and Sir Henry Main drew attention to them leave no doubt the village community system having been widely spread in nearly all English counties at the beginning of the 19th century open footnote in almost all parts of the country in the midden and eastern counties particularly but also in the west in Wiltshire for example in the south as in Surrey in the north as in Yorkshire there are extensive open and common fields out of 316 parishes of Novantonshire 89 or in this condition more than 100 in Oxfordshire about 80,000 acres in Warwickshire in Berkshire half the county more than half of Wiltshire in Huntingdonshire out of the total area of 240,000 acres 130,000 were commonable middles, commons and fields open bracket more shallow coated in Sir Henry Main's village communities in the east and west New York edition 1876 pages 88-89 close bracket see also Dr. G Slater's the English Byzantry and the inclusion London 1907 close footnote no more than 20 years ago Sir Henry Main was greatly surprised at the number of instances of abnormal property rights necessarily implying the former existence of collective ownership engine cultivation which comparatively brief inquiry more under his notice open footnote imid page 88 also fifth lecture close footnote and communal institutions having persisted so late as that a great number of mutual aid habits and customs would undoubtedly be discovered in English villagers if the writers of this country only paid attention to village life open footnote in quite a number of books dealing with English country life which I have consulted I have found charming descriptions of country, scenery and the like but almost nothing about the daily life and customs of the laborers close footnote as to the continent we found the communal institutions fully alive in many ports of France, Switzerland, Germany many Italy, Scandinavian lands and Spain to say nothing of Eastern Europe the village life in these countries is permeated with communal habits and customs and almost every year the continental literature is enriched by serious works dealing with these and connected subjects I must therefore limit my illustrations to the most typical instances Switzerland is undoubtedly one of them not only the five republics of Uri Spitz, Appenzell, Glarus and Utea Walden hold their lands as undivided states and are governed by their popular folk modes but in all of the canton to the village communities remain in possession of a wild self-government and own large ports of the federal territory open footnote in Switzerland the peasants in the open land also fell under the dominion of lords and large ports of their states were appropriated by the laws in the 16th and 17th centuries open bracket, CFA Myerskowsky, in Schmolers Prostringen, Bidi, Sagan 1879, pages 12 Sequence, Kloesbrackert, but the peasants war in Switzerland did not end in such a crushing defeat of the peasants as it did in other countries and a great deal of the communal rights and lands was retained the self-government of the communes is in fact the very foundation of the Swiss liberties open bracket, CFK, Boutli Dier, Usprung, Dier Ergénoussens, Schaff, Most Dier Morgénoussens, Schaff, Zurich 1991, Kloesbrackert 2 thirds of all the alpine meadows and 2 thirds of all the forests of Switzerland are until now communal land and a considerable number of fields orchards, vineyards, pitbox quarries and so on are in common in the wood where all the householders continue to take part in the deliberations of their elected communal councils the communal spirit is especially alive towards the end of the winter all the young men of each village go to stay a few days in the woods to fill timber and to bring it down the steep slopes the bagoning way the timber and the fuel would be divided among all households or sold for their benefit these excursions are real facts of manly labor on the banks of Lake Lehmann part of the work required to keep up the terraces of the vineyards is still done in common and in the spring when the thermometer freezes to fall below zero before sunrise the washman wakes up all householders throw and dung and protect the vine trees from the frost by an artificial cloud in nearly all canterns the village communities possess so-called bougainousen that is the whole in common a number of cows in order to supply each family with butter or they keep communal fields or vineyards of which the produce is divided between the burgers or they rent their land for the benefit of the community open-foot node Dr. Riescheberg and Waterberg destructs orchards which have burned 19 frameless footnotes taken as a rule that where the communities have retained a wide sphere of functions so as to be leaving parts of the national organism and where they have not been reduced to sheer misery they never fail to take good care of their lands accordingly the communal estates in southern land strikingly contrasts with a miserable state of commons in this country the communal forests in the wood and the valley are admirably managed in conformity with the rules of modern forestry elsewhere the strips of communal fields which change owners and the system of woodmen are very well manued especially as there is no lack of meadows and cattle the high level meadows are well kept as a rule and the rural roads are excellent open-foot node see on this subject a series of works sum up in one of the excellent and suggestive chapters of an open-bracket not yet translated into English cause-bracket which K. Boucher has added to the German translation of Lavelle's primitive ownership also made then das agro un forstwesen die allmenden un die lange emenden der addition schwitz enjoy books for that recent chaff 1884th open-bracket analysis of Myakovsky's works cause-bracket O'Brien lost in a swiss village in Macmillan's magazine october 1885 close-foot node and when we admire the swiss chalet the mountain road, the peasant's cattle the terraces of vineyards or the schoolhouse in Sutherland we must keep in mind that without a chalet being taken from the communal woods and the stone from the communal quarries without the cows being kept on the communal meadows and the roots being made and the schoolhouses built by communal work there would be little to imagine it hardly need be said that a great number of mutual aid habits and customs continue to persist in the swiss villages the evening gatherings for shelling while nots which take place in turns in each household the evening parties for swing the dowry of the girl who is going to marry the calling of aids for building the houses and taking in the crops as well as for all sorts of work which may be required by one of the commoners the custom of exchanging children from one canton to the other in order to make them learn two languages French and German and so on all these are quite habitual open-foot node the wedding gifts which often substantially contribute in this country to the comfort of the young households are evidently a remainder of the communal habits close-foot node diverse modern requirements are met in the same spirit thus in Glarus most of the alpine meadows have been sold during a time of calamity but the communes still continue to buy field land and after the newly bought field have been left in the possession of separate communes of 410 20 or 30 years as the case might be they return to the common stock which is reallotted according to the needs of all a great number of small associations are formed to produce some other necessary for life bread cheese and wine by common work be it only on a limited scale and agricultural cooperation all together spreads in Switzerland with the greatest ease associations form between 10 to 30 peasants who buy meadows and fields in common and cultivate them as co-owners or of common occurrence while they re-associations for the sale of milk butter and cheese or organas everywhere in fact Switzerland was the birthplace of that form of cooperation it offers more over an immense field for the study of all sorts of small societies form the satisfaction of all sorts of modern ones in certain parts of Switzerland one finds in almost every village a number of associations for protection from fire for boating for maintaining the quays and the shores of the lake for the supply of water and so on and the country is covered with societies of orchards, shop shooters, topographers football explorers and the like originated from modern militarism Switzerland is however by no means an exception in Europe because the same institutions and habits are found in the villages of France, of Italy, of Germany, of Denmark and so on we have just seen what has been done by the rulers of France in order to destroy the village community and to get hold of its plans but not withstanding all that one tenth part of the whole territory available for culture that is 13,500,000 acres including one half of all the natural meadows and nearly a fifth part of all the forests of the country remaining in communal possession the woods supply the communals with fuel everything the wood is cut mostly by communal work with all desirable regularity the grazing lands are free for the communals cattle and what remains of communal fields is allotted and reallotted in certain parts are then in the usual of France namely in the way of an footnote the communes own 4,554,100 acres of woods out of 24,813,000 in the whole territory and 6,936,000 acres of natural meadows out of 11,394,000 acres in France the remaining 2,000,000 acres of fields, orchards and so on because footnote these additional sources of supply which aid the poor peasants to pass through a year of bad crops without porting with their small plots of land and without running into irredeemable depths have certainly the importance for both the agricultural laborers and the nearly 3,000,000 of small peasants and proprietors it is even doubtful whether small peasants and proprietorship could be maintained without these additional resources but the ethical importance of the communal possessions small as they are is still greater than their economical value they maintain in village life a nucleus of customs and habits of mutual aid which undoubtedly acts as a mighty check upon the development of reckless individualism and greediness which small land ownership is only to prong to develop mutual aid in all possible circumstances of village life is part of the routine life in all parts of the country everywhere we meet and the different names with a chariot that is the free aid of the neighbors for taking in a crop for vintage or for building a house everywhere we find the same evening gatherings as have just been mentioned in Switzerland and everywhere the communists associate for all sorts of work such habits are mentioned by nearly all those who have returned upon French village life but it will perhaps be better to give in this place some abstract from letters which I have just we see from a friend of mine whom I have asked to communicate to me his observations on this subject they come from an aged man who for years has been the maker of his commune in South France Penbrachette in Oryage because Brachette the facts he mentions are known to him from long years of personal observation and they have the advantage of coming from one neighborhood instead of being skimmed from a large area some of them may seem trifling but they call the typical quite a little world of village life in several communes in our neighborhood my friend writes the old custom of l'emprunt is in vigour when many hands are required in a meterie for rapidly making some work dig out potatoes or move across the youth of the neighborhood is convoked young men and girls come in numbers make it gaily and for nothing and in the evening after a game they dance in the same communes when a girl is going to marry the neighborhood come to aid in swing the dory in several communes the women still continues to spin a good deal when the winding of house has to be done in a family it is done in one evening all friends being convoked for that work and many communes of the Oryage and other parts of the southwest the shelling of the Indian corn sheaves is also done by all the neighbors they are treated with chestnuts and wine and the young people dance after the work has been done the same custom is practiced for making nut oil and crushing ham in the commune of El the same is done for bringing in the corn crops these days of hard work become fat days as the owner takes his owner and serving a good meal no remuneration is given all do it for each other open footnote in Cookeja they even do better among the Georgians other meal cost and a poor man cannot afford to give it a sheep is bought by those same neighbors who come to aid in the work close footnote in the commune of S the common grazing land is every year increased so that nearly the whole of the land of the commune is now kept in common the sheffards are elected by all owners of the cattle including women the bulls are communal in the commune of M the 40 to 50 small sheep flocks of the commune are brought together and divided into 3 or 4 flocks before being sent to the higher middles each owner goes for a week to serve as sheffard in the hamlet of C a threshing machine has been bought in common by several households the 52 20% required to serve the machine being supplied by all the families 3 other threshing machines have been bought and oriented out by their owners but the work is performed by outside helpers invited in the usual way in our commune of A we had to raise the wall of the cemetery half of the money which was required for buying lime and for the wages of the skilled workers supplied by the county council and the other half by subscription as to the work of carrying sand and water making motor and serving the masons it was done entirely by volunteers open bracket just as in the cabal jema close bracket the rural roads were repelled in the same way by volunteer days of work given by the commune other communes have built in the same way their fountains the wine press and other smaller appliances kept by the commune two residents of the same neighborhood questioned by my friend at the following a few years ago there was no mill the commune has built one leaving a tax upon the communeers as to the miller they decided in order to avoid frauds and partiality that they should be paid to francs for each bread eater and the corn be ground free at St. G few presents are ensured against fire when a conflagration has taken place so it was lately all give something to the family which has suffered from it each are drawn a bedcloth, a chair and so on and a modest household is thus reconstituted all the neighbors are to build the house and in the meantime the family is lodged free by the neighbors such habits of mutual support of which many more examples could be given undoubted the account of the easiness with which the french peasants associate for using in turn with its team of horses the wine press and the threshing machine when they are kept in the village by one of them only as well as for the performance of all sorts of rural work in common canals were maintained forests were cleared trees were planted and marshes were drained by the village communities from time immemorial and the same continues still quite lately in La Bonne of Lucia Barren hills were turned into rich gardens by communal work the soil was brought on men's backs made and planted with chestnut trees peach trees and orchards and water was brought for irrigation in canals 203 miles long just now we have dug a new canal 11 miles in length Alphèd Baudrillard in H. Baudrillard's Les populations rural de la France third series open bracket Paris 1893 closed bracket page 479 closed footnote to the same spirit is also due to the by the syndicat agricole or peasants and farmers associations it was not until 1884 that associations of more than 19 persons were permitted in France and I need not say that when this dangerous experiment was ventured upon so it was stile in the chambers all duplications which functionaries can invent were taken notwithstanding all that France begins to be covered with syndicates at the outset they were only formed for buying manures and seeds for acidification having attained closer proportions in these two branches one footnote the journal this economies open bracket August 1892 may end August 1893 closed bracket has lately given some of the results of analyzers made at the agricultural laboratories at Ghent and at Paris the extent of acidification is simply incredible so also the divisors of the honest traders in certain seeds of growth percent of grains of sand collared so as to receive even an experience hide over samples contained from 52 to 22% only of pure seed the remainder being weeds seeds of vetch contained 11% of the poisonous growth open bracket, neal, closed bracket a flower for cattle fattening contained 36% of sulfates and so on ad infinitum but gradually they extended their functions in various directions including the sale of agricultural produce and permanent improvements of the land in South France the ravages of the phylloxera have called into existence a great number of wine grovers' associations 10 to 30 grovers form a syndicate by a steam engine for pumping water and make the necessary arrangements for inundating the vineyards in turn open footnote Arbreau Driller LC page 309 originally wine grover would undertake to supply water and several others would agree to make use of it what especially characterizes such associations a Driller Remox is that no sort of written agreement is concluded all is arranged in words there was however not one single case of difficulties having arisen between the parties closed footnote new associations for protecting the land from inundations for irrigation purposes and for maintaining canals or continually form and the unanimity of all peasants of a neighborhood which is required by law is no obstacle, elsewhere we have the fruitier or dairy associations in some of which all butter and cheese is divided in equal parts irrespective of the yield of each cow in the old years we find an association of 8 separate communes for the common culture of their lands which they have put together syndicates for free medical aid have been formed in 172 communes out of 337 in the same department associations of consumers arise in connection with the syndicates open footnotes, abodeurilor, lc pages 341 etc Mr. Thiersaak president of the syndicates open bracket oriage cross bracket wrote to my friend in substance as follows for the exhibition of Toulouse our association has ruled the owners of cattle which seem to us worth exhibiting the society undertook to be one half of the traveling and exhibition expenses one fourth was paid by each owner and the remaining fourth by those exhibitors who had gut prizes was that many took part in the exhibition who never would have done it otherwise those who got the highest awards open bracket 350 francs cross bracket have contributed 10% of their prizes while those who have got no prize have only spent 6 to 7 francs each quite a revolution is going on in our villages alphabody of rights through these associations which take in each region their own special characters very much the same as besaid of germany wherever their peasants could resist the plunder of their lands they have retained them in communal ownership which largely prevails in Wuttenberg, Baden, Henselern and in the Haitian province of Stockenburg in Wuttenberg 1,629 communes out of 1,910 have communal property they owed in 1863 over 1 million acres of land in Baden 1,256 communes out of 1,582 have communal land in 1884 to 1888 beheld 121,500 acres of fields in communal culture and 675,000 acres of forest that is 46% of the total area under Wuttenberg in Saxony, 39% of the total area is in communal ownership open bracket, Schmullers, Jobbuck 1886 paid 359 in Hohenzelern nearly two-thirds of all Madulen and in Hohenzelern, Henshingen have an extended property owned by the village communities open bracket, Busch and Berger and grow within the 1st page 300 close bracket, closed footnote the communal forest are kept as a rule in an excellent state and in thousands of communes timber and fuel would all be divided every year among all inhabitants even the old custom of this whole stack is widely spread at the ringing of village bell all go to the forest to take as much fuel would the communal chapter added to Lavelais Eurengetum has collected all information relative to the village community in Germany close footnote in Westphalia, one finds communes in which all the land is cultivated as one common estate in accordance with all requirements of modern agronomy as to the old communal customs and habits they are invigorated in most parts of Germany the calling in ob-aids which are real fests of labour is known to be quite habitual in Westphalia Hesse and Nassau the timber for a new house is usually taken from the communal forest and all the neighbors join in building the house even in the suburbs of Frankfurt it is a regular custom among the gardeners but in case of one of them being ill all common Sunday to cultivate his garden open footnote Kebuccia ebid pages 89 90 close footnote in Germany as in France as soon as the rulers of the people rebuild their laws against the peasant associations that was only in 1884 to 1888 these unions began to develop with a wonderful rapidity that withstanding all legal obstacles which were put in their way open footnote for this legislation and the numerous obstacles which were put in their way in the shape of red-tapism and supervision see Buchenberger's agro-wasen an agro-political page 342 to 363 and page 506 close footnote it is a fact Buchenberger says that in thousands of village communities a lot of chemical manual or rational further was ever known both have become of everyday use to require enforcing extent owing to these associations open bracket, volume second, page 507 close bracket all sorts of labour saving implements and agricultural machinery and better breeds of cattle or brood through the associations and various arrangements for improving the quality of the produce begin to be introduced as for permanent improvements of the land open footnote Buchenberger, LC, Billy, second, page 510 the General Union of Agricultural Cooperation comprises an aggregate of 1679 societies in Silesia an aggregate of 32,000 acres of land has been lately drained by 73 associations 454,800 acres in Prussia by 516 associations in Bavaria there are 1715 drainage and irrigation unions close with none from the point of view of social economics all these efforts of the peasants certainly are of little importance they cannot substantially and still less permanently alleviate the misery to reach the tillers of the soil or doom all over Europe but from the ethical point of view which we are now considering their importance cannot be overrated they prove that even under the system of reckless individualism which now prevails the agricultural masses piously maintain their mutual support inheritance to relax the iron laws by means of which they have broken all bonds between men these bonds are at once reconstituted not withstanding the difficulties political, economical and social which are many and in such force as best answer to the modern requirements of production they indicate in which direction and in which form further progress must be expected I might easily multiply such illustrations taking them from Italy, Spain, Denmark and so on and pointing out some interesting features which are proper to each of these countries the Slovenian populations of Austria and the Balkan peninsula among whom the compound family or undivided household is found in existence ought also to be mentioned one footnote for the Balkan peninsula but I hasten to post on to Russia where the same mutual support tendency takes certain new and unforeseen forms moreover in dealing with the village community in Russia we have the advantage of possessing an immense mass of materials collected during the colossal house to house inquests which was lately made by several themselves both open bracket county councils and which embraces a population of nearly 20 million peasants in different parts of the country open footnote the facts concerning the village community contain in nearly 100 volumes open bracket out of 450 cause bracket of these inquests have been classified and summed up in an excellent Russian work by Vivi the peasant community open bracket Christian Skyar open bracket St. Petersburg which apart from its theoretical value is a rich compendium of detail relative to the subject the above inquests have also given origin to an immense literature in which the modern village community questioned for the first time emerges from the domain of generalities and is put on the solid basis of reliable and sufficiently detailed facts close footnote two important conclusions may be drawn from the bulk of evidence collected by the Russian inquest one third of the peasants have been brought to utter win open bracket by heavy taxation small allotments of unprojective land rark rents and very severe tax collecting of the total failures of crops cause bracket there was during the first 5 and 20 years after the emancipation of the serfs a decided tendency that was the constitution of individual property in land within the village communities many improper risk hostess peasants abandoned their allotments and this land often became the property of those richer peasants who borrow additional incomes from trade or outside traders who buy land cheaply for exacting rark rents from the peasants it must also be added that a flow in the land redemption law of 1861 had great facilities for buying peasants lands at a very small expense open footnote the redemption had to be paid by annuities for 49 years as years went and the greatest part of it was paid it became easier and easier to redeem the smaller remaining part of it and as each allotment could be redeemed individually, advantage was taken of this disposition by traders who bought land for half its value from the rent peasants, a law was consequently passed to put a stop to such sales close footnote and that the state officials mostly used their weighty influence in favor of individual as against communal ownership however for the last 20 years a strong wind of opposition to the individual appropriation of the land blows again through the middle russian villages and strainer's efforts are being made to build on those peasants who stand between the rich and the very poor to uphold the village community as to the third high steps of the south which are now the most populous and the richest part of Europe and Russia they were mostly colonized during the present century under the system of individual ownership or occupation sanctioned in that form by the state but since improved methods of agriculture with the aid of machinery have been introduced in the region the peasants owners have gradually begun themselves to communal possession and one finds now in that granary of Russia a very great number of spent in a slip form village communities of recent origin open footnote Mr. Vivi in his peasants community has grouped together all facts relative to this movement about the rapid agricultural development of south russia and the spread of machinery English readers will find information in the consular reports open bracket odyssa taganrog close bracket close footnote the Crimea and the port of the mainland which lies to the north of it open bracket the province of Torrida for which we have detailed data of an excellent illustration of that movement this territory began to be colonized after its annexation in 1783 by great little and white russians cusack free men and runaway selves who came individually or in small groups from all corners of Russia they took first to cattle breeding and when they began later on to till the soil each one till as much as he could afford to but when immigration continuing and perfected plows being introduced lands stood in great demand bitter disputes arose among the settlers they lasted for years until this man previously tied by no mutual bonds gradually came to the idea that an end must be put to disputes by introducing village community ownership they passed decisions to the effect that the land which they own individually should henceforth be their common property and they began to allot and to reallot it in accordance with the usual village community rules the movement gradually took a great extension and on a small territory the two reader statisticians found 161 villages in which communal ownership had been introduced by the peasants proprietors themselves, chiefly in the years 1855 to 1885 in lieu of individual ownership quite a variety of village community types has been freely worked out in this way by the settlers open footnotes in some instances they proceeded with great caution in one village they began by putting together all made the land but only a small portion of the fields about 5 acres per sole close bracket was rendered communal the remainder continued to be owned individually later on in 1862 to 1864 the system was extended but only in 1884 was communal possession introduced in full the peasants community pages 1 to 14 close footnote what adds to the interest of this transformation is that it took place not only among the great russians who were used to village community life but also among little russians who have long since forgotten it under the religious rule, among Greeks and Bulgarians and even among Germans who have long since worked out in the prosperous and half-industrial vulgar colonies their own type of village community open footnote on the main unit village community see a close our colonies open bracket Nashikolo and I, close bracket St. Petersburg 1869 close footnote it is evident that the musulman daughters of Torida hold their land under the musulman customer law which is limited personal occupation but even with them the european village community has been introduced in a few cases as to other nationalities in Torida individual ownership has been abolished in 6 extonion to greek, to belgarian, one sec and one german village, this movement is characteristic for the whole of the fertile steppe region of the south, but separate instances of it are also found in little russia thus in a number of villages of the province of Chernigov, the peasants were formerly individual owners of their plots they had separate legal documents for their plots and used to rent and to sell their land at will but in the 50s of the 19th century a movement began among them in favor of communal possession, the chief argument being the growing number of proper families the initiative of the reform was taken in one village and the others followed suit the lost case on record dating from 1882 of course there were struggles between the poor who usually claim for communal possession and the rich who usually prefer individual ownership and the struggles often lasted for years, in certain places the unanimity required then by the law being impossible to obtain, the village divided into two villages one under individual ownership and the other under communal possession and so they remain until the two coalesced into one community or else they remain divided still as to middle russia it's a fact that in many villages which were drifting towards individual ownership there began since 1880 a mass movement in favor of re-establishing the village community even peasants propagators who had lived for years under their least system, returned or massed to the communal institutions thus there is a considerable number of ex-servs who have received one fourth pot only of the regulation allotments but they have received them free of redemption and individual ownership there was in 1890 a widespread movement among them open bracket in quotes Riazan, Tambouf, Orel etc close bracket that was putting the allotments together and introducing the village community the free agriculturist open bracket the only Klebo Parshiti close bracket who were liberated from Southdom under the law of 1830 and had bought their allotments each family separately or now nearly all under the village community system which they have introduced themselves all these movements are of recent origin and non-russians to join them thus the bullcores in the district of Tiraspol after having remained for 60 years under the personal property system introduced the village community in the years 1876 to 1882 the German Mennonites of Berlin 14 1890 for introducing the village community and the small peasants' proprietors open bracket Kleyen which Southlich close bracket among the German batits were agitating in their villages in the same direction one instance more in the province of Samara, the Russian government created in the 40s by way of experiment 103 villages on the system of individual ownership each household received a splendid property of 105 acres 1890 out of the 103 villages the peasants in 72 had already notified the desire of introducing the village community I take all these facts from the excellent work of Vivi who simply gives in a classified form the facts recorded in the above mentioned house to house inquest this movement in favor of communal possession runs badly against the current economical theories according to which intensive culture is incompatible with the village community but the most charitable thing that can be said of these theories it is that they have never been submitted to the test of experiment they belong to the domain of political metaphysics the facts which we have before us show on the contrary that wherever the Russian peasants owing to concurrence of favorable circumstances are less miserable than they are on the average and wherever they find men of knowledge and initiative among their neighbors the village community becomes the very means for introducing various improvements in agriculture and village life all together here as elsewhere mutual aid is a better leader to progress than the war of each against all as may be seen from the following facts under Nicholas the first rule many crown officials and self-owners used to compel the peasants to introduce the communal culture of small plots of the village lands in order to refill the communal storehouses of the loons of grain had been granted to the poorest commoners such cultures connected in the peasants' minds with the worst reminiscences of serfdom were abandoned and as soon as serfdom was abolished but now the peasants begin to reintroduce them on their own account in one district open bracket Ostrogoz in Kukz the initiative of one person was sufficient to call them to life in four-fifths of all the villagers the same is met with in several other localities when a given day the commoners come out the richer ones with a plough or a coat and the poorer ones single-handed and no attempt is made to discriminate ones shared in the work the crop is of the words used for loons to the poorer commoners mostly free grants or through the orphans and widows or through the village church or through the school or for repaying a communal debt such communal cultures are known to exist in 159 villages out of 195 in the Ostrogoz district in 150 out of 187 in Slavyone but in 107 village communities in Aix-en-Rouves in Nicoliavex 35 in Elisabethgrad in a German colony the communal culture is made for repaying a communal debt all during the work all over the debt was contracted by 94 households out of 155 but all sorts of work which enters so to say in the routine of village life open bracket, repair of roads and bridges, dams, drainage supply of water for irrigation cutting of wood, planting of trees etc closed bracket or made by whole communes and that land is rented and meadows or moans by whole communes the work being accomplished by all and young men and women in the way described by Tolstoy is only what one may expect from people living under the village community system open footnote list of such works which came under the notice of since those statisticians will be found in Vivi's descent community pages 459 to 600 cause footnote, they are of everyday occurrence all over the country the village community is also by no means others to modern agricultural improvements when it can stand the expense and when knowledge either took care for the rich only find its way into a peasant house it has just been said that perfected ploughs rapidly spread in South Russia and in many cases the village communities were instrumental in spreading their use a plough was bought by the community experimented upon only portion of the communal land and the necessary improvements were indicated to the meadows whom the communes were then aided in starting the manufacture of cheap ploughs as a village industry in the district of Moscow where 1,560 ploughs were lately bought by the peasants during 5 years the impulse came from those communes which rented lands as a belief of a special purpose of improved culture in the north east open bracket Vyatka cause bracket small associations of peasants who travel with their winnowing machines open bracket manufactured as a village industry in the Mayan districts cause bracket have spread the use of such machines in the neighboring governments the very widespread of threshing machines in Samara, Saratov and Kerson is due to the peasants associations which can afford to buy a costly engine while the individual peasants cannot and while we read in nearly all economical treatises that the village community was doomed to disappear when the free field system had to be substituted by the rotation of crop system we see in Russia many village communities of introducing the rotation of crops before accepting it the peasants usually set up a portion of the communal fields for an experiment in artificial meadows and the commune buys the seeds open footnote in the government of Moscow the experiment was usually made on the field which was reserved for the above mentioned communal culture close footnote if the experiment proved successful they find no difficulty whatever in re-dividing their fields so as to shoot the 5 or 6 field system this system is now in use in hundreds of villages of Moscow there, Smolensk, Vyatka and Skov open footnote several incansters of such and similar improvements were given in the official messenger 1894 numbers 256 to 258 associations between hostess peasants begin to appear also in South Russia another extremely interesting fact is the sudden development in southern west Siberia a very numerous cooperative cremeries for making better hundreds of them spread into bulk and toms without anyone knowing where from the initiative of the movement came it came from the Danish cooperators who used to export their own butter of higher quality and to buy butter of a lower quality for their own use in Siberia after several years intercourse they introduced cremeries there now a great export trade carried on by a union of the cremeries has grown out of there in the others and more than a thousand cooperative shops have been opened in the villages close footnote and where land can be spared the communities give also a portion of their domain to allotments for food growing finally the sudden extension lately taken in Russia by the little model forms or charts kitchen gardens and silkworm culture grounds which are started at the village cool houses under the conduct of a school master or of a village volunteer is also due to the support they found with the village communities more of such permanent improvements as drainage and irrigation or frequent occurrence for instance in three districts of the province of Moscow industrial to a great extent drainage works have been accomplished within the last 10 years on a large scale in less than 180 to 200 different villages the communes working themselves with the speed at another extremity of Russia in the dry steps of Novozen over 8000 dams for ponds were built at several hundreds of deep wells were sunk by the communes while in a wealthy German colony of the southeast the communes worked men and women alike for five weeks in succession to erect a dam two miles long for irrigation purposes what could isolated men do in the struggle against the dry climate what could they obtain through individual effort when South Russia was struck with the moment plague and old people living on the land rich and poor, communes and individualists had to work with their hands in order to conjure the plague to call in the policemen would have been of no use to associate was the only possible remedy and now after having said so much about mutual aid and support which are practiced by the tillers of the soil in civilized countries I see that I might fill an octave of volume with illustrations taken from the life of the hundreds of millions of men who also live under the tutorship of more or less central states but are out of touch with modern civilization and modern ideas I might describe the inner life of a Turkish village and its network of admirable mutual aid customs and habits on turning over my leaflets covered with illustrations from peace and life in Caucasia I come across searching facts of mutual support I trace the same customs in the Arab Jema and the Afghan program in the villages of Persia, India and Java in the undivided family of the Chinese in the encampments of the semi-nomads of Central Asia and the nomads of the Four North and consulting not taken at random in the literature of Africa I find them replete with similar facts of its convoked to take in the crops of houses built by all inhabitants of a village sometimes to repair the havoc done by civilized filibusters of people aiding each other in case of accident protecting the traveler and so on and when I appear such works as post-compatial of African customary law I understand why notwithstanding all tyranny oppression, robberies and raids tribal wars, gluten kings, deceiving witches and priors, slave hunters and the like this population have not gone astray in the woods while they have maintained a certain civilization and have remained men instead of dropping to the level of striking families of decaying orangutans the fact is that the slave hunters the ivory robbers, the fighting kings the Matabeli and the Madagascar heroes pose a way leaving the traces mocked with blood and fire but the nucleus or mutual aid institutions habiten customs grown up in the tribe and the village community remains and it keeps men united in societies open to the progress of civilization and ready to receive it when the decoms that they shall receive civilization instead of bullets the same applies to our civilized world the natural and social calamities pose a way whole populations are periodically reduced to misery or starvation the very springs of life are crushed out of millions of men reduced to city barbarism the understanding and the feelings of the millions are vacated by teachings without in the interest of a few all this is certainly a part of our existence but the nucleus or mutual support institutions habits and customs remain alive with the millions it keeps them together and they prefer to cling to their customs beliefs and traditions rather than to accept the teachings of the war of each against all which are offered to them under the title of science but on the science at all end of chapter 7 recording by Enko