 Felly, ac yn rhaglion, rydych chi'n meddwl i gyfweld ddechrau. Felly, mae'n amddangosol o'r gyllid yn dweud hon i'r Unedd Sfynol i'r Unedd Llywodraeth. Felly, mae'n meddwl i chi'n meddwl i'r Unedd Llywodraeth, mae'n meddwl i'r unig maen nhw'n meddwl yma, 20 yw'r cyfrifysig yma ar y cyfrifysig. yn y dweud y cwrs, y gymdeithasol i'r ddweud ystafod fe fydd yw'r gwneud ei bod yn cyfrifysgau o'r gwaith i'r cyfrifysgau yn ymgyrchawr cyffredig yma, ac yn ymgyrchaf eu hunain. Ychydig y cyfrifysgau sy'n gennymau eich ddweud oedd y Ddiwyllfa North Grey at George Street yn ychynidol, yn gwybod i'r gwisio peth yn ymgyrchaf eu hunain ac yn ymgyrchaf eu hunain eich ddweud ymgyrchaf, ymgyrch y ffwg hwnnw, yn ysgolw, a'r cyllid yn ymgyrch hwnnw i'w wneud yn gweithio'r ysgolwyr oherwydd mae'n ddweud yn cael ei ddweud. Rydym yn ddweud, mae'n cael eu gallu bwysig bydd David Brooks yn y Cyfrif Newiwr i'r cyfrif yma, a'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r edrych Edmund Birch yn y cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r cyfrif yw'r ..a cynnwys hwnnw, i'w wledig yw'r flu sydd wedi'i sgiliau i'r glwlad ymddangosaeth yr ynchwynhau a'i cymdeithasau. Felly i'w bwysig efo'r thwymen ar gyfer gyllid ar ddiogel, a'u wlingio ar hyn o'r ffeil o'r cynnwys ydyn nhw a dros o'n bwysig oedlo'r pwymoedd yma. Felly, i'w pwypo'r lasflaen o'r wideblyn cyfrwng i llwymiadau cyfrwng a'riertennwys cyfrwng i'r wideblynn gyfarhau a'r wideblynn cyfrwng, erbyn eich llwyfiadau. yw'r cyflwyfyr ynghylch ond yn cyflwyfyr oherwydd ei wneud o'r leisio gyda'r cyfrifiadau, a o'r cyflwyfyr oedd yn cyflawni ar gyfer y cyflwyfu o'r cyflwyfa'r iaith, oedd yn cymryd i'r glwsoedd o'r cyflwyfa'r iaith a'r cyflwyfa o'r iaith a'r gwahodd o'r cyflwyfa'r iaith a'r cyflwyfa, a yn ymgylcheddurnau'r iaith a oedd yn cyflwyfa'r iaith o'r cyflwyfa'r iaith. As we meet here today, the union is experiencing serious difficulties to the wider world and to many of its own citizens, the ponderous pace at which the union has addressed the sovereign debt crisis is sometimes incomprehensible. The crisis has appeared to rumble on without sight of a comprehensive solution and financial markets in particular have found this brand of policy making deeply unsettling. I'm conscious in saying so that Ireland must shoulder its fair share of the blame for creating the problem. A profound failure of economic management during the boom and a series of policy errors after the boom came to an end have placed Ireland in need of external assistance. We have been the beneficiaries of European solidarity without which we would have been unable to fund the state. We are grateful for that assistance even if as a result we have suffered a huge loss of effective sovereignty that will only be restored when Ireland can once again pay its way in the world. Having accepted our share of the blame for creating the problem, it should also be acknowledged that Ireland is now doing its part to contribute to a solution. The new government has taken a series of decisive actions in respect of the banking system that have set the banks on course to recovery. The Irish people have endured a massive fiscal correction to set our public finances on the right course also. Our EU IMF programme is on track and we are demonstrating our willingness to take the necessary actions to restore Ireland's creditworthiness. Of course that is something that we want to do for ourselves but it should be acknowledged that in doing so we are contributing to solving what is also very much a European problem. Ireland is doing its bit, we are playing our part. Of course it is important that other countries and programmes make similar efforts. What is needed now however is to move the debate forward and for Europe as a whole to find a European solution. Most recently France has taken an initiative on private sector participation in the Greek programme and it appears that others may follow suit. Whether that approach can be generalised for more than French held Greek debt is yet to be tested. What it demonstrates however is that we can if we try find innovative ways to deal with indebtedness in Greece without provoking unintended consequences. What is also important is that in finalising a solution for Greece there is effective communication of the implications of any for other programme countries. Once again it is important for us to emphasise that Ireland's programme is on track and important for our partners to ensure that along with a solution for Greece we produce a clear and stable policy environment for programme countries. In that context I particularly welcome the clarity that was brought recently to the issue of preferred creditor status with respect to the ESM. Throughout this debate what has been striking has been a demand for more Europe rather than less Europe. For more concerted action not for less, for more cooperation not for less and for more solidarity. What we have discovered once again that Europe can and will advance when it grapples with concrete problems more so perhaps than when we engage in the more abstract discussion of European architecture as was the case during the various debates on Lisbon. The Lisbon Treaty has now been enforced for over 18 months. The European Council has assumed its role of providing the union with impetus for its development and the definition of its general political directions at the level of heads of state and government. Herman van Rompuy has been the pioneer in the new position of president of the European Council. When he spoke on the 17th of June at an IEA event at Dublin Castle as part of a productive visit here he returned to a theme he has been emphasising since he took office. In the world that is forming Europe has to adapt. Bringing public finances back under control and regaining competitiveness are a part of that. This is undertaken not just to get the figures right. We do this, he said, to preserve our social model to guarantee our welfare and jobs for our children and grandchildren. The European Council looks set to meet more frequently and to cover a wide array of topics. It is in all our interest to have good preparation for such meetings well articulated with the work in the various configurations of the Council and channeled through the General Affairs Council and the same goes for follow up. The Foreign Affairs Council in which I have been participating is now getting into its stride under the Lisbon Treaty arrangements. The High Representative Catherine Ashton has a very demanding mandate under the Treaty as Chair of the FAC and as Vice President of the Commission Responsible for External Relations. Getting the external action service, the EEAS, up and running has been vital in providing support for the High Representative in her role. That was not straightforward and involved complicated transactions with the European Parliament of which more later on the terms of the decision. And then the three components of staffing, the Commission, the Member States and the Council Secretariat had to be brought together and I know that the Chief Operating Officer David O'Sullivan spoke to the IEA about the complexity of that process recently. With the instruments and personnel in place, what is important now is to get the arrangements to work optimally for the Union in the form of an enhanced and more coherent presence in the world and for small Member States like Ireland by helping us to extend our reach and sources of information. This is of particular significance at the UN and at other multilateral bodies where the EU delegations have also assumed responsibility for the coordination of positions and the external representation of EU policy. The adoption last May of a General Assembly resolution on the EU's enhanced status at the UN was an important step which would enable the EU to project itself more effectively and coherently in UN deliberations. Foreign Ministers recently had a thorough discussion of these issues and this is now being followed up with a meeting later this week which David O'Sullivan will chair. It will address improving working relations between the EEAS and the Member States, information floors and the sharing of reports cooperation in third countries between our embassies and the EU delegations as well as recruitment and rotation questions. The European Parliament is generally seen as having considerably increased its influence under the Lisbon Treaty. I think that the experience over the past 18 months has substantiated that with new areas coming under the co-decision and consent procedures. The council-parliament relationship in this new institutional landscape is still evolving and there have been some hiccups. I am confident however that the shared legislative responsibility and greater familiarity between the key personnel will assist cooperation. So too does the development of the political groups at European level and as it happens the parties in this government are affiliated to the two largest of these, the EPP and the PES. I look forward to a productive discussion on these topics with President Bucek when he visits Dublin later this month. We have played our part in bedding down these new arrangements so that they can respond to the aims of more effectiveness and coherence which were at the root of the treaty changes. The role of rotating presidency of the Council of Ministers has of course been affected. It no longer chairs the European Council or the Foreign Affairs Council but retains all responsibilities as before in the other diverse formations of the Council and in Coropair. The increased power of the European Parliament has meant a significantly bigger amount of activity by the rotating presidency in representing the Council in co-decision procedures. Also the high representative is exploring with council how the presidency can assist in acting on occasion on her behalf. All of this carries some extra interest for Ireland as we plan our turn, our seventh in the exercise of the presidency in 2013. We have learned a good deal from the experience of the trio which has just concluded with the Hungarian presidency. I expect that to continue over the forthcoming trio of Poland, Denmark and Cyprus. We are increasing our contacts with them as well as of course with our own trio partners Lithuania and Greece. President Van Rompuy said in Dublin Castle that the big lessons of the crisis of 2010 could be summarised in the one word interdependence. He also pointed out that monetary and financial integration had proceeded much faster than the integration of economic policies. While the debt crisis has yet to be resolved it is important to note the progress that has been made in enhancing the architecture of economic governance. A broad package of measures has been agreed which enhances economic governance in the union and especially between those members sharing a currency. These include a suite of legislation that strengthens surveillance and allows for sanctions at an earlier stage. The European Council was also able to note the first implementation of the European semester procedure. The European Council stated very clearly that our reform programme is well on track. This is welcome recognition of the huge efforts being made by the Irish people. We are determined to keep the programme on track. Our aim is to return to the markets as soon as possible. The solidarity which we have been shown by partners and by the institutions is much appreciated. A point which I made to the EU ambassadors here last week. Good communications is of course vital and there is a continuing job to be done. The recent Eurobaramator report shows that the European Union's image has deteriorated the most in those countries most affected by the public debt crisis. The same Eurobaramator report shows that the Irish are strong advocates of European decision making tackling public debt and reform of the financial system. They see the union as part of the solution. This is a message that I consistently conveyed to my European colleagues and that a win in the case of the Irish support programme would be a very welcome win too for the EU. Recent years have been a trying time for the union but the union is not obsessed with its own problems or inward looking far from it. It has developed new instruments such as the EEAS with which to deal with the world beyond its borders. For the world beyond our borders is strongly concerned with us and we are strongly committed to dealing with that world. Despite our troubles there is no doubt that membership of the union is still a very attractive prospect for the countries on our borders. Among the more notable achievements of the Hungarian presidency has been the conclusion of negotiations with Croatia with accession scheduled for July 2013. The enlargement perspective is a useful adjunct to the union's diplomacy in the Balkans and our commitment to enhancing stability there. The EU will remain engaged in assisting the countries in the region to undertake the reforms necessary to move forward in their path to the EU. Iceland already meets many of the criteria for membership and work on the likely terms of an accession will now accelerate eventually of course to be put to the Icelandic people. Work continues on Turkey but at a very slow pace. Perhaps with the elections there behind it the new government of Turkey will be more inclined to take an initiative on Cyprus which would break the log jam of accession negotiations. The European Neighbourhood Policy's fundamental principle is support for the modernisation of neighbouring countries through reforms in return for concessions from the EU above all in the fields of trade and freedom of travel with the stated aim of achieving long term stability and prosperity in the neighbourhood. Ireland seeks to emphasise the importance of differentiation between our partners of helping when asked but also of being careful not to impose our own precepts. We also seek to reward greater engagement and reform efforts with greater funding and support. I've dwelt up to now on developments within the Union and in its neighbourhood. It is understandable if there is an impression that for the past year the EU has focused its attention almost exclusively on its economic and financial challenges. But the Union of course plays a larger role in the world aided by new instruments such as the EEAS. With 500 million citizens and 22% of global GDP the EU can assert itself in a global context. We can now engage with our strategic partners as Europe not just as 27 individual countries. One message, 27 voices. In a speech to the European College in Bruges last year President Van Rompuy underlined the central role the European Council plays in setting foreign policy priorities. His decision to convene a special European Council last September to focus on the EU's external relations marked a significant step in the direction of developing what he termed a common strategic vision of the world. In our globalised world the relationships we build with strategic partners will determine our prosperity. A new approach to these partners described by High Representative Ashton as fewer priorities, greater coherence and more results is being put in place. The success of recent summits with the US, India and Russia is a promising sign that a focus on careful preparations including the identification of key desired outcomes for the EU is paying off. The European Union provides over 50% of global development assistance. This enables it to have an impact and an influence that no one member state acting alone could achieve. Because of the strength of our own development programme Ireland has been influential in shaping the shaping of EU development policy. We have been particularly influential in drawing attention to the need for a strong focus on food security and agriculture and in focusing attention on the poorest countries of sub-Saharan Africa. Partnership is at the key of our approach to development. On my recent visit to Tanzania I saw for myself how we can improve the lives of poor communities by working in cooperation with all partners including the European Union. The eradication of extreme poverty and hunger in the developing world lies at the heart of Ireland's development programme. As well as working with our EU partners we have worked closely with the United States Administration on the global hunger crisis and the issue of under nutrition among mothers and babies in the developing world. In the programme for government we have reiterated our strong commitment to development cooperation. We are committed to the 0.7% G&P target and will seek to achieve it by 2015. This is a challenge but one we can meet if we can restore sustainable growth to the Irish economy. Whatever the statistics we want to be clear that Ireland will continue to meet its obligations to the poor people and communities of the developing world and that this will remain a central part of our foreign policy. I want to conclude by repeating what has been and will continue to be the key message of this government in respect of Ireland's relationship with the European Union. We are determined to rebuild our relationship and restore our standing within the European Union. We are determined to play the fullest possible role within the Union and to contribute fully to its work. Since coming into office this government has engaged positively and energetically with that task and we intend to continue doing so. For we are clear that Ireland's future and the future well-being of the Union and its citizens are inextricably linked. Since coming to office four months ago this government has re-intensified Ireland's engagement with Europe. Of necessity that re-engagement has concentrated initially on the pressing and immediate domestic economic issues which have dominated our relationship with European institutions and other member states in recent times. But increasingly we are re-engaging on the wider European agenda. That embraces the Union's own diverse internal policy and now its future financing. How it raises funds and how and what it spends them. It includes a continuing enlargement agenda where the attractions of what we have achieved together so far and let us not lose sight of or minimise them. Serve as an instrument in extending EU norms and peace and prosperity to our neighbourhood notably the Balkans. It means an EU that building on its values and on its economic weight in the world projects a voice and a presence that are commensurate with that. What you might term the normal business of the Union. We have made a significant input here in the past and these are areas where as we overcome both at EU and national level the current difficulties Ireland is determined to contribute to a better and more vibrant Union.