 The 9256th meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is threats to international peace and security. The agenda is adopted. In accordance with Rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedures, I invite the representative of Ukraine to participate in this meeting. It is so decided. In accordance with Rule 39 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting. Mrs. Umi Nakamitsu, High Representative for Disarmament Affairs and Mr. Roger Waters, Civil Peace Activist. It is so decided. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of Item 2 of the Agenda, and I'll give the floor to Mrs. Umi Nakamitsu. Thank you very much, Madam President. Madam President, distinguished members of the Security Council, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen. We are approaching a tragic anniversary. Almost one year has passed since the military offensive in Ukraine by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022, inflicting untold suffering on the Ukrainian people and creating ripple effects across the globe. According to information on weapons flows obtained through publicly available media sources, over the past months, a number of governments have announced that they were providing military assistance to Ukraine for its defence needs. These assistance has included the transfer of heavy conventional armaments and munitions, including infantry fighting vehicles, air defence capabilities, large calibre artillery systems, uncrewed combat aerial vehicles and missile systems, as well as small arms and light weapons. Most recently, states have announced the transfer of progressively heavier modern systems, such as main battle tanks. There have also been reports of states transferring weapons, such as combat drones, to the Russian armed forces for use in Ukraine. Other reports have indicated the transfer of major conventional arms, including artillery rocket systems, to a private military security company involved in the conflict. The large-scale influx of weapons into any situation of armed conflict amplifies concerns regarding the escalation of the conflict and risks of diversion. Measures to counter the potential diversion of weapons and ammunition will be key to post-conflict recovery and regional security instability, as well as to conflict prevention efforts in other regions. In accordance with international norms, any transfers of arms and ammunition should involve pre-transfer risk assessments and post-shipment controls, such as on-site inspection and end-user verifications. Preventing diversion also requires cooperation and information exchange between importing transit and exporting states, appropriate accounting and safeguarding of arms and ammunition, as well as customs and border control measures. Transparency in armaments is a crucial confidence-building measure which can serve to reduce tensions and ambiguities between member states. The UN Register of Conventional Arms and the Arms Trade Treaty remain key instruments in this regard. I call upon member states to participate in these transparency mechanisms, as predictable and transparent state behavior can build mutual confidence and help prevent conflict. Madam President, I also want to reiterate the responsibility of all parties to the armed conflict, to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. Since the beginning of the current military offensive, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights has recorded 18,657 civilian casualties. This total includes 7,110 killed and 11,547 injured. The actual figures are likely considerably higher. Most of the civilian deaths and injuries are caused by explosive weapons with wide area effects, including heavy artillery, multiple launch rocket systems and missiles. In addition to thousands of civilians killed and injured, we are witnessing widespread impacts on the critical civilian infrastructure and services with direct humanitarian consequences for civilians. Aside from homes, schools, roads and bridges destroyed, hospitals and health facilities have also been attacked. The disruption of water, gas, heating and electricity caused by Russian attacks on energy infrastructure is causing a humanitarian crisis in Ukraine to meet even more dire dimensions. These attacks constitute an unacceptable escalation of the war, and civilians are paying the highest price. Humanitarian principles must be upheld. All attacks against civilians in civilian infrastructure are unacceptable. More feasible measures must be taken to avoid and in any event to minimise civilian casualties and damage to civilian infrastructure. The Secretary General has unambiguously urged parties to conflict to refrain from the use of explosive weapons in populated areas due to the high likelihood of indiscriminate harm. In November of last year, more than 80 states adopted the political declaration on strengthening the protection of civilians from the humanitarian consequences arising from the use of explosive weapons in populated areas. This declaration marked a milestone in our efforts to better protect civilians from the consequences of armed conflict. I therefore reiterate my call on Member States to implement this declaration. Attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure must stop. Madam President, distinguished members of the Council, with the one-year anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine looming ahead, I want to renew the United Nations' call for peace. The past 12 months have been immense loss and devastation. The Secretary General on Monday has warned that the prospect of peace keep diminishing. Regrettably, the prospect of a negotiated settlement of the conflict seems, at present, to be slim as long as the current military logic continues to prevail. Yet further escalation and prolongation of a conflict will only bring more unbearable suffering. The transfer of military equipment in support of Ukraine must not derail the aspiration for peace. I reiterate the General Assembly's call to support the de-escalation of this situation and a peaceful resolution of a conflict with respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity of Ukraine, within its internationally recognised borders, and in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. The United Nations stands ready to support all genuine efforts to that end. I thank you very much. I thank Mr. Kamitsu for her briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Roger Waters. Here I am. Madam President, Excellencies, distinguished members of the Council, ladies and gentlemen, I feel profoundly honoured to be afforded this singular opportunity to brief your Excellencies today. With your forbearance, I shall endeavour to express what I believe to be the feelings of countless of our brothers and sisters all over the world, both here in New York and across the seas. I shall invite them into these hallowed halls to have their say. We are here to consider possibilities for peace in war-torn Ukraine, especially in light of the aforementioned increasing volume of weapons arriving in that unhappy country. Every morning when I sit down at my laptop, I think of our brothers and sisters in Ukraine and elsewhere who, through no fault of their own, find themselves in dire and often deadly circumstances. Over there, in Ukraine, they may be soldiers facing another deadly day at the front, or they may be mothers or fathers facing the awful question, how can I feed my child today? Or they may be civilians, not knowing that today the lights will go out for sure as they always do in war zones, knowing that there is no fresh water, that there is no fuel for the stove, no blanket, just barbed wire and watchtowers and walls and enmity. Or they might be over here in a big, rich city like New York. Here, brothers and sisters can still find themselves in dire straits. Maybe somehow, however hard they worked, all their lives, they lost their footing on the slippery, tilting deck of the neoliberal, capitalist ship we call life in the city, and fell overboard to end up drowning. Maybe they got sick, maybe they took out a student loan, maybe they missed a payment, the margins are slim, who knows. But now, they live on the street in a pile of cardboard, maybe even within sight of this United Nations building. Anyway, wherever they are, all over the world, war zone or not, together they make up a majority, a voiceless majority, and today I shall endeavor to speak for them. We the people wish to live, we wish to live in peace, in conditions of parity that give us the real opportunity to look after ourselves and our loved ones. We are hard workers, and we are ready to work hard. All we need is a fair crack of the whip. Maybe that's an unfortunate choice of idiom after 500 years of imperialism, colonialism, and slavery. Anyway, please help us. To help us, you may have to consider our predicament and to do so, you may have to take your eye off the ball for a moment, to put your own goals momentarily to one side. What are your goals, by the way? And here maybe I direct my enquiries more to the five permanent members of this council. What are your goals? What is the pot of gold at the end of the rainbow? Bigger profits for war industries, more power globally, a bigger share of the global cake? Is Mother Earth a cake to be gobbled up? Does not a bigger share of the cake mean less for everyone else? What if today, in this place of safety, we were to look in another direction, to look at our capacity for empathy, for instance, to put ourselves in others' shoes like, right now, for instance, the shoes of that chap on the other side of this room, or even the shoes of the voiceless majority, if they have any shoes, that is. The voiceless majority is concerned that your wars, yes, your wars, for these perpetual wars are not of our choosing, that your wars will destroy the planet that is our home. And along with every other living thing we will be sacrificed on the altar of two things, from the war to line the pockets of the very, very few, and the hegemonic march of some empire or other towards unipolar world domination. Please reassure us that that is not your vision, for there is no good outcome down that road. That road leads only to disaster. Looking on that road has a red button in their briefcase, and the further we go down that road, the closer the itchy fingers get to that red button, and the closer we all get to Armageddon. Look across the room at this level, we're all wearing the same shoes, excuse me. So back to Ukraine. The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation was illegal. I condemn it in the strongest possible terms. Also the Russian invasion of Ukraine was not unprovoked, so I also condemn the provocateurs in the strongest possible terms. There, that's got that out of the way. When I wrote this speech yesterday, I included an observation that the para veto in this council only lay in the hands of its permanent members, and that I was concerned that that was undemocratic, and rendered this council somewhat toothless. This morning, however, I had a revelation upon waking, toothless. Maybe toothless in some ways is a good thing. If this is a toothless chamber, I can open my big mouth on behalf of the voiceless without fear of getting my head bitten off. How cool is that? Anyway, I read in the paper this morning some anonymous diplomat quoted as saying, Roger Waters, to address this go to council, whatever next, Mr. Bean. You know what they're like. Anyway, sorry. For those of you who don't know, Mr. Bean is an ineffectual character in an English comedy show on television. So it's a penny to a pound. The anonymous diplomat is an Englishman. Thank you, sir. Anyway, I think it's time to introduce my mother, Mary Duncan Waters. She was a big influence on me. She was a school teacher. I say was, she's been dead for 15 years. My father, Eric Fletcher Waters, was a big influence on me too. He too is dead. He was killed on the 18th of February, 1944, near Apria, near the Anzio Brigitte in Italy. I was only five months old. So I know something about war and loss. Anyway, back to my mum. When I was about 13, I was struggling with some naughty adolescent problem or other, trying to decide what to do. It doesn't matter what it was. I can't remember anyway. But my mum sat me down and said, now, listen, you're going to be faced with many naughty problems during your life, Roger. And when you are, here's my advice. Read, read, read. Find out everything you can about whatever it is. Look at it from all sides, all angles. Listen to all opinions, especially ones you don't agree, you don't agree with. Research it thoroughly. And when you've done that, you will have done all the heavy lifting. And the next bit is easy. Is it? Okay, mum. Or what's the easy bit? Oh, the easy bit is you just do the right thing. So speaking of doing the right thing, brings me to human rights. We, the people, want universal human rights for all our brothers and sisters all over the world, irrespective of their ethnicity, religion or nationality. To be clear, that would include but would not be limited to the right to life and property under the law. For instance, well, for instance, for Ukrainians. And for instance, Palestinians. Let that sink in. And obviously, for all the rest of us as well, one of the problems with wars is that in a war zone or anywhere where the people live under military occupation, there is no recourse to the law. There are no human rights. Today, our brief is the possibility of peace in the Ukraine with special reference to the arming of the Kiev regime by third parties. I'm running out of time. So what do the voiceless millions have to say? They say, thank you for hearing us today. We are many who do not share in the profits of the war industry. We do not willingly raise our sons and daughters to provide fodder for your cannons. In our opinion, the only sensible course of action today is to call for an immediate ceasefire in Ukraine. No ifs, no buts, no ands. Not one more Ukrainian or Russian life is to be spent. Not one. They are all precious in our eyes. So the time has come to speak truth to power. You all remember the story of the emperor's new clothes. Of course you do. Well, the leaders of your respective empires stand in one degree or another, naked before us. We have a message for them. It is a message from all the refugees in all the camps, a message from all the slums and favelas, a message from all the homeless on all the cold streets, from all the earthquakes and floods on earth. It is also a message from all the people, not quite starving, but wondering how on earth to make the pittance they earn meet the cost of a roof over their head and food for their families. My mother country, England is, thank God, an empire no more. But in that country now there is a new catchphrase, eat or heat. You can't do both. It's a cry echoing around the whole of Europe. Apparently the only thing the powers that be think we can all afford is perpetual war. How crazy is that? So from the four billion or so brothers and sisters in this voiceless majority, who together with the millions in the international anti-war movement represent a huge constituency, enough is enough. We demand change. President Biden, President Putin, President Zelensky, USA, NATO, Russia, the EU, all of you, please change course now. Agree to a ceasefire in Ukraine today. That, of course, will only be the starting point, but everything extrapolates from that starting point. Imagine the collective global sigh of relief, the outpouring of joy, the international joining of voices in harmony singing and humming to peace. John Lennon pumping the air with his fist from the grave. We've finally been heard in the corridors of power. The bullies in the schoolyard have agreed to stop playing nuclear chicken. We're not all going to die in a nuclear holocaust after all, at least not today. The powers that be have been persuaded to drop the arms race and perpetual war as their accepted modus operandum. We can stop squandering all our precious resources on war. We can feed our children. We can keep them warm. We may even learn to cooperate with all our brothers and sisters and even save our beautiful planet home from destruction. Wouldn't that be nice? Your Excellencies, I thank you for your forbearance. I thank Mr Waters for his briefing. And I give the floor to those council members who wish to make statements. I pass the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation. Madam President, I don't think it would be any exaggeration to say that since our previous meeting on the subject of Western arms supplies to Ukraine, in December, the demand for finding a peaceful solution to the Ukrainian crisis among UN member countries and in general among the global public has increased significantly. Although in the chamber today that is not particularly notable, for some reason, the countries of the EU did not request this meeting and often they like to be able to be stars on their own national TV channels. We can see that an explanation of this is that the subject of peace is something they are not interested in at all. We just heard a very precise analysis of events from Roger Waters, one of the most prominent activists of the contemporary anti-war movement. Mr Waters has consistently opposed wars and violence for several decades and that theme has permeated his world-famous songs. And the fact that he wanted to address us demonstrates the great deal of concern among the international creative intelligentsia and among everyone about where our world is headed. In our view, Mr Rogers and his colleagues have every reason to be concerned. And it's not even a matter of the admissions of politicians such as the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Anna-Lena Baerbock, saying that NATO is fighting a proxy war against Russia. That's the way it is. Nor is it anything to do with the new calls from a number of Lucifer politicians to deal Russia a strategic defeat, which, as we all understand, is something that Ukraine itself is not in a position to do. The problem is that the levers that could influence the pursuit of a peaceful settlement to the conflict around Ukraine have ended up in the hands of Western arms companies and corporations, and they, as you will fully understand, are the last people who would be interested in peace. Any invitations from the Embassy of Ukraine in the USA to a reception in December 2022 that ended up on the internet marking the 31st anniversary of the Founding of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, these invitations contain the logos of four American defence companies that were sponsoring the reception, Northrop Grumman, Raytheon, Pratt & Whitney, and Lockheed Martin. Why is the Ukrainian state so indebted to these private companies that deal in weapons? Well, for artillery shells, and then for Stinger missile systems, and then thirdly, the infamous Heimars. Thanks to the never-ending conveyor belt of supplies and new orders, in the last three months of 2022 alone, the shares of these corporations went up by more than 20%. Moreover, American industrialists have got a genuine test site for their weapons, where at the price of Russian and Ukrainian lives, new forms of weapons are being tested, modified and improved. How could arms manufacturers possibly resist that opportunity and these profits? Particularly since the billions of dollars that the USA has given to Ukraine are not even leaving the United States, but rather they're going to the subcontractors from military companies. As much was said the other day by the nephew of the former top man in the White House, John Kennedy, the lawyer and political figure, Robert Kennedy. And the situation is more or less the same for the other major arms suppliers. In other words, Western countries have found a pretext to significantly increase their defense budgets and the revenues of their own defense companies. Ultimately, Ukraine is generally being given outdated weapons that are ground up by the Russian army and the armies of NATO countries are modernizing and Western arms companies are raking in massive profits and soothing taxpayers by talking about the need to help Ukraine. Meanwhile, Poland and Czechia are becoming military repair centres for it, and according to data from the Wall Street Journal, they are also making vast profits from this. The formerly neutral country is also not lagging behind. 2022 was one of the most profitable years for the Swiss defense industry. In the first six months of that year alone, exports reached 517 million Swiss francs. So as not to miss out on these revenues and to increase it, the country's parliament is now looking at allowing third countries to re-export Swiss-made weapons five years after they are purchased. In this race for profits, the modern-day Swiss people are keeping up with their predecessors from 80 years ago when Swiss missile systems and early-con cannons were used to arm the air defense and air forces of the Third Reich and militaristic Japan, and they were supplied continuously with weapons for that. That's pragmatic neutrality for you. So a business scheme has been put together in which Ukraine plays the role of a private military company. The task of our former Western partners is to force it to hold out like this as long as possible without thinking about the losses of the Ukrainian armed forces. Colleagues, I'll leave aside the moral side of this business. We know that, unfortunately, the countries of the collective West have long since not had any morals or conscience left. And what's left to say since the current key of regime is a pet project of a number of Western countries that they've been carrying out at least since 2014 with specific geopolitical aims in mind to weaken and undermine Russia. I also don't want anyone to take our statement today simply as a call to stop the flow of Western arms before it's too late, although that's important first and foremost for Ukraine itself. We fully understand that until the key of regime is fully bankrupted on the battlefield, this flow is not going to dry up. Whereas since the beginning of the special military operation a year ago, we have already destroyed 7,500 tanks that Ukraine either had already or have had delivered to it, then one, two or three hundred new tanks a year is certainly not going to do the job. I would once again like to note that the West is directly involved in the Ukraine conflict, not only by supplying arms and intelligence information, but also by sending mercenaries and service personnel, without which Kiev would not be able to operate some of the Western weapons systems. And in a number of the most Russophobic capitals where they grip on reality vanished a long time before the beginning of the special military operation, they are calling for the sake of saving Ukraine for NATO forces to be introduced or for neighboring NATO military infrastructure to be used for operations against our country and its allies. Madam President, today I'm not going to go into detail on the subject of the spread of the weapons that have installed Ukraine around the world. We've already spoken about that in detail. Now, those subjects are being actively hushed up so as not to alarm the public in Western countries, but that does not mean that the problem has been resolved. Quite the opposite, it is only growing and is becoming more grotesque. Suffice it to recall the admission of the President of Nigeria that weapons from Ukraine have started regularly to end up in the hands of terrorist groups in the Sahel. I would simply note the responsibility of the country supplying long range artillery and missile systems for the deaths of the civilian population in Donbas who are living in places where previously artillery of the Ukrainian armed forces was not able to reach. We have recorded all of these cases and all of those implicated in these crimes will not escape punishment. I would also like to note the overall responsibility of the Western backers of the Kiev regime for the inhumane methods of waging war and glaring violations of IHL carried out by their proxies ranging from torturing POWs to deploying ABM systems in residential districts. Literally the other day, for example, on the Ukrainian news accompanied by boisterous comments there were images of the Ukrainian armed forces using chemical warfare agents. Our competent authorities are currently verifying this information. And although only yesterday in this very chamber our former Western partners were beating their chests and declaring that they would not allow the use of chemical weapons by anyone anywhere, we have no doubt that this latest military, this latest war crime by the Zelensky regime is something they're not going to pay any attention to such are the double standards of the West today. Today, now rather our Western colleagues are going to start talking about how they had no other choice rather than to help Ukraine defend itself. They will say that otherwise the country would have faced destruction and de-Ukrainianization even though we never set ourselves those aims. I hope that's taking into account the recent admissions by Ms Merkel and Mrs. Oland, Johnson and Poroshenko saying that Western countries under the cover of the Minsk agreements spent eight years arming Ukraine and preparing it to wage war with Russia, such assertions will not mislead anyone. We will make sure that never again in the future will there be a threat from Ukrainian territory to Russia, its allies or to Russian culture or the Russian language and that never more will there be the glorification of the accomplices of Hitler who murdered hundreds of thousands of Jews, Russians, Poles and Ukrainians and that surely is something we should be able to agree on and the so-called Zelensky formulas simply make a mockery of the concept of a peace plan. Thank you. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation and pass the floor to the representative of Switzerland. Madam President, I would like to thank the Under-Secretary-General Ms Izumina Kametsu for her briefing. We have also taken note of the presentation by Mr Roger Waters. As this council heard two days ago and again this morning, Russia's military aggression against Ukraine continues to cost lives and to increase the suffering of the civilian population in the midst of winter. Moreover, the humanitarian and economic repercussions of this war are felt beyond Ukraine. As such, it is imperative to put an end to the hostilities and to protect the civilian population. In order to achieve a just and lasting peace in accordance with international law, allow me now to emphasise four essential points. Firstly, we call upon Russia to cease all combat operations and to withdraw its troops from Ukrainian territory without delay. Switzerland fully supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. Secondly, Switzerland calls upon all parties to strictly respect international humanitarian law and human rights. Even in times of war, there are rules which must be followed. According to the Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols, distinguishing between military targets and civilians as well as civilian objects is an obligation. Thirdly, it is important to move towards peaceful, just and lasting solutions. To achieve such solutions, we must draw upon international law and diplomatic means. In this regard, and if the parties so desire, Switzerland stands ready to provide good offices and to support de-escalation. Switzerland's neutrality cannot be called into question. There can be no neutrality when international law is being violated or when the charter is being violated. Fourthly, we recall that there can be no lasting peace without accountability. Switzerland strongly condemns any violations of international humanitarian law and human rights committed in Ukraine. If impunity is not addressed, it encourages further violations. In Ukraine and elsewhere, Switzerland supports national and international efforts to document and prosecute war crimes. In particular, Switzerland has referred the situation in Ukraine to the International Criminal Court, doing so alongside some 40 other states. This has enabled the prosecutor to immediately open an investigation. We encourage all member states to ratify the Rome Statute and to fully cooperate with the ICC. We are also closely following discussions on the creation of a special tribunal to investigate the crime of aggression in Ukraine. Finally, we also commend the work conducted by other multilateral mechanisms. These include the Independent International Commission of Inquiry of the UN Human Rights Council and the OSCE Fact-Binding Mission in relation to this situation in Ukraine. In order to put an end to the war and the suffering of civilians, Russia must immediately cease its military aggression against Ukraine. Thank you. Representative of Switzerland and positive flow to the representative of China. Madam President, I thank High Representative Nakamitsu for her briefing. I have also listened very carefully the statement by Mr Waters. Just two days ago, the Security Council held an open meeting on the humanitarian situation in Ukraine. When all parties expressed their apprehension about the humanitarian repercussions of the conflict, it should be seen that the large and incessant flow of weapons and ammunition into the conflict region will cause greater civilian casualties, more displaced groups, and a heavier humanitarian toll on innocent civilians. More worryingly, some countries keep sending weapons to the theater of war and expanding the categories and range of weapons used hereby engaged in a quote-unquote proxy war, which will further stoke tensions, amplify the risk of triggering strategic miscalculation, and cause the fighting to escalate and spread further, diminishing the already bleak prospect of ending the war. One cannot help but worry about the specter of the protraction and expansion of the conflict. High Representative Nakamitsu in her briefings to the Council repeatedly indicates that the flow of weapons and ammunition into the conflict region may bring about proliferation risks. Similarly, Interpol and some African leaders have also sounded the alarm. Relevant parties should pay great attention there to adopt strict control measures, prevent the proliferation of weapons and ammunition, particularly stop them from falling in the hands of terrorists and armed groups, and avoid creating new instability in the greater geographic region. In this regard, the dire consequences of conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and Somalia serve as sobering lessons. It is our hope that relevant countries, especially European countries, will take seriously the significant threat posed by weapons and explosive remnants of war to pose war recovery and reconstruction, as well as to regional peace and stability, revisit with a sense of responsibility and a long-term perspective the complex impact and severe consequences from the large influx of weapons on the Ukrainian crisis and international peace and security, Madam President. The crisis in Ukraine is global and multifaceted in nature, to which there is no purely military solution. In the past year, piling on sanctions and upgrading weapons did not calm the situation, but instead made the conflict more acute and issues more complicated, pushing the situation to a more dangerous precipice. As many other peace-aspiring countries, China has repeatedly stressed that dialogue and negotiation are the fundamental way out to end the war and restore peace. We call upon the international community to build synergy for facilitating dialogue and peace, encourage parties to the conflict to return to negotiations at an early date, and resolve the crisis through political means. I thank you, Madam President. I thank the representative of China and pass the floor to the representative of Brazil. Thank you, Madam President. Madam President, I thank USG Nakamitsu and Mr. Waters for their briefings. Brazil shares the assessment that the obligation of the parties to guarantee the security of the Ukrainian civilian population must precede any other consideration. Last Monday, at the latest Security Council meeting dedicated to the humanitarian situation in Ukraine, we expressed our regret that the public debate on the conflict is increasingly focused on transfers of weapons and ammunition and not on what seems most important to us, an immediate ceasefire and the opening of peace negotiations. The emphasis on arms transfers is symptomatic of what we see as a serious escalation in the conflict. On numerous occasions, we have noted the right of states to self-defense, a fundamental principle of international law. Nevertheless, this right must never overshadow the greater duty to restore international peace and security. There is also a great risk that weapons transferred to any of the parties to the conflict fall into the hands of unauthorized recipients, including militias and criminal or terrorist groups. These threats are real and deserve the attention of this council. Madam President, we urge the parties to immediately suspend hostilities without preconditions and to engage in dialogue. At the same time, we encourage other member states to act in order to facilitate diplomatic negotiations. Faced with persistent rumors about the launching of a new military offensive, it is necessary to remember once again that this organization was created with a mission to rid future generations of the scourge of war. We must not evade this responsibility. I thank you, Madam President. I thank the representative of Brazil and pass the floor to the representative of Japan. Madam President, I thank USA Izumi Nakamitsu and Mr. Roger Waters for their briefings. This is the second occasion this week in which the Security Council discusses this situation in Ukraine. Japan reiterates our condemnation of Russia's aggression against Ukraine in the strongest terms. Russia's actions are clear and flagrant violation of international law and United Nations Charter. We underscore Ukraine's right of self-defense to defend itself against aggression. The support of the international community to stop aggression is entirely legitimate for the maintenance of international peace and security. On the contrary, no nation should support Russia's aggression. Russia should not use the Security Council to divert attention away from its act. Mr. Roger Waters asked about the goals of the Council for us. It's not about profiting Russian political appetite. It's not about profiting military industry. But it's about recovering the dignity of people and individuals through stopping Russian aggression and achieving sustainable peace in accordance with international law. I thank you. I thank the representative of Japan and pass the floor to the representative of Ghana. Thank you, Madam President. I wish to thank Undersecretary General and High Representative for this Armament Affairs. Madam Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing. I also thank the Civil Society brief and Mr. Roger Waters for the views he has expressed on the matter. At the outset, I wish to reaffirm the right of Ukraine to self-defense and in that respect to taking all necessary measures within the limits of international law to protect its people and territory from the aggressive acts of the Russian Federation. After a year of intense fighting marked by suffering, death and destruction, the war in Ukraine now points in the direction of an intractable conflict with no end in sight. The Secretary General, Mr. Antonio Gutierrez, in his statement to the General Assembly on his priorities for 2023 echoed our fears of a wider war with devastating impacts for Ukraine and the rest of us who have not been spared from the consequences of the war on the international finance, energy and food systems. We are deeply concerned by the threatening possibilities of accidental or miscalculated actions with catastrophic outcomes as the war in size mobilized massive military and other strategic resources in anticipation of an escalated warfare in the coming days. It is for us alarming and unfortunate that projections of a military wing seem to be gaining momentum over our collectively held values for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. It is worth reminding ourselves however that many past and present conflicts in various parts of the world have shown little or no chance of establishing peace through military action. Indeed, the United Nations was founded on that very realization and the need to ensure the pacific settlement of disputes that are bound to occur as long as competing interests prevail among states. It is in this wisdom that the Charter of the United Nations expressly prohibits the use of force among states and offers a wide range of diplomatic tools to aid the peaceful resolution of disputes. We believe that a negotiated settlement will guarantee a comprehensive, durable and just peace between the Russian Federation and its neighbour Ukraine. We therefore urge the intensification of peace efforts by the Security Council and also through the good offices of the Secretary General to help facilitate dialogue between the parties, their allies and other relevant actors. Madam President, it is time for a pause by the parties and the wider international community to critically assess the immediate and long-term implications of the war and what that means for promoting and maintaining international peace and security. For the international community, especially developing economies, the earlier this war is ended the better the chances of recovery for ailing global economic systems on which we are collectively dependent. We encourage all actors to keep in focus the humanitarian cost of the war and the compelling need to safeguard and preserve innocent lives from harm. We wish to reiterate our call on the war in size to refrain from further missile attacks against residential facilities as well as the distraction of critical energy infrastructure as we have witnessed in recent weeks. We call for the de-escalation of tensions and level-headedness as we approach the one-year mark of this unjustifiable war. While remaining supportive of international peace efforts, we must emphasise the moral and legal obligations of the Russian Federation as the protagonist of the war to bring an end to all its operations in Ukraine with the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of its forces from the internationally recognised borders of Ukraine. Until then, we fear that the prospect of a peaceful settlement may continue to remain out of reach. I thank you. I thank the representative of Ghana and pass the floor to the representative of Gabon. I thank Under Secretary-General Ms Izumi Nakamitsu for her briefing. I thank Mr Roger Waters. His account reminds each and every one of us that when we talk of war, we are first and foremost talking about lives, human lives, or human deaths. Madam President, it will soon be one year till the day since war in Ukraine began, and there is still no prospect of a solution being reached by the parties to that war. The recent announcements of shipments of new highly advanced armaments portends not only a continuation of fighting, but also suggests that in all likelihood fighting will grow ever more bitter. We are tending, unstoppably, towards a war of attrition. We can expect to count more dead and to see more destruction of civilian infrastructure. We must be able to put an end to this war in order to stem bloodshed and in order to put an end to the cycle of fear and distress in which the people of Ukraine have been plunged now since now for almost a year. Madam President, we have time and time again condemned weapons of mass destruction, the shelling targeting innocent civilians, shelling of residences, hospitals, and nuclear power plants, and, however, 12 months later, we are expecting to add other names to the already lengthy list of human victims claimed by this war. The UN Secretary General, Mr Antonio Guterres, expressed his alarm two days ago when he presented his priorities for 2023, indicating, and I quote, that prospects for peace continue to diminish. He also stated that the chances of further escalation and bloodshed continue to grow. Madam President, the signing of the Grain Export Initiative last July, which was renewed on the 17th of November, was a source of hope. This event occurred at the peak of the conflict, and it revealed that with will it is always possible to activate the channels of diplomacy. We continue to call upon all parties to set in motions the motion the mechanisms provided for under Chapter Six of the UN Charter in order to put an end to this warmongering and in order to initiate negotiations for a lasting peace and for peaceful coexistence of all. We call upon parties to engage in dialogue to silence weapons in Ukraine. My country will continue to call for good faith negotiations in order to achieve a ceasefire and to find a diplomatic solution to the conflict in Ukraine. Thank you. Bonne. Pass the floor to the representative of the United Kingdom. Thank you, President, and thank you, Ms Nakamitsu, for your briefing. President, Russia has not called this meeting to discuss prospects for peace. It's called this meeting to try again to deflect responsibility for its war. Let's look at the facts. This time last year, Russia assembled a military force of over 100,000 troops and a massive accumulation of weaponry and equipment on three sides of Ukraine. On the 24th of February, Russia launched its all-out invasion. President Putin claimed he was stopping a genocide in the Donbas. The International Court of Justice rejected this reasoning and ordered Russia immediately to end its invasion. Russia revealed its real objectives when it attempted the illegal annexation of further Ukrainian territory, a tactic from the same playbook as Crimea in 2014. The UN membership rejected this decisively and repeatedly demanded Russia end its invasion and withdraw. Yet Russia has continued. It's done so with the assistance of Belarus and supplemented by weapons sourced from Iran and DPRK in violation of UN sanctions. Thus armed, Russia shows no sign of stopping and appears now to be preparing a further offensive. President, colleagues, Russia is why there is no peace in Ukraine. In the face of this onslaught, Ukraine has had no choice but to exercise its UN Charter right to defend itself. It has done so resolutely and successfully, but at massive cost to its people and its resources. It is in this context that the UK, alongside others, has recently pledged further and enduring defensive support to Ukraine. This includes bolstering training for Ukrainian troops announced during President Zelensky's visit to London today. We are proud of that support to help Ukraine defend its country, protect its sovereignty, and fight for its territory and its freedom. Russia still has hundreds of thousands of troops within Ukraine's borders, attacking it every day. Surely, none of us can object to Ukraine having the means to protect itself from this aggression. But what Ukraine wants, what we all want, is peace. We welcome and support Ukraine's proposals to this end. Peace, to be just and sustainable, must be based on the principles of the UN Charter, which we have all pledged to uphold. President, if Russia truly wanted peace, it would not be calling spurious meetings of the Security Council. It would immediately end its illegal invasion, withdraw from Ukraine, and return in good faith to the negotiating table which it overturned last February. I thank you. I thank the representative of the United Kingdom and pass the floor to the representative of Albania. Thank you, Madam President, and I thank you as Jeena Kamitsu for her briefing. We listened very carefully to the remarks of Mr. Roger Walshas, and there is a lot to take there. But he is lucky to be in New York, in a free country, speak up his mind, say whatever he likes, including about the Russian aggression, and how wrong that is. If he had been in Russia with what he said, he might have been in custody by now. Colleagues, exactly one year ago in this very room, some of us warned of the possibility of an unprovoked military aggression of Russia and Ukraine. And Russia repeatedly vehemently denied these warnings, calling them unfounded rumors assuring the international community, there will be no aggression. Only a few weeks later, aggression there was in its purest form with a distorted name, but with the same consequences. And it continues till this hour. And here we are one year later in a meeting called on the perspective of peace, full settlement, and arms transfer. This curious mixture calls on our side from some key points. First, peace. It is indeed positive that we talk of peace and we have repeatedly called for it, but things must be clear and the call must be sincere. What is happening since a year in Ukraine is a war of choice, started without a shred of justification against a peaceful, sovereign nation that posed no threat to Russia nor to anyone else. This calamity was Russia's doing, a breach of international law on the UN Charter, and has since been destroying Ukraine, killing its people, demolishing its infrastructure, dismantling its economy. This dangerous adventure has posed a clear and direct danger to the security of Europe, but as everyone knows, with a much wider impact worldwide. And to be said, during these 12 months, these 12 months have shown, including to Russia itself, that despite the terrible pain inflicted to Ukraine and its people, Russia has failed to achieve any of its declared strategic, operational, and tactical objectives. Everything has gone wrong just like the idea was wicked and its plans were botched. Russia may only correct this, and there is only one way to do so. Stop the war with Joyce forces from Ukraine and return to talks. But we see no signs, none, that Russia is seriously and generally seeking any sort of peaceful settlement, nor that it will cease to brutally attack Ukraine. We are now used to hear one thing and see exactly its contrary materialize. This call is no different since what we see is the opposite. An obstinacy to go ahead, persist in the crime, inflict more pain. And it is difficult for anyone to take killing missiles for olive branches. Second, arms transfers. A member of the United Nations was viciously attacked by its neighbor. The world did not choose to look away. It chose to stand up, condemn Russia, raised up show solidarity, and with the victims and in defense of commonly agreed rules. It chose to face the illegal action of Russia through legal means and actions. There is no article in the UN Charter on or anywhere else in the international law that gives the right to any country to wage an illegal war against another. This is one of the benefits of the lessons learned from the past, working peace in cooperation and friendship in shared benefits. In return, there is a clear provision agreed by everyone on how to help victims. An article 51 of the UN Charter provides the legal basis for individual states to offer whatever assistance to a country exercising its inherent right to self-defense, in defense of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Every country would do that. It could not be clearer. This is what several countries from different continents have been doing. They have been standing for Ukraine and its army. With ordinary people who were obliged to abandon their studies, their musical instruments, their sportswear, put up military fatigue rushed to the front to defend their children, to defend their land, to defend their freedom. And with their outstanding courage and military brilliance, they have justified every penny. Weapons supplied to Ukraine have helped show the limits to such adventures to Russia and anyone who might be attempted to use force instead of peaceful means. The community of nations must continue to stand with Ukraine and continue to provide everything that helps Ukraine help itself, push back aggression until war leaves the peace to talks, leads to the place to talks to diplomacy. And speaking of weapons, Madam President, what should have our attention is the issue of illegal transfers of weapons from Iran and North Korea to countries under United Nations Security Council sanctions that are being used in war of aggression against Ukraine, violating blatantly the UN Security Council resolutions. In conclusion, Madam President, we will always support peace efforts, talks, dialogue and peace settlements. But these should be not empty words to be used for putting something on the record. What is needed is concrete action and this starts in cramming where the war was decided. Peace is always made by the brave, with clear vision and strong leadership, with shared benefits to all, not to the detriment of some. Russia started this war. Russia is responsible for its consequences. Russia can decide to put an end. Because, and I will end with this. As a famous rock band, the Pink Floyd have sung last year in their uplifting iconic song, Hey Hey, Rise Up. And I quote, Our beautiful Ukraine is in sorrow, and we will raise it up, and we will share and we shall cheer for our glorious Ukraine. So the sooner the war stops, the sooner this madness is over, the better for all, the glorious Ukraine for Russia and the world. And I thank you. I thank the representative of Albania and pause the floor to the representative of the United Arab Emirates. Thank you Madam President. We also thank you as Gina Kamitsu for her informative briefing. We listen carefully to Mr. Waters and I welcome Ukraine's participation in today's meeting. The UAE reiterates its long-standing position that is vital to safeguard weapons during transfer, storage and deployment. That is particularly urgent in the context of ongoing military hostilities. We therefore urge to continue with vigilance and transparency with the measures in place to mitigate any unintended risks that may be associated with armed transfers in this context. To that end, we welcome ongoing efforts and initiatives to strengthen armed control in Ukraine and across the region, especially those aimed at addressing potential diversion. It is crucial that these weapons do not fall in the wrong hands. Madam President, over the course of the past year, we have discussed many of the impact of the war in Ukraine. Most recently, this Council was briefed on the humanitarian situation and the international response to alleviate the suffering of Ukrainian civilians. Similarly, the topic today highlights the importance of addressing the conflict's potential impact on weapons proliferation. In that context, the UAE remains firm in its long-standing position that the Council must ensure consistent compliance with all its resolutions. Thank you. Representative of the UAE and pass the floor to the representative of the United States. Thank you, Madam President. I thank the High Representative for an informative and thoughtful briefing for us this morning. As for our other briefing, Mr. Waters, while I certainly acknowledge his impressive credentials as a recording artist, his qualifications to speak to us as an expert brief on arms control or European security issues, less evident to me. I'll also leave to my Ukrainian colleague to address the credibility of Mr. Waters speaking on behalf of his so-called brothers and sisters in Ukraine. I will just say, if I may, that Mr. Waters asked what our vision is. I can say it quite quickly. The U.S. vision is for a world where Europe is whole at peace and free, and where the goal of the Cold War, which we achieved, which was a world where every country could choose its own orientation, its own foreign policy direction, and spheres of influence were a thing of the past, is our goal. Looking at what's happening in Ukraine, I think you can draw your own conclusions what Russia's goal is for the end of this. So we've been brought together today once again to hear another version of why Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine is actually the fault of Ukraine, or Ukraine's partners, or in Mr. Waters' words, Ukraine friends who are provocateurs. And of course, we've even had weaponized bats brought up as a reason for this war in the past. The reality is this disinformation is intense, but we can't let it keep us unfocused. The key fact that many of my colleagues have said around the table, Russian's invasion of Ukraine is illegal. It is a flagrant violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity and of the charter of the United Nations. This fact, as Ambassador Woodward has mentioned, is underscored repeatedly by members of the Security Council, the General Assembly, the Secretary General, the International Court of Justice, and across the UN system. Colleagues, defense of the UN charter is not just about words written on paper, but about the principles at heart of the charter and actions to back them up. For some, that has been standing up for Ukraine diplomatically during votes in the UN General Assembly. For others, that has meant supporting Ukraine's efforts to defend itself against a brutal, unprovoked war of aggression. The inherent right to individual and collective self-defense is, as others have said reflected in Article 51 of the charter. These are inconvenient realities for Russia, desperate to find a narrative, any narrative other than the one that it's stuck in. The security assistance, including weapons, that the United States and more than 50 other countries are providing and will continue to provide, is for Ukraine's self-defense. This distinction cannot be more important. Ukraine is using these weapons to repel the invading Russian forces that are committing war crimes on Ukraine's territory. These weapons are designed to stop Russia's relentless shelling of cities and to destroy incoming missiles that target the electrical grid and other targets of no military value. We unequivocally reject the victim-blaming notion that Ukraine's self-defense is the obstacle to ending this war. No one wants peace in Ukraine more than Ukrainians themselves. It is Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity that has violated, not Russia's. The Kremlin and its mouthpieces are using the term peace settlement and peace negotiations but actions speak louder than words and Russia has consistently failed to take any actions that would give substance to his vaunted talk of peace, such as silencing its guns or withdrawing its forces from Ukraine. Russia tries again and again to use the Security Council to distract the international community from its own armed aggression against a UN member state. Today's Security Council meeting takes place amid reports that we've all seen that Russia is preparing for further large-scale offensive action against Ukraine. If Russia wants to talk about dangerous arms transfers in this Council, let it come clean about the hundreds of Iranian drones that Tehran transferred to Russia in violation of Security Council Resolution 2231. Russia is using these drones to attack Ukraine's critical infrastructure, depriving the people of Ukraine access to light, heat and water in the dead of winter. If Russia wants to talk about dangerous arms transfers in this Council, what does Russia have to say about the rockets and the missiles the DPRK delivered into Russia last November for use by the vicious Russia-backed Wagner Group, which has deployed thousands of fighters in Ukraine, including convicts recruited straight from Russia's prisons. Procuring weapons from the DPRK, as Ambassador Woodward has pointed out, also constitutes a violation of Security Council Resolution. And Russia gives us every reason to expect that DPRK's supply of weapons for the Wagner Group will continue. As I've said before in this Council, President Putin's playbook is transparent. Wreck, death and destruction target civilian infrastructure, freeze and brutalize Ukraine's civilians, force them from their homes, and drive up energy and food costs across Europe and around the world. Russia does this not only to wear down Ukraine, but to convince the rest of the world it would be so much easier and more peaceful to turn our backs on Ukraine and ignore the most basic principles of the UN Charter. Respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of states. That might be easier for Russia, but caving to Russia's aggression against a sovereign country, enabling Russia's unconscionable killing and injuring of civilians, and accepting Russia's brazen attempts to redraw borders by force, would tear up the rulebook that has made all of us more secure and have dangerous repercussions around the world. In conclusion, Madam President, the United States hopes for a just and secure peace in Ukraine. True peace must be durable and it cannot and will not come at the expense of Ukraine's sovereignty, its territorial integrity, and its independence. It is preposterous beyond words to try to equate the violence Russia has inflicted on Ukraine with Ukraine's efforts to defend itself. Anyone serious about peace in Ukraine should call on Russia to abide by the UN Charter, to stop its relentless bombardments, and to withdraw its forces from Ukraine's territory. Thank you. I thank the representative of the United States, and pause the floor to the representative of France. Madam President, we are meeting today upon the request of Russia. Russia is worried by the absence of prospects for a peaceful settlement to the war of aggression that it itself decided to launch nearly a year ago against Ukraine. This situation would be almost laughable if the suffering of the Ukrainian people was not so grave, and if the atrocities committed by the Russian armed forces weren't continuing to mount. Allow us simply to recall one thing that is true. The peaceful settlement of this war depends on Russia, which is entirely responsible for it. It would simply need to at last end its aggression and withdraw the totality of its troops to the internationally recognised borders of Ukrainian territory, and that is what the International Court of Justice demanded on the 16th of March. That has been recalled here several times. If Russia were to stop fighting, peace would immediately be restored. If Ukraine were to stop fighting, it would be annihilated. There are today Russian troops in Ukraine. There are no Ukrainian troops in Russia. Let us therefore once again reiterate that there is an aggressor and a victim of that aggression in this war. Let us not allow Russia to invert who is responsible for what. Madam President, France will continue to provide the Ukrainian people with the full support that they need to exercise their legitimate right to self-defense and to preserve their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence in accordance with international law and the United Nations Charter. That includes military support both bilaterally and via the European Union. The aim is to rebalance the forces to create the conditions for a just settlement and lasting settlement of this conflict. We all know that negotiations will only work if Ukraine's sovereignty is respected and its territory is liberated. Helping a sovereign state that has been attacked to resist the invasion of another state means pursuing peace and defending the principles of international law. Madam President, as its weapon stocks are drying up, Russia is doing everything it can to resupply, including by violating resolutions of the Security Council. It has been robustly documented that Russia in its war of aggression is using combat drones supplied by Iran. We call upon the United Nations to investigate these transfers, which violate Resolution 2231, and to report on this to the Council. It has also been documented that several times North Korea, in a flagrant violation of resolutions of the Security Council, has delivered missiles and ammunition to Russia. These armaments were to be used by troops from the Wagner Private Military Company, which Russia is not hesitating to mobilize in the tens of thousands, including many criminals, to compensate for its many losses on the ground. Russia continues to use all of its weapons for its strategy of systematically targeting the civilian population and civilian infrastructure of Ukraine, in flagrant violation of the principles of international humanitarian law. The United Nations and all of its members cannot and must not turn a blind eye to this. Madam President, Ukraine is fighting to defend the principles of the United Nations Charter, territorial integrity, the inviolability of borders, independence and the sovereignty of states, the rejection of the conquest of territory by force, and the condemnation of wars of aggression. And the defence of these principles is everybody's business. It is the business of all the members of the United Nations. With the 10-point peace plan proposed by President Zelensky, Ukraine has demonstrated its will to make peace and has outlined a path towards a just and lasting peace. As we have been doing since the 24th of February, we will continue to support Ukraine to achieve this. Thank you. Senator of France and pass the floor to the representative of Mozambique. Madam President, we wish to thank the Under Secretary General and the high representative for the Zarmament's affairs, Ms. Izumi Nakamitsu for her valuable briefing. We also express our sincere appreciation for the testimony of Mr. Roger Waters, a passionate advocate for peace throughout his illustrious and iconic career. Indeed, after one year of the conflict, our wishes for peace are yet to come true. Madam President, let me fatally reiterate Mozambique's strict adherence to and defence of the internationally agreed provisions on the use of force in the conduct of nations as clearly spelled out in articles 2 and 51 of the United Nations Charter. These central and foundational to the rules-based international law and order as they constitute the best defence of the weak against arbitrary attacks by the strong. As stated by the briefers and reiterated by our delegation on several occasions, the trajectory of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine is pointing towards a prolonged war of attraction and away from end compromise at the negotiating table. We are witnessing, amongst others, first the expansion of directly and indirectly involved actors in the conflict, second the continued erosion of long-held notions of restraint in the conduct of matters related to maintenance of the international peace, including even to a certain extent at this Council. Third, the open disregard for hard and long-negotiated global agreement regulated and controlling the trade and transfers of arms leading to arms-built apps and the accumulation and proliferation of illicit arms on all sides. As we have seen it in our parts of the world, the massive transfer of arms and weapons into an already raging military confrontation is akin to adding fuel to fire. Madam President, my country is deeply concerned with the increasing prospects of unregulated flows of arms, including of weapons of mass destruction. As the war continues and even intensifies, the unrestrained supply of arms by numerous countries to both sides is fueling and already escalating trajectory. We all lose from this war, except those selling weapons for profit. For the military industrial complex, intermediaries and arms traders were simply opportunities to increase their profits irrespective of the global implications of such conflicts. Madam President, given the fact that vast transfers of armaments to the conflict zone are taking place without the oversight of the agreed UN arms control and disarmament structure, it is just a matter of time until some of these weapons end up in our parts of the world, which are already awash with deadly illegal arms. Every year it is estimated that more than five billion worth of armaments and ammunition are illegally sold on the black market to terrorists, extremists, rebel groups, criminal networks, and the world host of illegal arms clientele. Madam President, Article 51 of the UN Charter acknowledges the inherent right of all states to individual or collective self-defense and right to manufacture, import, export, transfer, and retain conventional arms towards that end. However, the nature of the present conflict, the staggering amounts of sophisticated weapons systems being considered by both sides and the ever-present specter of the use of weapons of mass destruction is cause for alum. We therefore urge those countries providing assistance to the conflicting parties to act in a manner consistent with international arms control agreement and multilateral parts in the areas of disarmament, arms control, and nonproliferation. To conclude, Madam President, the prospect for peaceful settlement of this conflict on one side and the increase in supply of arms on the other are not compactable. Mozambique reiterates its call on all parties to adhere to Article 2 of the Charter and settle their dispute, I quote, by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered. End of quote. To paraphrase from Santsu, the art of war, I quote, there is no instance of inclination to benefiting from prolonged war. End of quote. I thank you, Madam Chair. I thank the representative of Mozambique and Pals of Law to the representative of Ecuador. Thank you, Madam President. I express my gratitude for the informative briefings given by the High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Ms Izumi Nakamitsu. And I'm also grateful to Mr Roger Waters for the opinions he expressed. I wish to make five points that, in my view, are of pivotal importance. First of all, I wish to reiterate the historical position held by Ecuador, pursuant to which we reject armed violence, militarization, and the build-up of armaments. This position has also always gone hand in glove with our recognition of people's right to self-defense, in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations, including its article 51. Moreover, Ecuador recognises the inviolability of territorial integrity and the right of peoples to political independence. Second, we defend the peaceful settlement of disputes. As recalled by the presidential statement issued by this council on the 6th of May, all member states have assumed the obligation to settle their international disputes via peaceful means, pursuant to the UN Charter. Consequently, the waging of a military aggression against another country violates these principles. Third, in line with remarks made by the Secretary-General's High Representative, Ms Nakamitsu, Ecuador will always be concerned by threats posed to peace and security. Such threats are posed by the large-scale flows of arms and munitions into any situation of armed conflict. In any and all cases, we are concerned by the risks of deviation, spread and escalation, and we recognise that measures to counter these risks are of the utmost importance for post-conflict recovery. They are also crucial for regional security and stability, and even for the prevention of conflicts on other continents. We decry therefore the fact that the protracted invasion of Ukrainian territory is at the root of these risks. This conflict also fuels them, and we are concerned by information regarding the involvement of non-state actors in occupation activities, because all of this exacerbates the aforementioned risks. My fourth point, as Ecuador has always stated, we are concerned by the humanitarian impact of all military aggressions and by the use of weapons as a tool for one people to dominate another. For this reason, we reject the ongoing escalation of attacks and shelling against critical civilian infrastructure in Ukraine. Such attacks and shelling renders ever more fragile access to basic services, the functioning of hospitals and schools, and fuels the risks of nuclear disaster. Finally, how can a peaceful solution be reached against the backdrop of perpetual shelling and of the military aggression against Ukraine? It is clear that the prospects of a peaceful solution depend on the immediate cessation of hostilities and upon the withdrawal of the occupying troops. Ecuador urgently appeals for this to occur, with a view to restoring dialogue for a lasting peace. This will avoid bringing the world into a broader war, a warning issued by Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Thank you. Representative of Ecuador, I shall now make her statement and my capacity as a representative of Malta. I thank Mrs. Umi Nakamitsu and Mr. Roger Waters for their briefings. On Monday, this council discussed, once again, the dire humanitarian consequences of Russia's illegal aggression against Ukraine. We spoke of the severe civilian casualties caused by the use of explosive weapons with wide area impacts in populated areas, such as towns and cities. We emphasized, once again, that international humanitarian law and human rights law must always be unconditionally respected and those responsible for violations must be held accountable. Just this past week, missile strikes on Ukraine have continued unabated, included in Kharkiv and Chernov region. Millions of Ukrainians remain without electricity, heating and water, as the Russian Federation destroys critical civilian infrastructure. Thousands of children have been killed or injured. Millions have had their schooling disrupted or are dealing with a legacy of conflict-induced trauma. Council members, the war has not spared women and girls either, millions of whom were forced to flee within or across Ukraine's borders in search of safety from Russian attacks. These dynamics underline the vital importance for access to humanitarian assistance for all those in need across Ukraine and in the areas not currently under Ukrainian control. Equally, we reiterate our calls for the immediate removal of all obstacles to the safe, rapid and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance throughout the country. Additionally, we underscore once again that the ICRC must have unconditional, unimpeded and repeated access to all prisoners of war in this international armed conflict. The Third Geneva Convention grants prisoners of war the right to receive regular visits from ICRC delegates, therefore it is cardinal that this is respected and facilitated. In closing, we reiterated our insistence for the Russian Federation to withdraw its military forces from the entire territory of Ukraine and any calls for a ceasefire must be coupled with such an unconditional withdrawal. This war has to stop. The UN Charter clearly outlines the duties and responsibilities of each UN member state. It is never too late to uphold UN Charter and its provisions on the peaceful settlement of disputes and return to dialogue and diplomacy. It is never too late to return to the international rules-based order. Thank you. The representative of the Russian Federation has now asked for the floor to make a further statement. Thank you, Madam President. Since we spoke first, I would just like to make a few remarks by way of a reaction. I would like to correct my Albanian colleague. Roger Waters is not threatened in any way in Russia. We respect freedom of speech unlike the countries of the West for which they prohibit alternative points of view. I would like to recall that we were the ones who invited Roger Waters to speak with you today. You probably mistaken things between Russia and Ukraine because in Ukraine, Mr. Waters is on the Milat Vorets peacemaker website, which is infamous and which is used as a database for Ukrainian nationalists. My American colleague just spoke about victory in the Cold War, and I would like to remind him that this was our common victory, not both ours and yours, and for some reason the United States likes to attribute it to itself. The root of the majority of the problems facing us in the modern age probably lies therein. Thank you. I thank the representative of the Russian Federation. I now give the floor to the representative of Ukraine. Is one novelist said some cause happiness wherever they go, others whenever they go. Madam President, distinguished members of Security Council, I also recognize the representative of Putin's regime occupying the permanent seat of the Soviet Union. In fact, he has just left. I'm grateful to Under Secretary General Nakamitsu for her comprehensive briefing. I would also like to thank our partners who made it clear that restoring respect for the UN Charter is the only viable option to deal with the ongoing aggression and that its principles shall serve as the only basis for both our actions to exercise the inherent right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter and for the post-war settlement following the military defeat of Russia on the territory of Ukraine. Military defeat is imminent if the Russian criminal regime does not implement the demands of the UN General Assembly and the International Court of Justice and does not withdraw its troops from the territory of Ukraine within our internationally recognized borders. The UN Charter and international law will also be the framework for our further work to hold Russia accountable for their war crimes and crimes against humanity as well as the crime of aggression. Meanwhile, let me quote from Article 51. Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs against a member of the United Nations until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. End of quote. The Security Council still tolerates the presence of war criminals in the Soviet seat. It is therefore the problem of the Council itself that the second part of Article 51 envisaging the Council's authority and responsibility, I quote, to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security. End of quote. Cannot and has not yet been implemented. The resolute contribution of all responsible nations to restoring respect for the principles of the UN Charter will be the only way to ensure a comprehensive just and lasting peace. It is a war of choice. Non-violence is infinitely superior to violence, said Gandhi on many occasions. Putin, however, has chosen violence. He has also emasculated his nation and continues to treat his country as an animal farm to produce more and more cannon fodder. Let me now respond to those who call for a stop to a war at any cost, including at the cost of Ukraine's territory, at the cost of forgiveness of the lost Ukrainian lives and lands. The guru of non-violence, Mahatma Gandhi, said, and I quote, abstinence is forgiveness only when there is power to punish. It is meaningless, he said, when it pretends to proceed from a helpless creature. End of quote. Let me ask those who make these calls, as well as all of you present here, are you ready and fit to show this power to punish the evil dual? If the Security Council remains immobilized by the evil dual himself and cannot punish it, let us and all responsible nations do this work to the council for the council and for our common good as the first lines of the UN Charter Read to save succeeding generations from this scourge of war. Let me offer you another quote. I would rather have my country resort to arms in order to defend her honor that she should in a cowardly manner become or remain a helpless witness of her own dishonor. It's not me who was the first one to say that. It was Mahatma Gandhi who said that about India. So when you quote and cherry picking Gandhi, be very careful. Today it's a reply to those who don't mind seeing unarmed Ukraine torn to pieces helpless and dishonored. Madam President, again and again we hear that Russia is surrounded by enemies. This could be dismissed as a mere paranoia if it was not a clear sign of the narrative of a totalitarian state. Or wasn't it Mr. Waters himself who said, let me quote him, the method for taking over the state and for it becoming a totalitarian police state is always the same. It is always the identification of the other as the enemy. End of quote. When I hear the Russian envoy speaking about yet another newly invented version of the goals of the so-called special military operation to be accomplished, all I can tell him is pigs might fly. I hope he gets what it means in English. I'm sure Mr. Waters, an Englishman, does. Even if at school he hated every second of it apart from games. In Mr. Waters' own words his grammar school was pretty dreadful. The original version of the phrase was pigs in the air with their tails forward. I'm surprised that he has not inflated a giant pig-shaped balloon in the security chamber today as it was the case in the past in many of his shows. What could it have been this time, Mr. Waters? Pigs with swastikas and a hammer and sickle like at some of your performances decried for their anti-Semitism. Or probably the face of Putin and Hitler. After all, wasn't it Mr. Waters who in one of his interviews in September last year called Vladimir Putin quote unquote the new Hitler? Let me make it short. September 30th, 2022, interview by Chris Hedges. How can we stop this war? asks Mr. Waters. And then he himself replies. Well obviously you have to talk to Vladimir Putin who is the new Hitler. Earlier this month wasn't it Mr. Waters who said that he would play in Moscow quote given that Moscow does not run an apartheid state based on the genocide of the indigenous inhabitants end of quote. Mr. Waters knows too little but he seems to know it so fluently. In 1979 Pink Floyd came up with a song another brick in the wall. The same year the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan and after the invasion and after the invasion was condemned by Pink Floyd the ban was banned in the Soviet Union. It is ironic if not hypocritical that Mr. Waters attempts now to whitewash another invasion. How sad for his former fans to see him accepting the role of just a brick in the wall. The wall of Russian disinformation and propaganda. This pop star can easily ignore the alleged episodes of war crimes and crimes against humanity. He can totally ignore the crime of aggression. The opinion of 143 members of the General Assembly. Numerous reports by the United Nations agencies. ICC, I CJ governments and citizens. And he can go and entertain the crowd in Moscow because the dictator there who Mr. Waters identified as a new Hitler is not committing the genocide of the indigenous people of Russia. No wonder that in September in a video address former Mongolian president Albert Dorch called on Putin to stop the war and I quote I know since the start of his of this bloody war ethnic minorities who live in Russia suffered the most. He said and added the Buryat Mongols Tuva Mongols and Kalmyk Mongols have suffered a lot. They have been used as nothing more than cannon fodder said the Mongolian president. Of course, who gives the monkeys about tens of thousands of Buryat's two wins more wins and other ethnic soldiers sent by Russian Hitler to the front to the front as cannon fodder from the Putin's farm. Beaks might fly Mr. Waters. Not sure if they can fly with Hitler's and Putin's name at the concert in Moscow. Even with swastikas and hammer and sickle and especially if once again you put a Nazi like long leather jacket as you did in your previous concerts. But let me finish with a quote from the last lines of Orwell's animal farm. Remember when standing outside the farmhouse where pigs and men were drinking together. People who looked at them and I quote they looked from a from pig to man and men to pig and from pig to man again. But already it was impossible to say which was which. I end the quote. Keep strumming the guitar Mr. Waters. It's usually more than lecturing the Security Council on how to do his job. No flying pigs here, please, even if you put Putin whom you called the new Hitler on them. A taste of pop culture today from the Russian delegation. But how about contracting something more classic for this council. How about the Swan Lake on February 17th. These full lengths for act three hour expense that Russians are so accustomed to to endure when their next dictator dies. Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernyanka and we know the name of the next one. I thank you. I thank the representative of Ukraine. There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. The meeting is adjourned.