 Chapter 6 of A Chronicle of Jean-Talent in Canada This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Reading by Robin Cotter, July 2007 A Chronicle of Jean-Talent in Canada by Thomas Chapey Chapter 6 Talent and the Clergy In the instructions which Talent had received from Louis XIV on his departure from France in 1665, it was stated that Monsignor de Laval and the Jesuits exercised too strong an authority and that the superiority of the civil power should be cautiously asserted. The intendant was quite ready to follow these directions. He had been reared in the principles of the old parliamentarian school and was thoroughly imbued with Galican ideas, but at the same time he was a sincere believer and faithful in the performance of his religious duties. It is not surprising, therefore, that he should be found ever earnest in his endeavours to promote the extension of Christianity and ready to protect the missionaries, as well as the charitable and educational institutions in their work. Neither is it surprising that he should sometimes seem jealous of ecclesiastical influence in matters where church and state were both concerned. The following incident will show to what lengths he was prepared to go when he thought that there was an encroachment of the spiritual on the civil power. The winter of 1667 was very gay at Quebec. Peace had been secured, confidence in the future of the colony was restored, and there manifested itself a general disposition to indulge in social festivities. Indeed, the first ball ever given in Canada took place in February of this year at Monsieur Chartier de l'Aute-Benêt's house. As is recorded in the journal The Jesuits. Now there was at this time in Quebec a religious association for women called the Association of the Holy Family. Laval himself had framed their rules, one of which directed the members to abstain from frivolous entertainments and to lead a pious and edifying life amidst the distractions and dissipations of the world. Seeing that many members of the association had departed from the rules by taking part in these pleasures, Laval threatened to suspend their meetings. Naturally a strong impression was made on the public mind. Talon resented what he deemed an undo interference. He laid a complaint against the bishop's action before the sovereign council and asked the two of their number be directed to report on the social entertainments held during the last carnival in order to show that nothing improper had taken place. When the report was made it declared that nothing deserving of condemnation had occurred in these festivities and that there was no occasion to censure them. Evidently if there was encroachment upon this occasion it was encroachment of the civil on the spiritual power. The special rules of a pious association in no way affected the safety of the state or public order. If a number of ladies wished to join its ranks and accept its discipline in order to follow the path of Christian perfection and lead a more exemplary life in the world, they should be free to do so and their directors should be free to remonstrate with them if they were not faithful to their pledge. In this incident the intendant was not at his best. He seems to have sought an occasion of checking the bishop's authority and the occasion was not well chosen. It is likely that Monsieur de Tracey, still in the colony at the time, seemed in the interest of peace for the entry in regard to Talon's complaint was erased from the register of the sovereign council. In a state paper by Talon for Colbert's information, in 1669, the intendant's Gallican views revealed themselves fully. He complains of the excessive zeal of the bishop and clergy which led them to interfere in matters of police, thus trespassing upon the province of the civil magistrate. He went on to say that two strict immoral discipline of confessors and spiritual directors put a constraint on consciences and that in order to counterbalance the excessive claims to obedience of the clergy then in charge, other priests should be sent to Canada with full powers for administration of the sacraments. It is more than probable that in writing these lines Talon was thinking of the vexed question of the liquor traffic, always a source of strife in the civil and the spiritual authorities. Talon and his colleagues, Tracey and Corsel, had to deal with the question of tithes. In 1663 tithes had been fixed by royal edict at one thirteenth of all that is produced from the soil, either naturally or by man's labour. This edict was prompted by the erection of the Quebec Seminary by Laval and established in Canada the tithes system for the benefit of the new clerical institution to which was entrusted the spiritual care of the colonists. The latter who previously had paid nothing for the maintenance of the clergy protested against the charge, notwithstanding that it was in conformity with the common practice of Christian nations. Laval, taking into consideration the poverty of the colony at the time, freely granted delays and exemptions so that in 1667 the question was still practically in abeyance. In that year the bishop presented to Tracey a petition for the publication of a decree in respect to the tithes. The lieutenant general, the governor, and the attendant gave the matter their attention, and after discussion an ordinance was passed for payment of tithes consisting of the twenty-sixth part of all that the soil grows, naturally or by man's labour, for the benefit of the priests who ministered to the spiritual wants of the people. There was a proviso stating that the words, quote by man's labour, unquote, did not include manufactures or fisheries, but only the products of the soil when cultivated and fertilized by human industry. The assessment of one twenty-sixth was to be levied for a term of twenty years only, after which the tithes were to be fixed according to the needs of the time and the state of the country. Later on in 1679 a royal edict made perpetual the rate of one twenty-sixth. For years the practice prevailed of levying tithes only on grain, but in 1705 two parish priests maintained that they should be levied also on hemp, flax, tobacco, pumpkins, hay, on all that is grown on cultivated land. A heated discussion in the Sovereign Council took place, led by the Attorney General, Othieu. The two priests contended that the ordinance of Tracy, Corsale, and Tendlant did not limit the tithes to grain. It stated that they should be levied on all that the soil grows naturally or by man's labour. Unfortunately they had only a copy of the ordinance of 1667 to file in support of their contention. The Attorney General maintained that the original ordinance of 1663 limited the tithes to grain and that the constant practice was a confirmation and an evidence of the rule. But strange to say he could not put the original ordinance on record. It had been lost. However the practice was held to decide the case and the priest's contention was not sustained. From that time the question was settled, definitely and forever. The tithes were levied only on grain as they are still levied in the province of Quebec, on all lands owned by Catholics. But it is interesting to know, as a matter of history, that the two litigant priests were right. Had the original ordinance been before the Council it would have been found to enact the levying of tithes not on grain alone, but on, quote, all that the soil grows naturally or by man's labour. Unquote. An authentic copy of this ordinance was discovered in our day, nearly two centuries after the lawsuit of 1705, and it bears at the plea of the two priests. Another feature of Talon's relations with the clergy and religious communities, and a pleasant one this time, was his strong interest in the Franciscation Frenchification of the Indians. It was Colbert's wish that efforts be made to bring the Algonquins, Hurons, and other Indians more closely within the cold of European civilisation, to make them alter their manners, learn the French tongue, and become less Indian and more European in their way of life. Talon was of the same mind, and lost no opportunity of impressing the idea on those who could best do the work. Leval had already been active in the same direction, and had founded the Quebec Seminary, partly with this end in view. The great bishop thought that one of the best means of civilising the Indians would be to bring up Indian and French children together, so he withdrew from the Jesuits' college a number of pupils whom he had previously placed there and established them with a few young Indians and a house bought for the purpose. Such were the beginnings of the Quebec Seminary, opened on October 9, 1663. The first class consisted of eight French and six Indian children. The Seminary trained them in the practice of piety and morality. For ordinary instruction they went to the Jesuits. The Jesuits' college had been founded in 1635 and was of great service to the colony. It was pronounced by Leval in 1661 almost equal in educational advantages and standing to the Jesuits' establishments in France. And according to a trustworthy author, it, quote, was a reproduction on a small scale of French colleges. Classes in letters and arts, literary and theatrical entertainments were found there, unquote. Some of the public performances given at the Jesuits' college were memorable, such as the reception to the Vicomte d'Argenson when he entered upon the government of New France and the philosophical debate of July 2, 1666, which was graced with the presence of Tracey, Corcelle, and Talon. Two promising youths, Louis Joliette and Pierre de Franchvie, won universal praise on that occasion, and Talon himself, who had been accustomed in France to such scholastic exercises, took part in it very pertinently to the great delight of all present. To return to the Francization of Indians, the Ursulines were also enlisted in the cause. Since their arrival in Canada in 1639 it had been for them a labour of love. In the convent and school founded by Mother Marie de l'Incarnation and Madame de la Pelletrie, both French and Indian girls received instruction in various subjects. Seven nuns attended daily to the classes. The Indian girls had special classes and teachers, but they were lodged and boarded along with the French children. Some of these Indian pupils of the Ursulines afterwards married Frenchmen and same excellent wives and mothers. Special mention is made of one of the girls as being able to read and write both French and Huron remarkably well. From her speech it was hard to believe that she was born an Indian. Talon was so delighted with this instance of successful Francization that he asked her to write something in Huron and French that he might send it to France. This, however, was but an exceptional case. Mother Marie declared in one of her letters that it was very difficult, if not impossible, to civilize the Indian girls. During this period the Ursulines had on an average from twenty to thirty resident pupils. The French girls were supposed to pay one hundred and twenty livres. Indian girls paid nothing. The Ursuline sisters and Mother Marie, their head, did a noble work for Canada. The same must be said of the venerable Mother Marguerite Bourgeois and the ladies of the Congregation of Notre-Dame founded in 1659 at Montreal. At first this school was open to both boys and girls, but in 1668 M. Suat, a Sulpician, took the boys under his care, and thenceforth the education of the male portion of the youth of Ville-Marie was in the hands of the priests of Saint Sulpice. At this time the Sulpicians of Montreal were receiving welcome assessions to their number. The Abbeys Truvet and de Fenelon arrived in 1667, and the Abbeys Coulet, Dallet, de Galenay, and Deux Fais in 1668. In the latter year Fenelon and Truvet were authorized by Laval to establish a new missionary station for a tribe of Cayugas as far west as the Bay of Quinty on the north shore of Lake Ontario. The progress of mission work was now most encouraging. Peace prevailed, and the Iroquois County was open to the heralds of the gospel. Fathers Fremen and Perron were living among the Mohawks, Father Bruyas with the Onides. In 1668 Father Fremen was sent to the Seneca's, Father Malay to the Onondagas, and Father de Cajiel to the Cayugas. The bloody Iroquois, who had tortured and slain so many missionaries, were now asking for preachers of the Christian faith, and receiving them with due honour. It is true that the hard task of conversion remained, and that Indian vices and superstitions were not easily overcome. But at least the savages were ready to listen to Christian teaching. Some of them had courage enough to reform their lives. Children and women were baptized, many received when dying the sacraments of the church. Moreover, the sublime courage and self-devotion of the missionaries inspired the Indian mind with a profound respect for Christianity and added very greatly to the influence and prestige of the French name among the tribes. On the whole the situation in Canada at the end of 1668, three years after Saint-Laurent's arrival, was most satisfactory. Peace and security were restored, hope had replaced despondency, colonisation, agriculture and trade were making progress, population was increasing yearly. In this short space of time, New France had been saved from destruction and was now full of new vigor. Everyone in the colony knew that the great intendant had been the soul of the revival, the leader of this progress. It may therefore be easily imagined what was the state of popular feeling when the news came that Toulon was to leave Canada. He had twice asked for his recall. The climate was severe, his health was not good and family matters called for his presence in France. Moreover, he was worried by his difficulties with the governor and the spiritual authorities. Louis XIV gave him leave to return to France and appointed Claude de Boutereau in his stead. Toulon left Quebec in November 1668. Expressions of deeper regret were heard on all sides. Mother Marie de l'Incarnation wrote, quote, Monsieur Toulon is leaving us and goes back to France. It is a great loss to Canada and a great sorrow for all. For, during his term here as intendant, this country has developed more and progressed more than it had done before from the time of the first settlement by the French, unquote. The analyst of the Hotel Dieu was not less sympathetic, but there was hope in her utterance, quote, Monsieur Toulon, she said, left for France this year. He comforted us in our grief by leading us to expect his return, unquote. Perhaps these last words show that Toulon even then intended to come back to Canada if such should be the wish of the king and his minister. End of chapter 6 Chapter 7 Toulon's Eventful Journey Toulon returned to France in an auspicious hour. It was perhaps the happiest and brightest period of the reign of Louis XIV. France had emerged victorious from two campaigns, and the king had just signed a treaty which added to his realm a part of the province of Flanders. The kingdom enjoyed peace, and its prosperity had never been so great. Thanks to Colbert, the exchequer was full. In all departments the French government was displaying intelligent activity. Trade and commerce, agriculture and manufacture were encouraged and protected, with ample means at their disposal and perfect freedom of action. Louis XIV and Colbert could not but be in a favourable mood to receive Toulon's reports and proposals. Toulon acted as if he were still the intendant of New France, and though for the time being he was not, he was surely the most powerful agent or advocate that the colony could have. The king and his minister readily acquiesced in his schemes for strengthening the Canadian colony. It was decided to dispatch six companies of soldiers to reinforce the four already there, and ultimately upon being disbanded, to aid in settling the country. Many labourers and unmarried women and a new stock of domestic animals were also to be sent. Colbert had never been so much in earnest concerning New France. He attended personally to details, gave orders for the levy of troops and for the shipping of the men and supplies, and urged on the officials in charge, so that everything should be ready early in the spring. To Monsieur de Corsale he wrote these welcome tidings. His Majesty has appropriated over two hundred thousand lever to do what he deems necessary for the colony. One hundred and fifty girls are going thither to be married. Six companies complete with fifty good men in each, and thirty officers or noblemen who wish to settle there, and more than two hundred other persons are also going. Such an effort shows how greatly interested in Canada his Majesty feels, and to what extent he will appreciate all that may be done to help its progress. That the Minister was not actuated merely by a passing mood, but by a set purpose, may be seen from a passage of a letter to Thérôme, the Intendant at Rochefort. I am very glad, Colbert wrote, that you have not gone beyond the funds appropriated for the passage of the men and girls to Canada. You know how important it is to keep within the limits, especially in an outlay which will have to be repeated every year. In the meantime, Talon was pleading the cause of Canada in another direction. Always intent on freeing new France from the commercial monopoly of the West India Company, he renewed his assault against that corporation, and at last he was successful. This single victory showed plainly his great influence with the Minister. Colbert conveyed the gratifying information to Grosselle. His Majesty has granted freedom of trade to Canada, so that the colony may hereafter receive more easily the provisions and supplies needed. It will now be necessary to inform the colonists that they must provide cargoes agreeable to the French, who will supply them with necessities, and so make a profitable exchange of goods. For there is now a great supply of furs in this kingdom, and if there were no other goods available as a return cargo, perhaps the French ships would not go there. The spring of 1669 was memorable for Canada. Nearly all that Talon asked for new France was granted. But one thing which he did not ask was desired by Louis and Colbert. It is probable that Talon intended to go back to Canada, but he did not expect or wish to return immediately. Yet this was what the King and the Minister deemed advisable and even essential. It was very well to send troops, labourers, women, settlers, and supplies, but in order that all should yield their maximum of efficiency, it was necessary that the business affairs of the colony should again be placed in the hands of the Intendant, who had already worked wonders by his sagacity and skillful management. There was no man who knew so well the weak and strong points, the requirements and possibilities of Canada. True, only a few months had elapsed since the King had given him permission to leave Canada, and had appointed in his stead another Intendant, who, naturally enough, would expect to be in charge for at least two years. But on the other hand the King's service and the public good demanded his reappointment. Talon had to acquiesce. He had reached Paris at the end of December. Three months later he was again Intendant of New France, and on April Louis XIV wrote to the Intendant Boutarrou at Quebec informing him of Talon's reinstatement. To leave France so soon must have been for Talon a great sacrifice, but it was a high compliment that Louis and Colbert were paying to his talents and administrative abilities. On May 10, 1669 the King signed his new commission, and on the 17th he received his instructions, a document much shorter than the one framed for his direction in 1665. No minute advice was needed this time, for Talon was himself the best authority on all matters relating to Canada. Talon sailed from Lavochel on July 15. He was accompanied by Captain François-Marie Perot, one of the six commanders of the company sent to Canada. By fathers Rommel Papillon, Hilarion Gassnet, Césaire Hervot, and Brother Cosme Gervere, Perot was married to the niece of the Intendant. The friars belonged to the Franciscan Order, and to the particular branch of it known under the name of Recollet. It had been thought good to reintroduce into Canada the religious society whose priests had been the first to preach the gospel there. The Intendant's former voyage from France to Canada had lasted 117 days, so that, allowing for all probable delays, he might expect to reach Quebec by the end of October at the latest. But it was decreed that he was not to see New France this year. His ship was assailed by a series of storms and hurricanes, and driven far from her right course. After three months of exertion and suffering, the captain was obliged to make for the port of Lisbon. There the ship was revictualed, but, having sailed again, she struck upon a rocky shoal at a distance of three leagues from Lisbon, and was totally wrecked. Talot and his companions were fortunately saved, and found themselves back in France at the beginning of the year 1670. In the meantime, what was going on in Canada? Talot's successor, Monsieur Duboutourou, was upright and intelligent, but without Talot's masterly gifts and activity. He attended principally to the Administration of Justice. At the judicial sittings of the Sovereign Council, he was almost always present. He himself heard many cases, and often acted as Judge Advocate. On his advice the Council gave out an ordinance fixing the price of wheat. There had been complaints that sometimes creditors refused to accept wheat in payment, or accepted it only at a price unreasonably low. So it was enacted that for three months after the promulgation of the decree, debtors should be at liberty to pay their creditors in wheat of good quality at the price of four livres per bushel. The evil consequences of the previous action of the Council in freeing the brandy traffic were already manifest. The scourge of the Cour de Bois, later to prove so damaging to the colony, was beginning to be felt. A new ordinance now prohibited the practice of going into the woods with liquor to meet the Indians and trade with them. This ordinance also enjoined sobriety upon the Indians, and held them responsible for the drunkenness of their squas, while the French were forbidden to drink with them. Hunting in the forest was only allowed by leave of the commandant of the district, or the nearest judge, to whose inspection all luggage and goods for trade must be submitted. Brandy might be taken on these expeditions, but no more than one pot per man for eight days. The penalty for violating any of these provisions of the law was confiscation, with a fine of 50 livres, for a first offence, and corporal punishment for a second. Thus, but in vain, did the leaders of New France attempt to stay the progress of Indian debauchery. During the summer of 1669, a renewal of the war between the French and the Iroquois was threatened. Three French soldiers had killed six Odinais, after making them drink for the purpose of stealing their furs. Three other soldiers had treacherously murdered a Seneca chief for the same purpose. The Outouais, also who were in alliance with the French, attacked a party of Iroquois, killing and capturing many. Incensed at these acts of hostility, the Iroquois threatened to unbury the tomahawk. Coursel at once set himself to the task of averting the danger. He went to Montreal, where many hundred Indians had gathered for the annual fair, to which they always came in great numbers for the purpose of exchanging their furs for goods. He convened a large meeting and made an address of great vigor and cleverness, his speech being accompanied by Seneca. He then proceeded to carry out the sentence of the law upon the murderers of the Seneca chief, who were shot on the spot in the presence of the assembly. The Iroquois were placated. Three men killed for the death of one, convinced them that the French justice was neither slow nor faltering. In the meantime the Outouais had brought back three of their prisoners and pledged themselves for the surrender of twelve others. In this way war was averted and peace maintained. The first ships coming from France that summer brought letters from Colbert to Coursel and Boutarrou, intimating that Talon was returning to resume his charge. Boutarrou was probably surprised to learn that he was to be superseded so soon, and the governor may have been disappointed to hear of the early arrival of a man whose authority and prestige made him somewhat uneasy. But in the colony the rejoicing was general. Mother Marie de la Carnation wrote, We expect daily Monsieur Talon, whom the king sends back to settle everything according to his Majesty's views. He brings with him five hundred men. If God favors his journey and brings him happily to port, he will find new means of increasing the country's wealth. Several weeks elapsed, and Talon's ship did not appear. Some anxiety was felt. Mother Marie wrote again. Monsieur Talon has not arrived. While there were five hundred men, we are greatly concerned at the delay. They may have landed again in France or have been lost in the storms which have proved to be so dreadful. The autumn of 1669 had been a stormy season. Fearful hurricanes swept over Quebec. The lower town was flooded to an incredible height. Many buildings were destroyed, and the havoc amounted to one hundred thousand lever. All this was painfully disquieting. To quote Mother Marie again, If Monsieur Talon has been wrecked, it will be an irretrievable loss to the colony, for the king having given him a free hand, he could undertake great things without minding the outlay. In the meantime, Monsieur Patoulet, Talon's secretary, who had left France on another ship and had reached Quebec safely, wrote to Colbert, If he is dead, his Majesty will have lost a good subject, yourself Monsignor, a faithful servant, Canada, an affectionate father, and myself, a good master. Unfortunately, as we have already seen, Talon was not lost. At the very time when these letters were written he was on his way back to France, where he spent the winter, hard at work with Colbert, preparing for the dispatch of settlers and soldiers in the spring. The minister displayed the same zeal as the year before. He appropriated ample funds, gave urgent orders, and seemed to make the Canadian reinforcements his personal affair. Talon sailed from Lavrachel about the middle of May 1670. He was accompanied by Perot again, and also by six Racolets, four Fathers and two Brothers. After three months at sea he was nearly shipped wrecked once more, this time near Tadassac, almost at the end of his journey. On August 18, after an absence from Canada of one year and nine months, he landed once more at Quebec. Chapter 8 of A Chronicle of Jean Talon in Canada This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Reading by Robin Cotter June 2007 A Chronicle of Jean Talon in Canada by Thomas Chape Chapter 8 Renewed Efforts and Progress When Talon arrived at Quebec, New France had again just escaped an Indian war. A party of Iroquois, hunting near the country of the Atuaus, met two men of their nation who had been prisoners of the O-Tuaus and had succeeded in escaping. These informed their fellow tribesmen that the O-Tuaus village was undefended, almost every warrior being absent. The Iroquois then attacked the village, destroyed it, and brought with them as prisoners about 100 women and children. The O-Tuaus warriors, when apprised of the raid, started in pursuit but did not succeed in overtaking the raiders. However, receiving a reinforcement of another party of allied Indians, invaded the Seneca's territory. These hostilities aroused the temper of the Iroquois and a general Indian war threatened into which the French would unavoidably be drawn. At that moment, Garacanthi, the Iroquois chief who had always been friendly to the French, advised the five nations to send an embassy to the Governor of Canada asking him to compose these differences. The five nations agreed and O-Tuaus delegates, many hundreds in number, came to Quebec. A great council was held lasting three days and Corsale succeeded in bringing about an understanding between the rival tribes. After the meetings, Garacanthi asked to be baptized and Laval himself performed the ceremony. It was but a few days after these events that Elan arrived and notwithstanding the improvement in the situation, he does not seem to have deemed peace perfectly secure, for he wrote to the king that it would be advisable to send two hundred more soldiers. He added that the Iroquois caused great injury to the trade of the colony by hunting the beaver in the territories of the tribes allied with the French and selling the skins to Dutch and English traders. In another letter, Talon set forth that these traders drew from the Iroquois one million livers worth of the best beaver and he suggested the construction of a small ship of the galley type to cruise on Lake Ontario and that two posts manned by one hundred picked soldiers should be established, one on the north the other on the south shore of that lake. These measures would ensure safe communication between the colony and the Otoeus country, keep the Iroquois aloof and favour the opening of new roads to the south. It was a broad and bold scheme. But could it be executed over the head of Monsieur de Corsel? Talon had foreseen the subjection and had begged that the Governor should be instructed to give support and assistance. But once more the Intendant was going beyond his authority. Such an undertaking was clearly within the Governor's province. Talon was told that he should lay his scheme before Monsieur de Corsel so that the Governor might attend to his execution. This incident sheds light upon the relations that existed between Corsel and Talon. The former was valiant, energetic and intelligent. But he felt that he was outshone by the latter's promptness, celerity and design, superior activity, wider and keener penetration and he could not conceal his displeasure. After the great councils held at Quebec the Seneca's again assumed a somewhat disquieting attitude. The Governor, they said, had been too hard on them. He had threatened to chastise them in their own country if they did not bring back their prisoners. Perhaps his arm was not long enough to strike so far. Evidently they had forgotten the expedition against the Mohawks five years ago. They were convinced the distance and natural impediments such as rapids and torrents protected them from invasion in their remote countries south was all to shake their confidence. Early in the spring he went to Montreal and ordered the construction of a flat boat. In this he set out from La Chine, June 3rd, 1671, with Perrault, Governor of Montreal, Captain de Lobbia, Varens, Le Moyne, Lavalier, Normandville, Abbey d'Aulière de Cassant and about fifty good men. Thirteen canoes accompanied the flat boat. After considerable exertion the Governor and his party passed the rapids and continued up the St. Lawrence. Nine days later they entered Lake Ontario to the amazement of a party of Iroquois whom they met there. The Governor gave these Indians a message for the Seneca's and the other nations stating that he wished to keep the peace but that if necessary he could come and devastate their country. The demonstration had the desired effect and there was no further talk of war. It will be inferred from Talon's proposals and schemes already mentioned that his thoughts were now occupied with the external affairs of the colony. This indeed was to be the characteristic feature of his second administration. When in Canada before he had concentrated his attention chiefly upon judicial and political organization and had directed his efforts to promote colonization, agriculture, industry and trade in a word the internal economy of New France. But now without neglecting any part of his duty he seemed desirous of widening his sphere of action by the extension of French influence to the north, south and west. On October 10th, 1670 he wrote to the King quote, Since my arrival I have sent resolute men to explore farther than has ever been done in Canada. And north-west, others to the south-west and south they will all on their return write accounts of their expeditions and frame their reports according to the instructions I have given them. Everywhere they will take possession of the country, erect posts bearing the King's arms and draw memoranda of these proceedings to serve as title deeds unquote. Of these explorers one of the most noted was Cavalier de la Salle. He had been born in 1643. After pursuing his studies in a Jesuit college he came to Canada in 1666 and obtained from the Sulphysians a grant of land near Montreal named by him Saint Sulphys but ultimately known under the name of La Chine. In 1669 Corsel gave him letters patent for an exploring journey towards the Ohio and the Mecha Sebi or Mississippi. By way of these rivers he hoped to reach the Romilion Sea or Gulf of California and thus open a new road to China via the Pacific Ocean. At the same time the Abbe's Dolier and de Galeny Sulphysians had prepared for a remote mission to the Ottowaeus. It was thought advisable to combine the two expeditions but it happened that La Salle and the Sulphysians left Montreal in 1669 and journeyed together as far as the western end of Lake Ontario. There they parted the Sulphysians wintered on the shores of Lake Erie and next spring passed the strait between Lake Erie and Huron reached the Sioux-Saint-Marie and then returned to Montreal by French River Lake Nipissing from July 4, 1669 to June 18, 1670. In the meantime La Salle had reached the Ohio and had followed it to the falls at Louisville. He also returned in the summer of 1670. The itinerary of his next expedition undertaken in the same year is not very well known. According to an account of doubtful authority he went through Lake Erie and Huron entered Lake Michigan and reached the Illinois River and even the Mississippi. But a careful study of contemporaneous documents and evidence leads to the conclusion that the Mississippi must be omitted from this itinerary. In our opinion La Salle did not reach that river in 1671 as has been asserted. He probably went as far as the Illinois country. Another of Talon's resolute explorers was Simon Francois de Mont Accompanied by Nicolas Perrot the well-known interpreter he left Quebec in September 1670 and wintered with an O2A as tribe near Lake Superior. Perrot sent word to the neighboring nations that they should meet next spring at Sault Ste. Marie a delegate of the great French Anothio. On June 14th representatives of 14 nations were gathered at the Sault. The Jesuit fathers de Blanc, Drillettes Alouet and André were present. A great council was held on a height. Saint-Lusson had a cross erected with a post bearing the king's arms. The vexilla Regis and exudiat were sung. The intendants delegates took possession of the country in the name of their monarch. There was firing of guns and shouts of Vive-le-Roi. Then father Alouet and Saint-Lusson made speeches suitable to the occasion and the audience. At night the blaze of an immense bonfire illuminated with its fitful light the dark trees and foaming rapids the singing of the Taedium crowned that memorable day. The intendant was pleased with the result of Saint-Lusson's expedition. He wrote to the king QUOTE There is every reason to believe that from the point reached by this explorer to the Vermillion Sea is a distance of not more than 500 leagues. The western sea, the Pacific Ocean does not seem more distant. According to calculation based on the Indians report and on the charts there should not be more than 500 leagues of navigation to reach Tartary, China and Japan. UNQUOTE Telol showed his high appreciation of Saint-Lusson's services by immediately giving him another mission this time to Acadia sending and reporting as to the best road to that colony. In 1670 Grand Fontaine had taken possession of Acadia which had been restored to France by the Treaty of Breda. He had received from Sir Richard Walker the keys of Fort Pantaguit at the mouth of the Penobscot river and had sent Joubert de Solange to hoist the French flag over Gemsac and Port Royal. It was therefore incumbent on the intendant to see to the opening of a road between Quebec and Pantaguit. His letters and those of Colbert written in 1671 are full of this project. A fund of 30,000 livres was appropriated for the purpose. The intendant's plan was to erect about 20 houses well provided with stores along the proposed route at intervals of 60 leagues. He also had in mind the establishment along the rivers Penobscot and Kennebec to form a barrier between New France and New England. With the object of establishing trade relations between Canada and Acadia he sent to the French bay Bay of Fundy a barge loaded with clothes and supplies and was extremely pleased to receive in return a cargo of 6,000 pounds of salt meat. In 1671 for Colbert's information he drew up a census of Acadia. But as we shall see the great intendant was not to remain in Canada long enough to bring his Acadian undertaking to full fruition. Let us follow him in another direction. He had tried to extend the sphere of French influence towards the West and South and was doing his best to strengthen Canada on the New England border by promoting the development of Acadia. His next attempt was to bring northern tribes into the French alliance and to open to the colony the tribe of the wide area extending from Lake St. John to Lake Miss Tassini and thence to Hudson Bay. For an expedition to Hudson Bay he chose Father Albinel a Jesuit and Monsieur de Saint Simon. They left Quebec for Tadessac in August 1671 and descended the Saguenay to Lake St. John where they wintered. In June 1672 they continued their journey reaching Lake Miss Tassini on the 18th of the same month and James Bay on the 28th. After formally taking possession of the country in the name of France they returned by the same route to Quebec where on July 23 they laid the report before the intendant. One of the last but not the least of the explorations made under Talon's auspices was that which trusted to Louis Joliet and which resulted in the discovery of the Upper Mississippi. Joliet left Montreal in the autumn of 1672 and wintered at Michelin Mackenac where he joined Father Marquette. Next spring they set out together and by way of Lake Michigan Green Bay, Fox River and the Wisconsin they reached the Giant River, the mighty Mississippi which they followed down by the river's latitude 33 degrees. Thus was discovered the highway through the interior of the continent to the Gulf of Mexico. One result of the discovery was the birth of Louisiana a few years later. Talon's patriotic enthusiasm was justified when he wrote to Louis XIV. Quote, I am no courtier and it is not to please the king or without reason that I say this portion of the French monarchy becomes something great. What I see now enables me to make such a prediction. The foreign colonies established on the adjoining shores of the ocean are already uneasy at what his majesty has done here during the last seven years." This confidence was probably not shared by the king and his minister for in a letter to Frontenac some time later Colbert remonstrated against long journeys to the upper St. Lawrence and expressed his disapproval of discoveries far away in the interior of the continent where the French could never settle or remain. Undoubtedly it was wise to advise concentration until all himself would not have differed on that score from the minister. He was too sigacious not to see that Canada with a small population should abstain from remote establishments. His policy of exploration and discovery did not aim at the immediate foundation of new colonies but was only directed towards increasing the prestige of the French name developing trade and thus preparing the way for the future greatness of Canada. It was a farsighted policy not seeking impossible achievements for today but gaining a foothold for those of tomorrow that the political fabric of France and America was doomed to fall in no way dims the fame of the great intendant. Under his powerful direction through her missionaries, explorers and traders stamped her mark over three quarters of the territory then known as North America. Her moral, political and commercial influence was felt beyond her boundaries, west, north and south. She had hoisted the cross and the fleur-de-lis from the sunny banks of the Arkansas to the icy shores of the Hudson Bay and from the surges of the Atlantic to the remotest limits of the Great Lakes. Her unceasing activity and daring enterprise, supplementing inferior numbers and wealth gave her an undisputed superiority over the industrious English colonies confined to their narrow strip between the Alleghenies and the Sea, and her name inspired awe and respect in a hundred Indian tribes. What was Corsel's attitude towards the extraordinary activity displayed by Tellon? Evidently, the intendant often acted the part of the Governor and the real Governor, out Sean, could not conceal his ill-humour and tried to assert his authority. There were several clashes between the two high officials. The Governor frequently lost his temper while Tellon complained of Corsel's jealousy and harshness. It must be admitted that the great intendant, in his fervid zeal for the public good and his passion for action, was not always careful or tactful in his behaviour to the Governor. End of Chapter 8 Chapter 9 of A Chronicle of Jean-Talol in Canada Chapter 9 of A Chronicle of Jean-Talol in Canada All Liber-vox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer please visit Libervox.org A Chronicle of Jean-Talol in Canada by Thomas Chapey Chapter 9 of A Chronicle of Jean-Talol in Canada Chapter 9 In the survey of Talon's first term of office, mention was made of the many enterprises he set on foot for the internal progress of the colony. One of these was shipbuilding. During his second term a stronger impulse was given to this industry. One of the intendant's first official acts, after his arrival in 1670, was to issue a decree for the conservation of the forests suitable for shipbuilding purposes, to prohibit the felling of oak, elm, beech, and cherry trees, until the skilled carpenters sent by the king should have inspected them and made their choice. It is interesting too, to find that in all grants of land, Talon inserted a clause reserving these trees. Shipbuilding in Canada was to be encouraged and promoted. Had not Colbert given forty thousand lever for the purpose? A shipyard was set up on the banks of the St. Charles River. Many ships were built there. At first only small ones, but the industry gradually developed. In 1672 a ship of over four hundred tons was launched, and preparations had been made for another of eight hundred tons. Seven years earlier only nineteen out of two thousand three hundred seventy-eight vessels in the French mercantile marine had exceeded four hundred tons. The infant shipyard at Quebec was doing well. Agriculture and industry were flourishing in New France. Camp was being grown successfully, and a larger quantity of wool was made available by increasing flocks of sheep. The intendant insisted that women and girls should be taught to spin. He distributed looms to encourage the practice of weaving, and after a time the colony had home-made carpets and table-covers of drug it, and surges and buntings. The great number of cattle ensured abundance of raw hides. Accordingly the intendant established a tannery, and this in turn led to the preparation of leather and the making of shoes, so that in 1671 Talonka right to the king. I am now clothed from foot to head with home-made articles. Tobacco was grown to some extent, but Colbert did not wish to encourage its cultivation by the Canadian farmers. The minister was better pleased when the intendant wrote concerning potash and tar. A sire Nicolas Follin undertook to make potash out of wood-ashes, and was granted a privilege with a bounty of 10 sous per tonne and free entry into France for his product. The potash proved excellent. In the meantime an expert on tar named Arnold Alix came from France and found that the Canadian trees were eminently fit for the production of that article, so necessary in ship-building. Indeed at this time Colbert was doing his best to manufacture it in France, so that shipyards of the kingdom might use French tar instead of the foreign product. The news that it could be made in Canada was very welcome to the minister. The intendant continued his search for mines, but without substantial results. There had been talk of iron ore at Bay St. Paul, and also in the region of three rivers. The sire de la potardière was sent to examine these ores, but although his report was favourable and Colbert seemed highly interested and began to speak of casting cannon on the shores of the St. Maurice, for some reason nothing was done, and sixty years were to elapse before the establishment of the St. Maurice forges. In another chapter we saw that Talot was always ready to help the religious institutions and that he was very friendly towards the hôtel d'oeuvre at Quebec. This hospital had become too small for the requirements of the growing population. At his own expense the intendant had a substantial wing erected, superintending the work himself and at the same time securing for the institution an abundant supply of water. The Ursulins also received ample evidence of his goodwill and friendship. He was greatly pleased with their Seminaire Sauvage, Indian Seminary, where they displayed an unceasing zeal for the instruction and civilisation of the little red-skinned girls. The Jesuit relation of 1671 mentions the baptism of an Indian girl with her mother. Tal wished to be godfather and asked Madame Delboost to act as godmother. Laval officiated. In 1671 the Ursulins had fifty Indian girls in their Seminaire Sauvage, and in Montreal the Supitians and the Sisters of the Congregation, as already narrated, were devoting themselves to the Indian children. In this good work the intendant was greatly interested. He rejoiced in educational progress as is shown by the following from one of his letters to the King. The Canadian youth are improving their knowledge. They take to schools for sciences, arts, handicrafts, and especially navigation. And if the movement is sustained there is every reason to hope that this country will produce mariners, fishermen, seamen, and skilled workmen, for the youth here are naturally inclined to these pursuits. The seer de Saint-Martin, a lay brother at the Jesuits, who knows enough mathematics is going to give lessons at my request. New France at this time was prosperous and happy. Peace reigns within as well as without the colony, wrote Tellal, at the end of the year 1671. There was work and activity on all sides. New settlements were opened. New families were founded. New industries were born. No wonder that Tellal, when he reflected on what had been achieved in seven years, should have written, this portion of the French monarchy is going to become something great. Unfortunately his activities and service in Canada were nearing the end. His health was breaking down. Louis XIV had promised that he should be relieved from his arduous task in two years. Tellal reminded his royal master of this promise, and on May 17, 1672 the king was pleased to give him permission to come home. Coursel had asked for his own recall. His request was also granted, and the comp de Frontenac was named in his stead. No intendant was appointed to fill Tellal's place. At the beginning of September 1672, while Tellal had still two months to serve, Frontenac arrived in Quebec to take up his duties as the sole executive head of the colony. Footnote. Another volume of this series, The Fighting Governor, tells of what happened in New France in Frontenac's time. End of footnote. One of Tellal's last official acts was the allotment, under authority of a decree of the King's Council of State, of a large number of seniores, a matter of the highest importance for the development of the colony. He set himself to the task with his usual activity and earnestness. From October 10 to November 8 he authorized about sixty senior royal concessions to officers and others desirous of forming settlements. In one day alone, November 3, he made thirty-one grants. The autumn of 1672, during which all these seniores were created, should be remembered in the history of New France. Before Tellal, it is true, seniorial grants had been made in Canada, but only intermittently and without any preconceived plan or well-defined object. Now it was quite different. The grants made by Tellal, and the way in which they were made, show clearly the execution of a well-thought-out scheme. If Tellal was not the founder, he was the organizer of the seniorial institution in Canada. The object was twofold, to protect and to colonize the country. By his concessions to Sorrel, Chamblis, Varenne, Saint-Hur, Contrecourt, all officers of the Carignan Regiment, he created so many little military colonies whose population would be composed chiefly of disbanded soldiers. These being warriors as well as farmers, would be a strong barrier against possible Iroquois incursions. His second object, to stimulate colonization in general, was anticipated by a provision, inserted in each grant, that the seniors should live on their domains, and that their tenants should do the same. This would mean the planting of many new settlements on both shores of the St. Lawrence. It was a sound policy. For over a century the seniorial system was to Canada a source of strength and progress. Footnote This view is fully sustained by Professor W. B. Monroe of Harvard University, who was made an exhaustive study of the subject. The reader is referred to the narrative of the seniors of old Canada in the present series written by him. End of footnote Its organization was the crowning work of the intendant Tellal in New France. Tellal's task was over. He had happily fulfilled his mission. He had set government and justice upon a foundation which was to last until the fall of the old regime. He had given a mighty impulse to agriculture, colonization, trade, industry, naval construction. He had encouraged educational and charitable institutions, created new centres of population, strengthened the frontiers of Canada, and, with admirable forethought, had prepared the way for the future extension and growth of the colony. He has had his critics. The word paternalism has been used to describe the system carried out by him and by Colbert. He has been accused of having too willingly substituted governmental action for individual activity. But taking into consideration the time and circumstances, such criticism is not justified. When Tellal came to Canada, the colony was dying. A policy of ensuring protection, of liberal and continuous subvention, of intelligent state initiative was a necessity of the hour. Everywhere ground had to be broken, and the government alone could do it. The policy of Colbert and Tellal saved the colony. The great intendant left Canada in November 1672. It was a mournful day for New France. In recognition of his services, the king had made him a barony of his estate, Désilée, and had created him Baran Désilée. Later on he became Comte de Orsenville. He had previously been appointed captain of the Marie-Mont Castle. Tellal never came back to Canada. Louis XIV and Colbert received him with expressions of the greatest satisfaction. After a time he became Premier Valais de la Garde-Roube du Roi, the first valais of the king's wardrobe. And finally he attained the coveted office of Secretary of the King's Cabinet. He died on November 24, 1694, at the age of about sixty-nine years, twenty-two years after his departure from Canada. Jean Tellal is one of the great names in Canadian history, the name of one of the makers of Canada. End of Chapter 9 End of a Chronicle of Jean Tellal in Canada